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Complex interdependence - Wikipedia

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</button> <ul id="toc-History_of_the_term-sublist" class="vector-toc-list"> <li id="toc-Multiple_channels" class="vector-toc-list-item vector-toc-level-2"> <a class="vector-toc-link" href="#Multiple_channels"> <div class="vector-toc-text"> <span class="vector-toc-numb">1.1</span> <span>Multiple channels</span> </div> </a> <ul id="toc-Multiple_channels-sublist" class="vector-toc-list"> </ul> </li> <li id="toc-Absence_of_Hierarchy_among_Issues" class="vector-toc-list-item vector-toc-level-2"> <a class="vector-toc-link" href="#Absence_of_Hierarchy_among_Issues"> <div class="vector-toc-text"> <span class="vector-toc-numb">1.2</span> <span>Absence of Hierarchy among Issues</span> </div> </a> <ul id="toc-Absence_of_Hierarchy_among_Issues-sublist" class="vector-toc-list"> </ul> </li> <li id="toc-Minor_Role_of_Military_Force" class="vector-toc-list-item vector-toc-level-2"> <a class="vector-toc-link" href="#Minor_Role_of_Military_Force"> <div class="vector-toc-text"> <span class="vector-toc-numb">1.3</span> <span>Minor Role of Military Force</span> </div> </a> <ul id="toc-Minor_Role_of_Military_Force-sublist" class="vector-toc-list"> </ul> </li> <li id="toc-Liberalism" class="vector-toc-list-item vector-toc-level-2"> <a class="vector-toc-link" href="#Liberalism"> <div class="vector-toc-text"> <span class="vector-toc-numb">1.4</span> <span>Liberalism</span> </div> </a> <ul id="toc-Liberalism-sublist" class="vector-toc-list"> </ul> </li> <li id="toc-Realism" class="vector-toc-list-item vector-toc-level-2"> <a class="vector-toc-link" href="#Realism"> <div class="vector-toc-text"> <span class="vector-toc-numb">1.5</span> <span>Realism</span> </div> </a> <ul id="toc-Realism-sublist" class="vector-toc-list"> </ul> </li> </ul> </li> <li id="toc-Political_Economy_of_Complex_Interdependence" class="vector-toc-list-item vector-toc-level-1 vector-toc-list-item-expanded"> <a class="vector-toc-link" href="#Political_Economy_of_Complex_Interdependence"> <div class="vector-toc-text"> <span class="vector-toc-numb">2</span> <span>Political Economy of Complex Interdependence</span> </div> </a> <button aria-controls="toc-Political_Economy_of_Complex_Interdependence-sublist" class="cdx-button cdx-button--weight-quiet cdx-button--icon-only vector-toc-toggle"> <span class="vector-icon mw-ui-icon-wikimedia-expand"></span> <span>Toggle Political Economy of Complex Interdependence subsection</span> </button> <ul id="toc-Political_Economy_of_Complex_Interdependence-sublist" class="vector-toc-list"> <li id="toc-Economic_Coercion" class="vector-toc-list-item vector-toc-level-2"> <a class="vector-toc-link" href="#Economic_Coercion"> <div class="vector-toc-text"> <span class="vector-toc-numb">2.1</span> <span>Economic Coercion</span> </div> </a> <ul id="toc-Economic_Coercion-sublist" class="vector-toc-list"> </ul> </li> <li id="toc-Weaponized_Interdependence" class="vector-toc-list-item vector-toc-level-2"> <a class="vector-toc-link" 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.hatnote{display:none!important}}</style><div role="note" class="hatnote navigation-not-searchable">See also: <a href="/wiki/Institutional_liberalism" class="mw-redirect" title="Institutional liberalism">Institutional liberalism</a>, <a href="/wiki/Neoliberalism_(international_relations)" class="mw-redirect" title="Neoliberalism (international relations)">Neoliberalism (international relations)</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Liberalism_(international_relations)" title="Liberalism (international relations)">Liberalism (international relations)</a></div><p><b>Complex interdependence</b> in <a href="/wiki/International_relations" title="International relations">international relations</a> and <a href="/wiki/International_political_economy" title="International political economy">international political economy</a> is a concept put forth by <a href="/wiki/Robert_Keohane" title="Robert Keohane">Robert Keohane</a> and <a href="/wiki/Joseph_Nye" title="Joseph Nye">Joseph Nye</a> in the 1970s to describe the emerging nature of the global political economy.<sup id="cite_ref-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-1"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>1<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-:3_2-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:3-2"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>2<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> The concept entails that relations between states are becoming increasingly deep and complex. These increasingly complex webs of economic interdependence undermine state power and elevate the influence of transnational non-state actors.<sup id="cite_ref-:95_3-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:95-3"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>3<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-4" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-4"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>4<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> These complex relationships can be explored through both the liberal and realism lenses and can later explain the debate of power from complex interdependence.<sup id="cite_ref-5" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-5"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>5<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> </p><meta property="mw:PageProp/toc" /> <div class="mw-heading mw-heading2"><h2 id="History_of_the_term">History of the term</h2><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/w/index.php?title=Complex_interdependence&amp;action=edit&amp;section=1" title="Edit section: History of the term"><span>edit</span></a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></div> <p>The term "complex interdependence" was claimed by Raymond Leslie Buell in 1925 to describe the new ordering among economies, cultures, and races.