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(PDF) Comparing Cultures and Societies : The Anthropological Quest to Understand the Diversity and the Universals of Life | Anne Mette FiskerNielsen - Academia.edu
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The focus on représentations collectives raises questions, but also opens doors for Durkheimian sociology. Many would contend that Durkheim’s focus on représentations collectives introduces a hermeneutical and ideational element that is at odds with his positivist approach. His study of représentations collectives also point to a potentially broad application of his method to the study of culture as a causally autonomous factor in social life. This article will discuss the social fact in Durkheim’s late work in light of these issues. It will argue that représentations collectives are social facts, ‘things’ in Durkheim’s terminology, that are rooted in ritual. 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It is indisputable that this French thinker was among the most prominent sociologists who advocated the idea of the primacy of society in relation to the individual, and such thinking led him to the idea of considering all social aspects and elements in the spirit of sociological views. Many theorists agree that sociologism is most fully presented in the explanation of the religious phenomenon, which is constituted on a special and not understood by the individual glorification (worship) of sociability. Durkheim's culture, politics, and economy were necessarily understood in accordance with the idea of the primacy of society. Universally understood, society is a special entity that lives for itself, independently and separately from the lives of different individuals, acting in its own name and striving for goals different from those that guide those individuals. Durkheim's entire idea of the calling of sociology required that this new science cross the threshold of the university classroom and address a wider audience, even all of humanity.</p><div class="ds-related-work--ctas"><button class="ds2-5-text-link ds2-5-text-link--inline js-swp-download-button" data-signup-modal="{"location":"wsj-grid-card-download-pdf-modal","work_title":"EMILE DURKHEIM'S SOCIOLOGY BETWEEN UNIVERSALISM AND SOCIOLOGISM","attachmentId":65749187,"attachmentType":"pdf","work_url":"https://www.academia.edu/45167823/EMILE_DURKHEIMS_SOCIOLOGY_BETWEEN_UNIVERSALISM_AND_SOCIOLOGISM","alternativeTracking":true}"><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 18px" translate="no">download</span><span class="ds2-5-text-link__content">Download free PDF</span></button><a class="ds2-5-text-link ds2-5-text-link--inline js-wsj-grid-card-view-pdf" href="https://www.academia.edu/45167823/EMILE_DURKHEIMS_SOCIOLOGY_BETWEEN_UNIVERSALISM_AND_SOCIOLOGISM"><span 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href="https://www.academia.edu/3124746/Introduction_Durkheimian_sociology_in_philosophical_context">Introduction: Durkheimian sociology in philosophical context</a><div class="ds-related-work--metadata"><a class="js-wsj-grid-card-author ds2-5-body-sm ds2-5-body-link" data-author-id="33352" href="https://iit.academia.edu/WarrenSchmaus">Warren Schmaus</a></div><p class="ds-related-work--metadata ds2-5-body-xs">Journal of The History of The Behavioral Sciences, 1996</p><div class="ds-related-work--ctas"><button class="ds2-5-text-link ds2-5-text-link--inline js-swp-download-button" data-signup-modal="{"location":"wsj-grid-card-download-pdf-modal","work_title":"Introduction: Durkheimian sociology in philosophical context","attachmentId":50447285,"attachmentType":"pdf","work_url":"https://www.academia.edu/3124746/Introduction_Durkheimian_sociology_in_philosophical_context","alternativeTracking":true}"><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 18px" 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href="https://independent.academia.edu/MikeMcGovern2">Mike McGovern</a></div><div class="ds-related-work--ctas"><button class="ds2-5-text-link ds2-5-text-link--inline js-swp-download-button" data-signup-modal="{"location":"wsj-grid-card-download-pdf-modal","work_title":"Durkheim and Heidegger: Two Social Ontologies and Some","attachmentId":80255891,"attachmentType":"pdf","work_url":"https://www.academia.edu/70550170/Durkheim_and_Heidegger_Two_Social_Ontologies_and_Some","alternativeTracking":true}"><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 18px" translate="no">download</span><span class="ds2-5-text-link__content">Download free PDF</span></button><a class="ds2-5-text-link ds2-5-text-link--inline js-wsj-grid-card-view-pdf" href="https://www.academia.edu/70550170/Durkheim_and_Heidegger_Two_Social_Ontologies_and_Some"><span class="ds2-5-text-link__content">View PDF</span><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 18px" translate="no">chevron_right</span></a></div></div><div class="ds-related-work--container js-wsj-grid-card" data-collection-position="8" data-entity-id="4795269" data-sort-order="default"><a class="ds-related-work--title js-wsj-grid-card-title ds2-5-body-md