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从“马爸爸”到“吸血鬼”,中国为何向马云“开战”? - 纽约时报中文网
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class="article-header"><header><small>新新世界</small><h1>从“马爸爸”到“吸血鬼”,中国为何向马云“开战”?</h1></header><div class="byline-row"><div class="byline-box"><div class="byline"><address>袁莉</address><time pudate="2021-08-26 11:47:19" datetime="2021-08-26 11:47:19">2020年12月28日</time></div><div class="share-btn"><i class="icon-forward"></i></div></div></div></div><figure class="article-span-photo"><img src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2020/12/23/business/00newworld-illo/00newworld-illo-master1050.jpg" width="1050" height="700" alt=""><figcaption><span></span> <cite>Dion MBD</cite></figcaption></figure><div class="row"><div class="article-left"><section class="article-body"><div class="article-partial"><div class="article-body-item col-lg-5"><div class="article-paragraph">在中国,马云是成功的代名词。这位英语老师出身的互联网企业家是<a rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank" href="https://www.hurun.net/EN/Article/Details?num=1E096ECED920">中国最富有的人</a>。他<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/07/business/international/at-alibaba-the-founder-is-squarely-in-charge.html">创立了阿里巴巴</a>,一个与亚马逊旗鼓相当的竞争对手。唐纳德·J·特朗普(Donald J. Trump) 2016年当选总统后,马云是<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/video/business/100000004861537/trump-and-alibabas-founder.html">他见的</a>第一个中国名人。</div><div class="article-paragraph">这种成功已让“马爸爸”(一些网友的叫法)过上了摇滚明星般的生活。2017年,他在一部由中国顶级电影明星主演的短片中扮演了一位不可征服的功夫大师。他曾与中国流行天后王菲<a rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WV4FXNjQDp8">合唱</a>。他与中国顶级艺术家曾梵志共同创作的一幅<a rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank" href="https://www.scmp.com/lifestyle/arts-entertainment/article/1865281/jack-mas-paradise-lost-charity-art-sale-distorts-market">画作</a>在苏富比(Sotheby’s)拍卖会上以540万美元的价格售出。对于中国雄心勃勃的年轻人来说,“马爸爸”的故事值得效仿。</div><div class="article-paragraph">但最近,公众情绪变坏了,“马爸爸”成了中国的过街老鼠。他<a rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank" href="https://www.bilibili.com/video/BV1va4y1s7k8?from=search&seid=2895835448533594203">被称为</a>“恶棍”、“邪恶的资本家”和“吸血鬼”。一位作家列出了马云的“<a rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank" href="https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/spX7ml__ZIpW6UdkDTKhoA">十宗罪</a>”。一些人开始管他叫“儿子”或“孙子”,不再是爸爸。越来越多的人在关于他的报道下面留下了引用马克思的评论:“全世界无产者联合起来!”</div><div class="article-paragraph">马云声望扫地的同时,他在中国政府面前有着越来越多的麻烦。中国官员上周四说,他们已对阿里巴巴展开反垄断调查。马云是这家电商巨头的联合创始人,他仍对公司拥有相当大的影响力。</div></div></div><div class="big_ad" id="medium-rectangle-ad-0" data-target="{"pos":"mid1","adv":""}"><small>广告</small></div><div class="article-partial"><div class="article-body-item col-lg-5"><div class="article-paragraph">与此同时,政府官员也在关注马云从阿里巴巴剥离出来的<a href="https://cn.nytimes.com/technology/20201027/ant-group-ipo-explained/">金融科技巨头</a>蚂蚁金服。<br></div><div class="article-paragraph">上个月,有关部门<a href="https://cn.nytimes.com/technology/20201109/china-ant-group-ipo/">叫停了</a>蚂蚁金服引起轰动的首次公开发行股票计划。被叫停的不到两周前,马云曾公开批评金融监管机构只关心将风险最小化,还指责中国的银行像“当铺”,只向那些能够提供抵押品的人放贷。在宣布对阿里巴巴展开反垄断调查的同一天上午,四家监管机构表示,官员们将与蚂蚁金服讨论新的监管措施。<br></div><div class="article-paragraph">从表面上看,马云公众形象的转变在很大程度上源于中国政府对其商业帝国越来越多的批评。表面之下,看到的则是一种更深、更令人不安的趋势,无论对中国政府来说,还是对那些在过去40年里推动中国走出经济黑暗时代的企业家来说。</div><div class="article-paragraph">在中国,越来越多的人似乎觉得,像马云这样的人曾经享有过的机会正在消失,即使是在中国在新冠病毒疫情后经济激增之际。