<sup id="cite_ref-6" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-6"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>6<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> The very concept was popularized through the work of <a href="/wiki/Richard_N._Cooper" title="Richard N. Cooper">Richard N. Cooper</a> (1968). With the analytical construct of complex interdependence in their critique of <a href="/wiki/Political_realism" class="mw-redirect" title="Political realism">political realism</a>, <a href="/wiki/Robert_Keohane" title="Robert Keohane">Robert Keohane</a> and <a href="/wiki/Joseph_Nye" title="Joseph Nye">Joseph Nye</a> explore how international politics forever changed due to the emerging complex interactions and interdependence among states.<sup id="cite_ref-7" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-7"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>7<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-:3_2-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:3-2"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>2<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> The theorists recognized that the various and complex transnational connections and interdependencies between states and societies increased, while Military force and power balancing are decreasing but remain essential. In coining the interdependence concept, Keohane and Nye also notably differentiated between <a href="/wiki/Interdependence" class="mw-redirect" title="Interdependence">interdependence</a> and dependence in analyzing the role of power in politics and the relations between international actors.<sup id="cite_ref-:3_2-2" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:3-2"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>2<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> </p><p>From the analysis, complex interdependence is characterized by three characteristics, involving </p> <ol><li>The use of multiple channels of action between societies in interstate, transgovernmental, and transnational relations,</li> <li>The absence of a hierarchy of issues with changing agendas and linkages between issues prioritized, and</li> <li>The objective of bringing about a decline in military force and coercive <a href="/wiki/Power_in_international_relations" class="mw-redirect" title="Power in international relations">power in international relations</a>.</li></ol> <p>Thus, Keohane and Nye argue that the decline of military force as a policy tool and the increase in economic and <i>other forms of interdependence</i> should increase the probability of <a href="/wiki/Cooperation" title="Cooperation">cooperation</a> among states.<sup id="cite_ref-:1_8-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:1-8"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>8<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> The theorists' work surfaced in the 1970s to become a significant challenge to political realist theory in international politics. It became foundational to current theorists that it be categorized as <a href="/wiki/Liberalism_(international_relations)" title="Liberalism (international relations)">liberalism (international relations)</a>, <a href="/wiki/Neoliberalism" title="Neoliberalism">neoliberalism</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Liberal_institutionalism" title="Liberal institutionalism">liberal institutionalism</a>. Traditional critiques of liberalism often define alongside critiques of political realism. They both ignore the social nature of relations between states and the social fabric of international society. With the rise of <a href="/wiki/Neoliberal_economics" class="mw-redirect" title="Neoliberal economics">neoliberal economics</a>, debates, and the need to clarify international relations theory, Keohane has most recently described himself as merely an <i>institutionalist.</i><sup id="cite_ref-:2_9-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:2-9"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>9<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> This theory's purpose is to develop <a href="/wiki/Sociological" class="mw-redirect" title="Sociological">sociological</a> perspectives in contemporary <a href="/wiki/International_relations_theory" title="International relations theory">International relations theory</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-:2_9-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:2-9"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>9<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Liberal, neoliberal, and liberal institutional theories continue to influence international politics and have become closely intertwined with political realism.<sup id="cite_ref-:1_8-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:1-8"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>8<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> </p> <div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="Multiple_channels">Multiple channels</h3><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/w/index.php?title=Complex_interdependence&amp;action=edit&amp;section=2" title="Edit section: Multiple channels"><span>edit</span></a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></div> <p><i>Multiple channels</i> that are present in complex interdependence are "connect societies, including informal ties between governmental elites as well as formal foreign office arrangements." The second type is "informal ties among nongovernmental elites where contact usually happens either face-to-face or through <a href="/wiki/Telecommunication" class="mw-redirect" title="Telecommunication">telecommunication</a>. The last type is "<a href="/wiki/Transnational_organization" title="Transnational organization">Transnational organization</a>," including organizations such as multinational banks or corporations. A more straightforward way of thinking of these concepts is by condensing them by calling them interstate, transgovernmental and transnational relations.