ds2-5-body-link" href="https://www.academia.edu/4795269/The_paradox_of_Durkheims_manifesto_Reconsidering_The_Rules_of_Sociological_Method">The paradox of Durkheim's manifesto: Reconsidering The Rules of Sociological Method</a><div class="ds-related-work--metadata"><a class="js-wsj-grid-card-author ds2-5-body-sm ds2-5-body-link" data-author-id="6190813" href="https://stfx.academia.edu/PatriciaCormack">Patricia Cormack</a></div><p class="ds-related-work--metadata ds2-5-body-xs">Theory and Society, 1996</p><p class="ds-related-work--abstract ds2-5-body-sm">In summary, my three formulations of Durkheim's The Rules of Sociological Method as a manifesto have progressively found it to be epistemologically and pedagogically embedded in its object of scientific interest. In the first and most limited formulation, Durkheim's text was a violent and strategic preparation for his vision of sociology, that laid its grounds, but was ultimately inessential to sociological practice itself. It marked what he hoped was a historical rupture in western thought, after which true sociological reason could get underway. In my second formulation his text was the creation of a precise sociological object and moral reality. And while constituting sociology's first action, the manifesto could then be superseded as this morality began to sustain itself. Nevertheless, more than in the first formulation, it actively produced a new “social fact” in European culture. Finally, in the third formulation, Durkheim's manifesto is an ongoing moment of sociology itself (in the sense of a Hegelian “moment,” which is fully visible only in its first conflict-ridden appearance, but subsequently constitutes an essential part of the phenomenon's makeup). This manifesto is sociology's first clear attempt to understand representation as the fundamental element of social life. As such, sociological images and language are more than new “social facts,” they are also “collective representations” themselves, that reveal how the collective both imagines itself and interprets its own images. In this last formulation, sociology is deeply intertwined with the phenomena it seeks to explain, and becomes increasingly so as it proceeds historically. The implications of understanding sociology as a collective representation are manifold. But among the most important is that sociology develops by way of a dialectical relation to its object. Not surprisingly, a century after the appearance of Durkheim's manifesto, popular mass culture is permeated with reified sociological language, The most general of such utterances include: “society says,” “society wants,” and “society makes us.” The third of these contemporary common-sense observations picks up especially well on a central Durkheimian theme that we are both constituted (“made” human) by social forces, and necessarily constrained by them (“made” to act in particular ways). while cultural and mass-media studies have become a central interest of contemporary social theory. One could even speculate what Durkheim might say about late twentieth-century North American or European culture, and the place of sociological images therein. Would he, like one might imagine Freud, despair at the popular tropes and metaphors that he helped produce? Would he see only a monster of his own creation? Unlike Freud, who might be able to condemn popular psychoanalytic language as itself an indication of an immature culture looking for therapeutic fathers, Durkheim formulated the inevitability of the reification and deification of sociological language. For example, he explains that his own time was dominated by the language of the French Revolution: ...society also consecrates things, especially ideas. If a belief is unanimously shared by a people, then ... it is forbidden to touch it, that is to say, to deny it or to contest it. Now the prohibition of criticism is an interdiction like the others and proves the presence of something sacred. Even today, howsoever great may be the liberty which we accord to others, a man who should totally deny progress or ridicule the human ideal to which modern societies are attached, would produce the effect of a sacrilege. Durkheim, On Morality and Society, 176. He gives “Fatherland,” “Liberty,” and “Reason” as examples of the sacred language inherited from the Revolution. And although he understands that these ideas are historically contingent, he nevertheless defends their value, especially the value of “Reason.” Evidently, Durkheim is not troubled by the knowledge that thoughts are shaped by the sacred ideas of their time. Noting the popularity of his own texts in the undergraduate classroom, Durkheim might ask how they function now. He might ask how The Rules of Sociological Method is an academic collective representation. He might also ask more generally how the word “society” has come to be used as a moral reality, or a social fact. How do speakers gain a moral stronghold on conversation by invoking “society” as the overarching totem (signifying everything from tradition and order to constraint and oppression)? Durkheim would probably