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“中国政府最可怕的噩梦”:韩东方的劳工维权之路 - 纽约时报中文网
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class="article-header"><header><small>全球人物</small><h1>“中国政府最可怕的噩梦”:韩东方的劳工维权之路</h1></header><div class="byline-row"><div class="byline-box"><div class="byline"><address>艾莎</address><time pudate="2024-11-11 04:24:52" datetime="2024-11-11 04:24:52">2024年11月11日</time></div><div class="share-btn"><i class="icon-forward"></i></div></div></div></div><figure class="article-span-photo"><img src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2024/09/29/multimedia/00China-Activist-pvhw/00China-Activist-pvhw-master1050.jpg" width="1050" height="700" alt="韩东方是中国仅存的几位没有躲藏起来的劳工权利活动人士之一。"><figcaption><span>韩东方是中国仅存的几位没有躲藏起来的劳工权利活动人士之一。</span> <cite>Anthony Kwan for The New York Times</cite></figcaption></figure><div class="row"><div class="article-left"><section class="article-body"><div class="article-partial"><div class="article-body-item col-lg-5"><div class="article-paragraph">35年前,在天安门广场的大规模抗议活动中,跳到纪念碑前发言的韩东方只是汹涌的大学生海洋中的一个小点。</div><div class="article-paragraph">“民主就是在我们的工作场所,哪个人决定我们的工资,”现年61岁的韩东方回忆说,他曾在北京的人民英雄纪念碑向人群大声疾呼。“我们工人也有机会参与。”</div><div class="article-paragraph">这是那次抗议活动中第一次有人提到工人。这标志着韩东方在中国为工人权利奋斗30年的开始,而这场斗争几乎被立即画上了句号。</div><div class="article-paragraph">1989年6月4日,就在韩东方的演讲几周后,人民解放军向广场上的民主抗议者开枪,以血腥的方式结束了中国的民主运动和言论自由。</div></div></div><div class="big_ad" id="medium-rectangle-ad-0" data-target="{"pos":"mid1","adv":""}"><small>广告</small></div><div class="article-partial"><div class="article-body-item col-lg-5"><div class="article-paragraph">这场镇压也解散了他在抗议期间参与创建的工会,这是自1949年中华人民共和国成立以来第一个、也是唯一一个独立工会。韩东方被列入“头号通缉犯”名单后自首入狱,服刑22个月。</div><div class="article-paragraph">如今,韩东方是中国仅存的几位没有躲藏起来的劳工维权人士之一。1993年,他被剥夺中国护照并驱逐出中国大陆,如今他在香港开展工作。</div><div class="article-paragraph">在中国劳工通讯办公室没有窗户的会议室里,韩东方说:“我宁愿公开,也不愿躲藏。”</div><div class="article-paragraph"><figure class="article-inline-photo large"><div class="img-box"><img src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2024/09/29/world/00China-Activist-02/00China-Activist-02-jumbo.jpg" alt="1992 年,在被中国政府监禁近两年后,韩东方在香港举行新闻发布会。" data-src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2024/09/29/world/00China-Activist-02/00China-Activist-02-jumbo.jpg"></div><figcaption><span>1992 年,在被中国政府监禁近两年后,韩东方在香港举行新闻发布会。</span> <cite>Thomas Cheng/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images</cite></figcaption></figure></div><div class="article-paragraph"><span>2020年,<a href="https://cn.nytimes.com/china/20200701/hong-kong-security-law-explain/">中国政府实施了一部国家安全法</a>,并<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/zh/interactive/2020/09/11/world/asia/hong-kong-speech.html">取消</a>了赋予香港半自治地位的保护措施,此后几乎其他所有关注中国的民间社会组织都离开了香港,但</span>坚信透明的力量的韩东方留了下来。</div><div class="article-paragraph">面对镇压,他的同行基本已经投降,韩东方却仍在努力,他告诉同事们,工作时要假定自己的一言一行都在当局的监视之下。</div><div class="article-paragraph">“我敢肯定,中国国家安全部门把这个组织的记录翻来覆去翻了50遍,”韩东方说。“香港的国家安全警察也是。”</div></div></div><div class="big_ad" id="medium-rectangle-ad-1" data-target="{"pos":"mid2","adv":""}"><small>广告</small></div><div class="article-partial"><div class="article-body-item col-lg-5"><div class="article-paragraph">韩东方出生于北京,1980年高中毕业后参军。他记得,在军队里,军官吃的是鸡肉,而像他这样的士兵吃的是“能干死人”的面包,这让他感到失望。</div><div class="article-paragraph">后来,他进入国家铁路做工程工作,薪水相对较高,直至1989年4月,学生们在他居住地附近的天安门广场举行抗议活动。