<sup id="cite_ref-Crane_10-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-Crane-10"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>10<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Therefore, these channels can be a way of communication for states and are a considerable part of complex interdependence. </p> <dl><dd>a. Interstate relations are thought to be "normal channels" by realists. It is also known as "horizontal dimensions of federalism."<sup id="cite_ref-11" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-11"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>11<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup></dd> <dd>b. Transgovernmental relations "applies when we relax the realist assumption that states act coherently as units."<sup id="cite_ref-Crane_10-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-Crane-10"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>10<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Crane Liberals believe that states can work together in order to enhance interdependence.</dd> <dd>c. Transnational relations "applies when we relax the assumption that states are the only units."<sup id="cite_ref-Crane_10-2" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-Crane-10"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>10<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> This take is more of the liberal perspective evident throughout international relations because of institutions' beliefs.</dd></dl> <div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="Absence_of_Hierarchy_among_Issues">Absence of Hierarchy among Issues</h3><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/w/index.php?title=Complex_interdependence&amp;action=edit&amp;section=3" title="Edit section: Absence of Hierarchy among Issues"><span>edit</span></a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></div> <p>Foreign affairs issues are becoming increasingly crucial regarding complex interdependence.<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Countries' policies are all interconnected, even if they are merely domestic.<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Though the policies may appear to address one countries' issues, any laws may have regional and global implications. These implications have encouraged consulting agreements among countries through liberal institutions like the <a href="/wiki/International_Monetary_Fund" title="International Monetary Fund">IMF</a> and the European Community.<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-2" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> The presence of <a href="/wiki/Anarchy" title="Anarchy">Anarchy</a> allows for <a href="/wiki/International_Politics" class="mw-redirect" title="International Politics">International Politics</a> to align favorably with domestic issues and laws determined by developed, pluralistic domestic countries.<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-3" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> </p> <div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="Minor_Role_of_Military_Force">Minor Role of Military Force</h3><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/w/index.php?title=Complex_interdependence&amp;action=edit&amp;section=4" title="Edit section: Minor Role of Military Force"><span>edit</span></a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></div> <p>Force has always been emphasized in international politics based upon the idea that (1) states compete for power, and that (2) survival is a state's chief goal under anarchy (<a href="/wiki/Security_dilemma" title="Security dilemma">security dilemma</a>).<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-4" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> However, military power and the role it has played has diminished for a few reasons. The first reason is because a state's fear of being attacked has declined (especially among industrialized, liberal states), because of the current lack of incentive among other countries to invade, as well as mutually beneficial relationships and cooperation (due to complex interdependence).<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-5" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> With 20th century goals such as environmental and economic welfare, force is ineffective.<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-6" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> The second reason is that we now see force used more as a deterrent (for example, <a href="/wiki/Nuclear_weapon" title="Nuclear weapon">Nuclear weapon</a>).<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-7" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Goals that do relate to a state's security will most likely not use force to be achieved, and if used, could have steep consequences.<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-8" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> This, as well as the domestic opposition that follows, are added reasons why states are hesitant to use force.<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-9" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> One concern that stems from the diminishing role of military force is that <a href="/wiki/Terrorism" title="Terrorism">Terrorism</a> may be used more frequently, since most states are less likely to commit troops overseas.