conclude that in its current usage “society” means many things, and perhaps is even reducible to a dada utterance. Society is the punishing god and the forgiving god; it is used to authorize the judge and justify the deviant. It is, most generally, the way our culture signals its attempt to formulate itself by way of its sacred images. And yet, to avoid concluding that sociology, as it proceeds, ultimately becomes another instance of the object it studies, one must see Durkheim as providing the opportunity within his images and tropes to make them more than religion or ideology. In other words, although social reality has traditionally been represented as the Judaeo-Christian god in western cultures, that does not mean that “Society” will in turn become the new god of the organically solidary collective. As Durkheim provided sociology with a basic manifesto orientation (in all three of my formulations of sociology as strategic, moral, and interpretive), he also provided the opportunity for sociology continually to change its object by studying it. While normally for scientists their influence on their object constitutes a disastrous error, because the data have been contaminated by the act of observation, Durkheim makes clear that sociology inevitably has this effect (indeed it has this moral obligation and responsibility). Sociology encourages a culture where the openness of human identities and practices is generally known, and where this openness does not lead to anomic despair. This was Durkheim's promise to his time - i.e., that looking at ourselves as agents of our collective condition provides an opportunity to produce sacred objects that are sacred by the very fact that they are patently produced collectively. One could, for example, make a case for “liberty, equality, fraternity” as self-consciously sacred objects which were understood by the revolutionaries as products of mass action, while still being elevated to the status of the sacred. But given the self-destructive nature of the revolution through its leaders' attempts to deify all of its aspects, their irony toward this sacredness seems lacking. A contemporary example is found perhaps in “identity politics” which in its strongest form takes democracy as the ironic and rhetorical opportunity for new gender, sexual, and racial identity constructions. See Judith P. Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, 1990). While all collectives produce representations of themselves, what is peculiar to the sociological culture is that it is supposed to be able to identify these as such - it is supposed to see its own totem building. This requires a certain ironic orientation grounded in an insight that the collective could be drastically otherwise, without provoking a crisis of meaning. In this way, sociology is a system of beliefs without being an ideology or religion. And, of course, within a sociological culture change does occur. Once these sociological tropes are established, they undergo interpretation and reinterpretation as they are disseminated, circulated, and used in popular discourse. As the dialogue between academic language and popular language continues through time, sociologists are required to imagine sociological interventions that keep these images dynamic rather than ideological. Hence, as sociology contributes to the sacred language used by opinion (or doxa), it is neither reducible to opinion, nor fully distinguishable from it. Sociology seeks to influence the way opinion recollects its basis (i.e., social life), and in so doing must change its own language to continue to induce para-doxa. It is possible therefore that the tropes and images introduced by Durkheim have served many rhetorical purposes and need to be reinterpreted by each new generation of sociologists as they consider the particular sociological “rules of method” of their own time. But what is inexhaustible about the Durkheimian legacy is his insight that sociology must look for its effects at a general discursive level, remaining cognizant that it is a part of modernity's particular collective representations. Thus formulated, the grounds of sociological thought are necessarily present even in the most specialized of contemporary research, as each topic covertly speaks about collective representational desire. Sociology also meets its own limits (even the possibility of its own death) at the very point where it becomes self-conscious as a cultural practice - i.e., its various inevitable “crises” as to its relevance point to its entanglement in the representational anxieties characteristic of modernity in general. It seems to me crucial that sociological practitioners acknowledge and orient to this condition so that sociology remains vital to itself and to the collective life it studies. Or in stronger, more polemical words: sociology is a significant cultural force to the extent that it understands itself already to be one.