他加入了学生的行列。</div><div class="article-paragraph">他说,自己当时主要是出于好奇。但是,他听到学生们引用他从未读过的思想家的话语,他试图将他们对民主的看法与自己的生活联系起来,这个时候,他意识到工人们可以在共产党的体制之外拥有发言权。</div><div class="article-paragraph">他说:“这是一个全新的想法,和多年来关于工人阶级是领导阶级的宣传有直接的矛盾。”</div><div class="article-paragraph"><figure class="article-inline-photo large"><div class="img-box"><img src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2024/09/29/multimedia/00China-Activist-mgfl/00China-Activist-mgfl-master1050.jpg" alt="韩东方在他位于香港的办公室录制每周一次的广播节目“劳工通讯”。" data-src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2024/09/29/multimedia/00China-Activist-mgfl/00China-Activist-mgfl-master1050.jpg"></div><figcaption><span>韩东方在他位于香港的办公室录制每周一次的广播节目“劳工通讯”。</span> <cite>Anthony Kwan for The New York Times</cite></figcaption></figure></div><div class="article-paragraph">韩东方在天安门广场上开始组织一个名为“北京工人自治联合会”的非官方工会,并担任其领导人。</div><div class="article-paragraph">天安门大屠杀发生后,该工会很快被宣布为非法,从此再也没有类似的工会被允许成立。韩东方为人低调,但不容易被吓倒,从那以后,他一直被一个目标所推动:赋予工人集体行动的权力。</div></div></div><div class="big_ad" id="medium-rectangle-ad-2" data-target="{"pos":"mid3","adv":""}"><small>广告</small></div><div class="article-partial"><div class="article-body-item col-lg-5"><div class="article-paragraph">“这就是我的性格,”他说。“如果你天生固执,那你走到哪里都固执。”</div><div class="article-paragraph"><span>他的狂热使《纽约时报》称他为“中国政府最可怕的<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1992/04/16/world/defiant-chinese-dissident-tells-of-his-ordeal.html">噩梦</a>:与其说他害怕中国政府,不如中国政府害怕他。”1992年那篇文章发表的时候,他仍然能够生活在中国大陆。第二年,他被驱逐出境,在香港定居。</span></div><div class="article-paragraph">在中国现任领导人习近平治下,韩东方曾经参与过的那些团体遭到取缔,还有一些劳工活动人士锒铛入狱。但韩东方一直保持活跃和乐观。他仍然相信,通过工会促进中国工人的权利是可能的。</div><div class="article-paragraph">理论上,中国是世界上对劳动保护最严格的国家之一。每个工人都有权加入或成立工会。在实践中,每个工会都必须与实际上由国家创办的工会——中华全国总工会联系在一起。中华全国总工会是一个政府机构,通常与企业合作设立工会。雇员没有什么权力。</div><div class="article-paragraph">韩东方试图在这个令人窒息的体制内开展工作,重点是说服中华全国总工会的分会代表工人进行谈判,而不是站在资方一边。</div><div class="article-paragraph"><figure class="article-inline-photo large"><div class="img-box"><img src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2024/09/29/world/00China-Activist/00China-Activist-master1050.jpg" alt="1989年4月,北京天安门广场上的人群。在天安门广场的抗议活动中,韩东方参与创建了1949年以来中国第一个独立的工会。" data-src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2024/09/29/world/00China-Activist/00China-Activist-master1050.jpg"></div><figcaption><span>1989年4月,北京天安门广场上的人群。在天安门广场的抗议活动中,韩东方参与创建了1949年以来中国第一个独立的工会。</span> <cite>Sadayuki Mikami/Associated Press</cite></figcaption></figure></div><div class="article-paragraph">他还试图从一个看似不太可能的来源获得帮助:习近平。</div><div class="article-paragraph"><span>由于担心<a href="https://cn.nytimes.com/business/20240903/china-economy-consumption/">经济放缓</a>带来的社会动荡,中国领导人呼吁官方工会采取更多措施帮助低薪工人。</span></div></div></div><div class="big_ad" id="medium-rectangle-ad-3" data-target="{"pos":"mid4","adv":""}"><small>广告</small></div><div class="article-partial"><div class="article-body-item col-lg-5"><div class="article-paragraph">“可以说,我是在帮习近平问责官员,”韩东方淡淡地笑着说。</div><div class="article-paragraph">在中国劳工通讯的办公室里,书架和桌子上堆满了有关中国劳动法的书籍和小册子。韩东方和他的十几名员工团队每周开会一次,讨论中国社交媒体上出现的罢工和抗议活动。他们还利用官方媒体的报道、警方的报告和带有路牌等线索的图片,试图确定发生劳资纠纷的公司的名称和地点。</div><div class="article-paragraph">一旦他们确定哪家公司的工人需要帮助,韩东方就会打电话给当地工会官员,试图让他们采取行动。</div><div class="article-paragraph">韩东方对中国劳动法倒背如流,他会提醒官员们,他们有责任确保工人的需求得到伸张。</div><div class="article-paragraph">对话可能会很激烈,因为中华全国总工会的官员往往对违反劳工权利的行为睁只眼闭只眼。