虽然中国亿万富翁的人数比美国和印度<a rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank" href="http://www.hurun.net/EN/Article/Details?num=775CEFAE8BF8">加起来还多</a>,但中国仍约有6亿人的<a href="https://cn.nytimes.com/business/20200611/china-street-vendors-stall-economy/">月收入不到1000元</a>。虽然今年前11个月的全国消费下降了约5%,但与2019年相比,中国今年的奢侈品消费预计将增长近50%。<br></div><div class="article-paragraph">年轻的大学毕业生,即使是那些拥有美国学位的人,也面临着<a href="https://cn.nytimes.com/business/20190315/china-economy-slowdown-white-collar-workers/">有限的白领工作前景</a>和低工资。对首次购房者来说,最佳城市的房价已变得<a href="https://cn.nytimes.com/business/20180123/china-housing-property-tax/">高不可及</a>。从<a href="https://cn.nytimes.com/business/20171226/china-online-lending-debt/">新一代网贷机构</a>(比如马云的蚂蚁金服)借钱的年轻人对他们的债务越来越不满。</div><div class="article-paragraph">尽管中国在经济上取得了成功,但在表面之下,人们长期以来存在对富人的不满,这种不满有时被称为“<a rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank" href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB120585942924045635">仇富情结</a>”。对马云的仇富情结更深。</div></div></div><div class="big_ad" id="medium-rectangle-ad-1" data-target="{"pos":"mid2","adv":""}"><small>广告</small></div><div class="article-partial"><div class="article-body-item col-lg-5"><div class="article-paragraph">“像马云这样优秀的人民富豪,一定能挂在路灯最顶端,”一名网络评论员在一篇广为流传的社交媒体帖子中写道,他指的是法国大革命时期著名的私刑口号“挂路灯”。这篇文章在类似推特的平台微博上已被点赞12.2万次,在即时通讯和社交媒体应用微信上的阅读量已超过10万。<br></div><div class="article-paragraph">中共似乎非常愿意利用这种仇富情结。这可能意味着,在中国最高领导人习近平的领导下,企业家和私营企业将会面临麻烦。习近平认为奴性和忠诚高于一切。<br></div><div class="article-paragraph">在上周召开的领导人年度会议上,中共承诺要加强反垄断措施,防止“资本的无序扩张”。这次会议为中国来年的经济政策定下了基调。</div><div class="article-paragraph">一些商人说,对蚂蚁金服和马云的敌意让他们对这个国家的根本方向感到疑惑。<br></div><div class="article-paragraph">“要么拥有绝对控制权,要么拥有充满活力的创新经济,但不能两者兼得,”香港春华资本集团的创始人胡祖六说。他的公司是蚂蚁金服的投资者之一,他也是蚂蚁金服的董事会成员。</div><div class="article-paragraph">习近平对他心目中的理想资本家应该是什么样子毫不掩饰。在蚂蚁金服首次公开发行股票被叫停的十天后,习近平参观了一个以曾活跃在一个多世纪前的实业家张謇为主题的博物馆。张謇曾帮助建设他的家乡南通,开办过数百所学校。习近平传递的信息表明,在他的时代,商人也应该把国家利益置于商业利益之上。</div></div></div><div class="big_ad" id="medium-rectangle-ad-2" data-target="{"pos":"mid3","adv":""}"><small>广告</small></div><div class="article-partial"><div class="article-body-item col-lg-5"><div class="article-paragraph">在今年7月与工商界人士见面时,习近平把张謇作为榜样,敦促工商界人士将爱国主义作为首要任务。(据报道,习近平未提张謇在破产中死去。)</div><div class="article-paragraph">马云也有一些广受关注的慈善项目,比如几个农村教育计划,以及一个帮助非洲培养创业人才的奖项。但这位高调的科技企业家在许多其他方面与张謇有很大不同。</div><div class="article-paragraph">马云长期以来一直享有比他在制造业、房地产业和其他行业的同行更好的声誉,那些行业的优势可能来自于与政府建立密切关系,忽视环境法规或剥削员工。<br></div><div class="article-paragraph">他以发表大胆言论和挑战当局闻名。2003年,他创建了支付宝(后来它成为蚂蚁金服的一部分),让他的商业帝国打入国家控制的金融世界的中心。</div><div class="article-paragraph">“如果因支付宝要坐牢,那就让我去,”他当时对同事们<a rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank" href="https://3g.163.com/v/video/VKGU56I1V.html">说</a>。<br></div><div class="article-paragraph"> 他有时会微妙地挑衅政府对其反抗姿态的惩罚。关于蚂蚁金服的业务,他曾多次<a rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank" href="https://www.bilibili.com/video/av11407291/">表示</a>,“如果国家需要,随时可以上交。”他的主要<a rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank" href="https://www.cnbeta.com/articles/tech/85273.htm">副手们</a>也重复过这句话。<br></div></div></div><div class="big_ad" id="medium-rectangle-ad-3" data-target="{"pos":"mid4","adv":""}"><small>广告</small></div><div class="article-partial"><div class="article-body-item col-lg-5"><div class="article-paragraph">他们这样说的时候,很少有人把这句话当真。熟悉他的人认为这种说法非常“马云”。