<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-10" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> </p><p>The use of force, according to the author, will depend upon how much a state is affected by actions transpiring elsewhere.<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-11" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> For example, if effects on that state are little, the chances of that state using force are also little. It will also depend on whether or not the issue is one of life or death.<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-12" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> In this case, the realist theory would prevail and the state could very well end up taking forceful action.<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-13" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> The author concludes that in each situation, we must decide which is more applicable, complex interdependence or realism.<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-14" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> </p> <div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="Liberalism">Liberalism</h3><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/w/index.php?title=Complex_interdependence&amp;action=edit&amp;section=5" title="Edit section: Liberalism"><span>edit</span></a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></div> <p>The <a href="/wiki/Liberalism_(international_relations)" title="Liberalism (international relations)">Liberal perspective</a> encourages the use of institutions, like the <a href="/wiki/International_Monetary_Fund" title="International Monetary Fund">International Monetary Fund</a> and the <a href="/wiki/World_Bank" title="World Bank">World Bank</a>, to encourage cooperation for similar goals. Liberalism theory expands to include neoliberalism and liberal institutionalism. <a href="/wiki/Neoliberalism_(international_relations)" class="mw-redirect" title="Neoliberalism (international relations)">Neoliberals</a> believe that these institutions provide states with absolute gains from complex interdependence while neglecting the idea of power. Cooperation may be achieved through complex relationships among states, limited to the liberal lens. Such cooperation leads to a peaceful world order among states to provide peace from shared cooperation as long as there are mutual gains.<sup id="cite_ref-:12_13-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:12-13"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>13<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Economic gains through trade and foreign investments negate any power struggles among states, addressed by liberal theorists.<sup id="cite_ref-:12_13-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:12-13"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>13<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Extending the complex interdependence, especially economically, works to better stabilize peace among states.<sup id="cite_ref-:12_13-2" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:12-13"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>13<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Acting outside the complex relationships in means of isolating domestic economies or wars would, in turn, destabilize peace among states, disrupting world order.<sup id="cite_ref-:12_13-3" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:12-13"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>13<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> </p><p>In the concept of weaponized interdependence (see section below), liberal scholars Keohane and Nye suggest that network asymmetries will decrease over time.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> They also believe that the global network gives way to cybersecurity benefits because of mutual drawbacks, as they focus on <a href="/wiki/Mutualism_(economic_theory)" title="Mutualism (economic theory)">Mutualism (economic theory)</a> and collaborative gains.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> However Henry Farrell and Abraham Newman argue that emerging asymmetrical nodes in the network conceal those collaborative links, as states take advantage of the nodes to fulfill their own self-interests.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-2" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> They came to the conclusion that liberal ideas about a globalized network do not correspond with the examples we have seen of states weaponizing interdependence (for example, SWIFT).<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-3" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> </p> <div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="Realism">Realism</h3><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/w/index.php?title=Complex_interdependence&amp;action=edit&amp;section=6" title="Edit section: Realism"><span>edit</span></a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></div> <p>Complex interdependence has been labeled "the opposite of realism".<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-15" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> The idea often pushes back against <a href="/wiki/Classical_realism_(international_relations)" title="Classical realism (international relations)">classical realist</a> logic, such as the interdependent relationship between <a href="/wiki/Canada%E2%80%93United_States_relations" title="Canada–United States relations">Canada and the United States</a>. Neither country feels threatened by each other, given their relationship of shared values and goals.<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-16" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Realism_(international_relations)" title="Realism (international relations)">Realist</a> logic would state that the vying of power would have both states always competing for security, but under complex interdependence logic, this is not the case. Keohane and Nye see complex interdependence as often a more accurate representation of reality than classical realism but claim that most situations fall in between the two ideal portraits.