公司老板做出雇佣私人保安殴打罢工工人之类事情时,工会官员常常是共谋。</div><div class="article-paragraph">“打电话的时候,我们说,‘法律是这么规定的,’”韩东方说。“在某些情况下,他们会说,‘如果真的遵守法律,中国所有的工厂都得关门。’”</div><div class="article-paragraph"><figure class="article-inline-photo large"><div class="img-box"><img src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2024/09/29/multimedia/00China-Activist-cjhg/00China-Activist-cjhg-master1050.jpg" alt="韩东方说:"我宁愿公开,也不愿隐藏。”" data-src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2024/09/29/multimedia/00China-Activist-cjhg/00China-Activist-cjhg-master1050.jpg"></div><figcaption><span>韩东方说:"我宁愿公开,也不愿隐藏。”</span> <cite>Anthony Kwan for The New York Times</cite></figcaption></figure></div><div class="article-paragraph">他的做法取得了一些成功,多年来,中国劳工通讯参与了中国一些最大的劳资纠纷。</div><div class="article-paragraph">去年,一家电子厂一名20岁的员工在连续工作33天几乎没有休息后被发现死在宿舍里,当地政府向其家属支付了一笔“人道”抚恤金。</div></div></div><div class="big_ad" id="medium-rectangle-ad-4" data-target="{"pos":"mid5","adv":""}"><small>广告</small></div><div class="article-partial"><div class="article-body-item col-lg-5"><div class="article-paragraph">韩东方联系了当地的官方工会和工厂,并警告他们,这个拥有外国客户的公司可能会被根据德国的一项法律追究责任,该法律要求公司识别并纠正其供应链中的侵犯人权行为。最后,工人的家人得到了一笔额外的钱,是第一笔赔偿金的两倍。</div><div class="article-paragraph">韩东方的顽强用“一意孤行”来形容都还显得保守了些。</div><div class="article-paragraph">在被关押的近两年里,狱警折磨他,把他关在肺结核病人的病房里,尽管他很健康。他称当时的经历如同“地狱”,“难以忍受”,但也是“一种成就”。</div><div class="article-paragraph">北京因为他感染肺结核濒临死亡而释放了他,他前往美国接受治疗,失去了一个肺。康复后,中国当局让他远离中国;但他不止一次试图偷偷回去。</div><div class="article-paragraph"><span>1993年的最后一次尝试时,他成功到达了距离香港约130公里的广州,当时香港还是英国的殖民地。最终,<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1993/08/22/world/china-revokes-passport-of-expelled-labor-leader.html">警方将他押回香港</a>。</span></div><div class="article-paragraph">经历了这场磨难后,他创办了中国劳工通讯。</div><div class="article-paragraph"><span>韩东方说,尽管曾经取得了一些成功,但他感到自己无力帮助中国政府目前打压中国持续数十年房地产热潮所造成的受害者:建筑工人、油漆工、园艺工人和其他因公司破产而<a href="https://cn.nytimes.com/business/20230829/china-property-country-garden-evergrande/">拿不到工资</a>的人。</span></div><div class="article-paragraph">许多工人正在受苦,有些人正在抗议和大声疾呼,但他无能为力。“我们看不到任何希望,因为财政的根子已经干了,”他说,“再也没有水流出来了。”</div><div class="article-paragraph">“规模超出了任何人的想象,”韩东方说。“是非常大的。”</div></div><div class="article-body-aside col-lg-3"></div></div></section><footer class="author-info"><p>艾莎(Alexandra Stevenson)是《纽约时报》上海分社社长,报道中国经济和社会新闻。<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/alexandra-stevenson">点击查看更多关于她的信息</a>。</p><p>翻译:纽约时报中文网</p><p><a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/11/10/world/asia/china-labor-rights-han-dongfang.html">点击查看本文英文版。</a></p></footer></div></div></article><div class="container article-footer"><div class="row"><div class="col-lg-12 mobile-refer-cont" id="J_hideRefer"><div class="related-cont"><h4>相关报道</h4><ul class="refer-list"><li class="article-refer"><div class="refer-list-item"><a href="/china/20190211/china-workers-protests/" title="劳工维权给“中国梦”蒙上阴影"><div><h3 class="refer-list-headline">劳工维权给“中国梦”蒙上阴影</h3><p class="refer-pubdate">2019年2月11日</p></div><img alt="劳工维权给“中国梦”蒙上阴影" src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2019/02/07/world/07china-labor-1-print/00china-labor-2-thumbLarge.jpg" width="75" height="75"></a></div></li><li class="article-refer"><div class="refer-list-item"><a href="/china/20170531/labor-activist-detained-ivanka-trump-factory/" 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