《第一财经日报》2010年的一篇<a rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank" href="https://www.yicai.com/news/338684.html">评论文章</a>用的标题是《把支付宝献给国家?马云只是说说而已》。</div><div class="article-paragraph">现在,这些大胆言论成为现实的可能性已经增加了。“考虑到所发生的情况,蚂蚁金服最终将不得不由国家控制,甚至由国家持有多数股权,”香港大学经管学院经济学家陈志武说。<br></div><div class="article-paragraph">马云面临的压力表明,中国政府监管互联网的方式发生了变化。政府长期以来一直只审查内容,但在其他方面采取了一种放任自流的方式,几乎没有相关规定。没有国有企业参与互联网商业。而且开始时,中国的互联网行业规模很小。</div><div class="article-paragraph"><figure class="article-inline-photo large"><div class="img-box"><img src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2020/12/24/business/24newworld-2/24newworld-2-master1050.jpg" alt="马云去年在乌克兰基辅国际经济论坛上。" data-src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2020/12/24/business/24newworld-2/24newworld-2-master1050.jpg"></div><figcaption><span>马云去年在乌克兰基辅国际经济论坛上。</span> <cite>Sergey Dolzhenko/EPA, via Shutterstock</cite></figcaption></figure></div><div class="article-paragraph"> 如今,与谷歌(Google)、Facebook和其他美国科技巨头相比,阿里巴巴及其主要竞争对手腾讯控制着更多个人数据,也更密切地参与中国的日常生活。与美国同行一样,中国的互联网巨头有时会欺负较小的竞争对手,扼杀创新。你无需是中共党员,也能看到对巨头们进行约束的理由。</div><div class="article-paragraph">这些公司非但没有颠覆国家体制,反而投其所好。它们有时甚至<a href="https://cn.nytimes.com/china/20200303/china-coronavirus-surveillance/">帮助当局跟踪人民</a>。尽管如此,政府已越来越把它们的规模和影响力视为一种威胁。<br></div><div class="article-paragraph">然而,中国的科技企业并不是国内最大的垄断企业。最大的垄断企业为国家所有,主导着银行、金融、电信、电力和其他基本行业。<br></div></div></div><div class="big_ad" id="medium-rectangle-ad-4" data-target="{"pos":"mid5","adv":""}"><small>广告</small></div><div class="article-partial"><div class="article-body-item col-lg-5"><div class="article-paragraph">“中国移动是垄断。中国工商银行也是垄断,”北京大学著名经济学家张维迎在2017年写道,“因为没有政府的许可,你不能进入它们所处的这些行业。”<br></div><div class="article-paragraph">几个社交媒体账户上周转发了这篇文章,但很快遭到了审查。<br></div><div class="article-paragraph">虽然监管机构将在多大程度上对马云和大型技术企业加强管理还有待观察,但中国的亲市场人士担心,中国正在转向20世纪50年代的强硬路线,那时的中共消灭了资本家,把资本主义倾向比作<a rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank" href="https://jamestown.org/program/xi-jinping-evokes-the-original-aspirations-of-the-communist-party-while-seeking-to-further-consolidate-his-hold-on-power/">杂质</a>、缺陷和弱点。<br></div><div class="article-paragraph">在这些人看来,蚂蚁金服董事长井贤栋最近使用的一些语言让人想起了那个时代。井贤栋在12月15日的一次会议上说,公司正在“照镜子、找不足、做体检”。</div></div><div class="article-body-aside col-lg-3"></div></div></section><footer class="author-info"><p>袁莉为《纽约时报》撰写“<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://cn.nytimes.com/topic/20180823/the-new-new-world/">新新世界</a>”专栏,专注中国及亚洲科技、商业和政治交叉议题。欢迎在Twitter上关注她 <a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://twitter.com/liyuan6">@liyuan6</a>。</p><p>翻译:纽约时报中文网</p><p><a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/12/24/technology/china-jack-ma-alibaba.html">点击查看本文英文版。</a></p></footer></div></div></article><div class="container article-footer"><div class="row"><div class="col-lg-12 mobile-refer-cont" id="J_hideRefer"><div class="related-cont"><h4>相关报道</h4><ul class="refer-list"><li class="link-refer"><div class="refer-list-item"><a href="https://cn.nytimes.com/topic/20180823/the-new-new-world/" title=""><div><h3 class="refer-list-headline">袁莉专栏:新新世界</h3></div></a></div></li><li class="article-refer"><div class="refer-list-item"><a href="/business/20201224/alibaba-antitrust-jack-ma/" title="阿里巴巴涉嫌垄断遭立案调查"><div><h3 class="refer-list-headline">阿里巴巴涉嫌垄断遭立案调查</h3><p class="refer-pubdate">2020年12月24日</p></div><img 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