<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-17" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> </p><p><a href="/wiki/Neorealism_(international_relations)" title="Neorealism (international relations)">Neorealism</a> and <a href="/wiki/Classical_realism_(international_relations)" title="Classical realism (international relations)">classical realism</a> are separate from complex interdependence but are considered relevant in appropriate situations. Complex interdependence does not apply universally. In third world states where states are trying to maximize their strengths and thus gain power, realism and neorealism remain prominent. Complex interdependence remains prevalent on the other side of the world, where nations are looking to create economic gains and push the conflict to the side. Though Keohane and Nye see complex interdependence as often more realistic than <a href="/wiki/Realism_(international_relations)" title="Realism (international relations)">realism</a>, they recognize that realism remains relevant in many current situations. </p><p>It is understood that traditional theories cannot explain global regime change when it relates to complex interdependence.<sup id="cite_ref-:4_12-18" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:4-12"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>12<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> One cannot use a realist perspective when explaining a situation born of complex interdependence. </p> <div class="mw-heading mw-heading2"><h2 id="Political_Economy_of_Complex_Interdependence">Political Economy of Complex Interdependence</h2><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/w/index.php?title=Complex_interdependence&amp;action=edit&amp;section=7" title="Edit section: Political Economy of Complex Interdependence"><span>edit</span></a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></div> <p>The complex relationships promoted in complex interdependence can be observed in the <a href="/wiki/International_Political_Economy" class="mw-redirect" title="International Political Economy">International Political Economy</a>. As <a href="/wiki/Globalism" title="Globalism">Globalism</a> matures, the political economies of the world grow interdependent.<sup id="cite_ref-:0_15-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:0-15"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>15<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> This perspective assumes that the global system is complex, that states' behavior in this system is rational, that global relationships continue to grow in relevance, and that the system of international political economy is not closed.<sup id="cite_ref-:0_15-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:0-15"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>15<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> All of this complexity surmises in the uncertain environment of international politics.<sup id="cite_ref-:0_15-2" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:0-15"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>15<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> States that partake in this system hold economic connections with other economies, promoting interdependence between participating states.<sup id="cite_ref-:0_15-3" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:0-15"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>15<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> </p> <div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="Economic_Coercion">Economic Coercion</h3><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/w/index.php?title=Complex_interdependence&amp;action=edit&amp;section=8" title="Edit section: Economic Coercion"><span>edit</span></a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></div> <p>The emergence of complex interdependence has created dependency among states, as the liberal theorists described. Yet, the realist take on power can be displayed through the economic imbalance experienced among states to inflict their influence through complex interdependence.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-4" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Such an example would include how <a href="/wiki/China" title="China">China</a> could use loans to fund a new port in <a href="/wiki/Sri_Lanka" title="Sri Lanka">Sri Lanka</a>, knowing that Sri Lanka could not pay due to increasing debt. Later, China collected it for themselves.<sup id="cite_ref-16" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-16"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>16<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Through the complex relationships and needs of other states, states may use their own systematical advantage over the states that rely on them more. </p><p>Such complex interdependence can be seen as a negative and a positive among states. Often, states may use such relationships for the greater good of themselves or, at times, the greater good of the other. Economic Coercion through complex interdependence can allow the states to ensure a better world order for all states involved and humanity.