</p><div class="ds-related-work--ctas"><button class="ds2-5-text-link ds2-5-text-link--inline js-swp-download-button" data-signup-modal="{"location":"wsj-grid-card-download-pdf-modal","work_title":"The paradox of Durkheim's manifesto: Reconsidering The Rules of Sociological Method","attachmentId":49629611,"attachmentType":"pdf","work_url":"https://www.academia.edu/4795269/The_paradox_of_Durkheims_manifesto_Reconsidering_The_Rules_of_Sociological_Method","alternativeTracking":true}"><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 18px" translate="no">download</span><span class="ds2-5-text-link__content">Download free PDF</span></button><a class="ds2-5-text-link ds2-5-text-link--inline js-wsj-grid-card-view-pdf" href="https://www.academia.edu/4795269/The_paradox_of_Durkheims_manifesto_Reconsidering_The_Rules_of_Sociological_Method"><span class="ds2-5-text-link__content">View PDF</span><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 18px" translate="no">chevron_right</span></a></div></div><div class="ds-related-work--container js-wsj-grid-card" data-collection-position="9" data-entity-id="12401161" data-sort-order="default"><a class="ds-related-work--title js-wsj-grid-card-title ds2-5-body-md ds2-5-body-link" href="https://www.academia.edu/12401161/Review_of_Warren_Schmaus_Rethinking_Durkheim_and_His_Tradition_Cambridge_Cambridge_University_Press_2004">Review of Warren Schmaus. 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Raphael</a></div><p class="ds-related-work--metadata ds2-5-body-xs">2014</p><div class="ds-related-work--ctas"><button class="ds2-5-text-link ds2-5-text-link--inline js-swp-download-button" data-signup-modal="{"location":"wsj-grid-card-download-pdf-modal","work_title":"Should Sociology Care About Theories of Human Nature?: Some Durkheimian Considerations on the ‘Social’ Individual","attachmentId":79416457,"attachmentType":"pdf","work_url":"https://www.academia.edu/69248604/Should_Sociology_Care_About_Theories_of_Human_Nature_Some_Durkheimian_Considerations_on_the_Social_Individual","alternativeTracking":true}"><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 18px" translate="no">download</span><span class="ds2-5-text-link__content">Download free PDF</span></button><a class="ds2-5-text-link ds2-5-text-link--inline js-related-work-grid-card-view-pdf" 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href="https://independent.academia.edu/Ir%C3%A8neEulriet">Irène Eulriet</a></div><p class="ds-related-work--metadata ds2-5-body-xs">2005</p><div class="ds-related-work--ctas"><button class="ds2-5-text-link ds2-5-text-link--inline js-swp-download-button" data-signup-modal="{"location":"wsj-grid-card-download-pdf-modal","work_title":"The Dualism of Human Nature and its Social Conditions by Émile Durkheim with a translators' note","attachmentId":31342480,"attachmentType":"pdf","work_url":"https://www.academia.edu/3648469/The_Dualism_of_Human_Nature_and_its_Social_Conditions_by_%C3%89mile_Durkheim_with_a_translators_note","alternativeTracking":true}"><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 18px" translate="no">download</span><span class="ds2-5-text-link__content">Download free PDF</span></button><a class="ds2-5-text-link ds2-5-text-link--inline js-related-work-grid-card-view-pdf" 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href="https://www.academia.edu/31391306/Durkheimian_sociology_biology_and_the_theory_of_social_conflict">Durkheimian sociology, biology and the theory of social conflict</a><div class="ds-related-work--metadata"><a class="js-related-work-grid-card-author ds2-5-body-sm ds2-5-body-link" data-author-id="47897381" href="https://independent.academia.edu/JeanChristopheMarcel">Jean-Christophe Marcel</a></div><p class="ds-related-work--metadata ds2-5-body-xs">International Social Science Journal, 2006</p><div class="ds-related-work--ctas"><button class="ds2-5-text-link ds2-5-text-link--inline js-swp-download-button" data-signup-modal="{"location":"wsj-grid-card-download-pdf-modal","work_title":"Durkheimian sociology, biology and the theory of social conflict","attachmentId":51764521,"attachmentType":"pdf","work_url":"https://www.academia.edu/31391306/Durkheimian_sociology_biology_and_the_theory_of_social_conflict","alternativeTracking":true}"><span class="material-symbols-outlined" 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href="https://www.academia.edu/710989/Verheggen_Th_1996_Durkheims_Repr%C3%A9sentations_considered_as_Vorstellungen_Current_Perspectives_in_Social_Theory_16_pp_189_219">Verheggen, Th. (1996). Durkheim's Représentations considered as Vorstellungen. Current Perspectives in Social Theory, 16, pp. 189-219.</a><div class="ds-related-work--metadata"><a class="js-related-work-grid-card-author ds2-5-body-sm ds2-5-body-link" data-author-id="147042" href="https://jungiaansinstituut.academia.edu/TheoVerheggen">Theo Verheggen</a></div><p class="ds-related-work--metadata ds2-5-body-xs">year: 1996, 1996</p><div class="ds-related-work--ctas"><button class="ds2-5-text-link ds2-5-text-link--inline js-swp-download-button" data-signup-modal="{"location":"wsj-grid-card-download-pdf-modal","work_title":"Verheggen, Th. (1996). Durkheim's Représentations considered as Vorstellungen. 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