<sup id="cite_ref-:32_17-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:32-17"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>17<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Jeff D. Colgan discusses the example of <a href="/wiki/Climate_change" title="Climate change">Climate change</a> reform emerging from economic ties. He considers how China's economic dependency on the <a href="/wiki/United_States" title="United States">United States</a> creates fertile ground to instill climate change policies using a "climate change club" of the United States and the <a href="/wiki/European_Union" title="European Union">European Union</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-:32_17-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:32-17"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>17<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup>&#160;Any member not in this club would be subject to tariffs from member states, including China, if they don't join.<sup id="cite_ref-:32_17-2" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:32-17"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>17<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup>&#160;The United States must then decide whether removing economic ties is valuable for them or if maintaining economic relations with <a href="/wiki/China" title="China">China</a> is of more significant value for all based on the complex interdependence.<sup id="cite_ref-:32_17-3" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:32-17"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>17<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Such a move displays the ideas of realists in the complex interactions among states.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-5" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> </p> <div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="Weaponized_Interdependence">Weaponized Interdependence</h3><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/w/index.php?title=Complex_interdependence&amp;action=edit&amp;section=9" title="Edit section: Weaponized Interdependence"><span>edit</span></a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></div> <p><a href="/wiki/Globalization" title="Globalization">Globalization</a> has shaped the global network in such a way that almost all states depend on it due to its interconnectedness. Farrell and Newman believe that because of this interconnectedness, and because states often compete for power, interdependence can be weaponized in order to gather valuable information, or to deny a state network access for strategic purposes.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-6" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> They also argue that this complex interdependence creates power asymmetries in the global network.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-7" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> This is based upon <a href="/wiki/Network_theory" title="Network theory">network theory</a>, where networks are composed of nodes and ties (connections).<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-8" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Unlike Keohane and Nye, they believe that networks are the opposite of fragmented, and they instead produce lasting power inequality, where exchanges only go through a few chief nodes.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-9" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> The more connections a node has, the more influence it will have in the network.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-10" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Because newer nodes will likely attach to more influential nodes, we end up seeing an unequal distribution as the networks grow, generating a “rich-get-richer effect”, leading to certain nodes becoming more utilized and central than others.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-11" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Most chief nodes are focused on advanced industrial economies (for example, the U.S).<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-12" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> The ability of a state to weaponize interdependence is dependent upon its institutions, the size of its economy, and how much autonomy the state has from that interconnectedness (whether or not it has asymmetrical interdependence).<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-13" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Asymmetrical interdependence allows that state to leverage network structure strategically without feeling the consequences.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-14" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> </p><p>They can do this through (1) the <a href="/wiki/Choke_point" title="Choke point">chokepoint</a> and/or (2) the <a href="/wiki/Panopticon" title="Panopticon">panopticon</a> effect (the two forms of weaponized interdependence).<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-15" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> In this context, panopticon means that states have information they can use to their advantage in order to predict their opponent's actions, sway negotiations, etc.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-16" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Chokepoint means that a state is able to limit or prohibit use of a node (often a high degree node), so that another state(s)/private actor(s) cannot go through it.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-17" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-18" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-18"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>18<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> However, only states with the legal or physical jurisdiction over that node can utilize this form of weaponization.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-18" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> They also need strong, centralized legal and regulatory institutions.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-19" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> This can create tensions between states that have the ability to weaponize information, versus states that cannot.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-20" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> So even though the United States has both the legal and physical jurisdiction over chief nodes, its domestic institutions and norms limit certain actions it can take (for example, it cannot cut states out of the network).<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-21" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Society_for_Worldwide_Interbank_Financial_Telecommunication" class="mw-redirect" title="Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication">SWIFT</a>, a U.S dominated network system, vital to the global payment system, is just one example of Farrell and Newman's theory in work. We see the chokepoint effect when the U.S (and European officials) locked <a href="/wiki/Iran" title="Iran">Iran</a> out of the global payment system because they felt it was assisting the regime and a contributor to its financial strength.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-22" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> An example of the panopticon effect was the U.S' use of SWIFT, shortly after <a href="/wiki/September_11_attacks" title="September 11 attacks">9/11</a>, in order to gain information about international terrorism, its networks, and its financing.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-23" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Despite initial criticism from the EU and the public, they later approved of the U.S’ actions and only required that the U.S share the information it gained.<sup id="cite_ref-:22_14-24" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-:22-14"><span class="cite-bracket">&#91;</span>14<span class="cite-bracket">&#93;</span></a></sup> Therefore, just as the theory suggests, because SWIFT was a chief node in the global network system, certain states were able to weaponize it for strategic reasons. </p> <div class="mw-heading mw-heading2"><h2 id="References">References</h2><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/w/index.php?title=Complex_interdependence&amp;action=edit&amp;section=10" title="Edit section: References"><span>edit</span></a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></div> <style data-mw-deduplicate="TemplateStyles:r1239543626">.mw-parser-output .reflist{margin-bottom:0.5em;list-style-type:decimal}@media screen{.mw-parser-output .reflist{font-size:90%}}.mw-parser-output .reflist .references{font-size:100%;margin-bottom:0;list-style-type:inherit}.mw-parser-output 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.cs1-maint{color:#18911f}}</style><cite id="CITEREFKeohaneNye2000" class="citation journal cs1">Keohane, Robert O.; Nye, Joseph S. 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(And So What?)"</a>. <i>Foreign Policy</i> (118): 104–119. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1149673">10.2307/1149673</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISSN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISSN (identifier)">ISSN</a>&#160;<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0015-7228">0015-7228</a>. <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="JSTOR (identifier)">JSTOR</a>&#160;<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/1149673">1149673</a>. <a href="/wiki/S2CID_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="S2CID (identifier)">S2CID</a>&#160;<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:158794393">158794393</a>. <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20210814222448/https://www.jstor.org/stable/1149673">Archived</a> from the original on 2021-08-14<span class="reference-accessdate">. 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Longman Classics in Political Science. p.&#160;58.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=Power+and+Interdependence+revisited&amp;rft.pages=58&amp;rft.pub=Longman+Classics+in+Political+Science&amp;rft.date=2011&amp;rft.aulast=Keohane&amp;rft.aufirst=Robert+O.%26&amp;rft.au=Nye%2C+Joseph+S.&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3AComplex+interdependence" class="Z3988"></span></span> </li> <li id="cite_note-:2-9"><span class="mw-cite-backlink">^ <a href="#cite_ref-:2_9-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:2_9-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a></span> <span class="reference-text"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1238218222"><cite id="CITEREFKeohane2002" class="citation cs2">Keohane, Robert O (2002), <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203218174_chapter_11">"Governance in a partially globalized world"</a>, <i>Power and Governance in a Partially Globalized World</i>, Abingdon, UK: Taylor &amp; Francis, pp.&#160;245–271, <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.4324%2F9780203218174_chapter_11">10.4324/9780203218174_chapter_11</a>, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a>&#160;<a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-203-29474-1" title="Special:BookSources/978-0-203-29474-1"><bdi>978-0-203-29474-1</bdi></a>, <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20240514094658/https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/edit/10.4324/9780203218174/power-governance-partially-globalized-world-robert-keohane">archived</a> from the original on 2024-05-14<span class="reference-accessdate">, retrieved <span class="nowrap">2020-10-14</span></span></cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Ajournal&amp;rft.genre=article&amp;rft.jtitle=Power+and+Governance+in+a+Partially+Globalized+World&amp;rft.atitle=Governance+in+a+partially+globalized+world&amp;rft.pages=245-271&amp;rft.date=2002&amp;rft_id=info%3Adoi%2F10.4324%2F9780203218174_chapter_11&amp;rft.isbn=978-0-203-29474-1&amp;rft.aulast=Keohane&amp;rft.aufirst=Robert+O&amp;rft_id=http%3A%2F%2Fdx.doi.org%2F10.4324%2F9780203218174_chapter_11&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3AComplex+interdependence" class="Z3988"></span></span> </li> <li id="cite_note-Crane-10"><span class="mw-cite-backlink">^ <a href="#cite_ref-Crane_10-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Crane_10-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Crane_10-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a></span> <span class="reference-text"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1238218222"><cite id="CITEREFCrane" class="citation web cs1">Crane, George. <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20150824144729/http://www.pearsonhighered.com/assets/hip/us/hip_us_pearsonhighered/samplechapter/0205082912.pdf">"The Theoretical Evolution of International Political Economy"</a> <span class="cs1-format">(PDF)</span>. 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Retrieved <span class="nowrap">2020-10-15</span></span>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Ajournal&amp;rft.genre=article&amp;rft.jtitle=The+New+York+Times&amp;rft.atitle=How+China+Got+Sri+Lanka+to+Cough+Up+a+Port+%28Published+2018%29&amp;rft.date=2018-06-25&amp;rft.issn=0362-4331&amp;rft.aulast=Abi-Habib&amp;rft.aufirst=Maria&amp;rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.nytimes.com%2F2018%2F06%2F25%2Fworld%2Fasia%2Fchina-sri-lanka-port.html&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3AComplex+interdependence" class="Z3988"></span></span> </li> <li id="cite_note-:32-17"><span class="mw-cite-backlink">^ <a href="#cite_ref-:32_17-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:32_17-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:32_17-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:32_17-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a></span> <span class="reference-text"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1238218222"><cite id="CITEREFColgan2020" class="citation journal cs1">Colgan, Jeff D. 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Retrieved <span class="nowrap">2021-08-14</span></span>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Ajournal&amp;rft.genre=article&amp;rft.jtitle=Foreign+Affairs&amp;rft.atitle=The+Climate+Case+Against+Decoupling+Severing+U.S.-Chinese+Links+Would+Make+It+Impossible+to+Save+the+Environment&amp;rft.date=2020-09-14&amp;rft.aulast=Colgan&amp;rft.aufirst=Jeff+D.&amp;rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.foreignaffairs.com%2Farticles%2Funited-states%2F2020-09-14%2Fclimate-case-against-decoupling&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3AComplex+interdependence" class="Z3988"></span></span> </li> <li id="cite_note-18"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-18">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Tamim, James (2024). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://rgdoi.net/10.13140/RG.2.2.12440.40966">"The GDPR and DMA Mitigating Vulnerabilities to Weaponized Interdependence in the EU"</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20240514094721/https://www.researchgate.net/publication/380345294_The_GDPR_and_DMA_Mitigating_Vulnerabilities_to_Weaponized_Interdependence_in_the_EU?channel=doi&amp;linkId=663684ac06ea3d0b7427ef07&amp;showFulltext=true">Archived</a> 2024-05-14 at the <a href="/wiki/Wayback_Machine" title="Wayback Machine">Wayback Machine</a>. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="//doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.12440.40966" class="extiw" title="doi:10.13140/RG.2.2.12440.40966">10.13140/RG.2.2.12440.40966</a>.</span> </li> </ol></div></div> <div class="mw-heading mw-heading2"><h2 id="Further_reading">Further reading</h2><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/w/index.php?title=Complex_interdependence&amp;action=edit&amp;section=11" title="Edit section: Further reading"><span>edit</span></a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></div> <ul><li>Keohane, R.O., &amp; Nye, J.S. (1987). Power and Interdependence Revisited. <i>International Organization</i>, 41(4), pp.&#160;725–753.</li> <li>Keohane, R.O., &amp; Nye, J.S. (1998). Power and Interdependence in the Information Age. <i>Foreign Affairs</i>, 77(5), p.&#160;81.</li> <li>Gillian E. Metxger. "Congress, Article IV, and Interstate Relations." Harvard Law Review Vol. 120:1468 Web.</li> <li><a href="/wiki/Symbolic_interactionism" title="Symbolic interactionism">Symbolic interactionism</a></li> <li><a href="/wiki/Negarchy" title="Negarchy">Negarchy</a></li></ul> <!-- NewPP limit report Parsed by mw‐web.codfw.main‐f69cdc8f6‐nbpzk Cached time: 20241122143125 Cache expiry: 2592000 Reduced expiry: false Complications: [vary‐revision‐sha1, show‐toc] CPU time usage: 0.261 seconds Real time usage: 0.328 seconds Preprocessor visited node count: 1639/1000000 Post‐expand include size: 41123/2097152 bytes Template argument size: 504/2097152 bytes Highest expansion depth: 8/100 Expensive parser function count: 4/500 Unstrip recursion depth: 1/20 Unstrip post‐expand size: 79943/5000000 bytes Lua time usage: 0.139/10.000 seconds Lua memory usage: 5134235/52428800 bytes Number of Wikibase entities loaded: 0/400 --> <!-- Transclusion expansion time report (%,ms,calls,template) 100.00% 270.502 1 -total 61.37% 165.995 1 Template:Reflist 35.45% 95.883 8 Template:Cite_journal 21.82% 59.019 1 Template:Short_description 12.63% 34.164 2 Template:Pagetype 6.70% 18.119 1 Template:See_also 6.65% 17.982 5 Template:Cite_book 5.73% 15.490 3 Template:Main_other 5.09% 13.756 1 Template:SDcat 2.77% 7.480 2 Template:Cite_web --> <!-- Saved in parser cache with key enwiki:pcache:idhash:9082483-0!canonical and timestamp 20241122143125 and revision id 1226118593. 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