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2025</span></div> <div style="height:39px"><script src="https://platform.linkedin.com/in.js" type="text/javascript">lang: en_US</script> <div style="float:left;margin-right:8px"><script type="IN/Share" data-url="https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250205072240365"></script></div><div style="float:left;margin-right:8px"><a href="https://twitter.com/share?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw" class="twitter-share-button" data-show-count="true">Tweet</a><script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/share_button.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.universityworldnews.com%2Fpost.php%3Fstory%3D20250205072240365&layout=button_count&size=small&mobile_iframe=true&width=106&height=28&appId" width="106" height="28" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowTransparency="true" allow="encrypted-media"></iframe></div> Transnational academic solidarity has become notable in global higher education as crises persist and intensify precarity worldwide. Pandemics, wars and failing regimes increasingly call for greater unity and activism. Many professors feel pressure to be at the frontline of mitigating social and political challenges at home and abroad.<br /> <br /> Their public engagement and activism are, however, increasingly impeded by an organisational inability to reconcile tensions between the forces of over-responsibility and under-responsibility generated by different manifestations of agency on campuses.<br /> <br /> Some university stakeholders assume strong positions of legitimacy, power and urgency to prioritise their rights and interests over those of their counterparts. Over-responsibility often overrides the positions of those who feel less privileged and thus are unable to respond with sufficient capacity.<br /> <br /> When these misbalances persist, it becomes increasingly hard to work together and shape social unity, as Emile Durkheim once advocated in a treatise about solidarity.<br /> <br /> Academic solidarity is manifested in various epistolary and humanitarian terms conveying compassion and the offering of aid to vulnerable colleagues and communities. Camaraderie and cooperation are often more feasible locally than internationally, especially when geopolitical tensions and cultural barriers become insurmountable.<br /> <br /> <b>Limited cultural knowledge</b><br /> <br /> Without political support, mutual trust and cross-border communication and charity, transnational solidarity can become illusory, rather than real. As knowledge producers and social actors, academics are prone to creating problems as much as mitigating them.<br /> <br /> The current Russo-Ukrainian war exemplifies how professors sometimes rely on limited cultural knowledge to make overconfident and erroneous judgments about geopolitical situations they scarcely understand.<br /> <br /> In this context, Jeffrey Sachs, for example, was challenged by professors in the US about what they believed were his distortion of the origins and intentions of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.<br /> <br /> Opposing Sachs’s mix of facts with subjective interpretations and the Kremlin’s propaganda narratives, <a href="https://voxukraine.org/en/open-letter-to-jeffrey-sach" target="_new">the professors penned an open letter</a>, which attracted more than 300 endorsements from world-class universities and influential analytical centres, boldly contending: “Ukraine is not a geopolitical pawn or a divided nation, Ukraine has the right to determine its own future, Ukraine has not attacked any country since gaining its independence in 1991. There is no justification for the Russian war of aggression.”<br /> <br /> Academic activism can also be diverted by governmental or corporate authorities, who see solidarity-building as a threat, rather than a solution. Constricted by fear of over- or under-reaction to complex challenges in domestic and foreign politics, professors can appear powerless to help their colleagues abroad.<br /> <br /> <b>Different perceptions of responsibility</b><br /> <br /> In my study of the dilemmas of transnational academic solidarity, the problem of over-responsibility vs under-responsibility is glaring. The manifestations of transnational academic solidarity depend on the nature and understanding of the crisis abroad, as well as on perceptions of civic responsibility to engage in activities on and beyond campuses.<br /> <br /> Some activists prefer to differentiate their academic/civic roles and domestic/foreign responsibilities in order to maintain discursive freedom, while making meaningful contributions to their societies and academic communities and institutions.<br /> <br /> Others see campuses as inseparable from society and thus view their academic and civic roles as being closely integrated. Organisational skills, community experiences and disciplinary orientations have an impact on the level of agency consolidation resulting in concrete or material support to colleagues at risk.<br /> <br /> Given that some academics prioritise their responsibility as guardians of universal academic values, their collegial support can be simultaneously directed at affected colleagues in the aggressor and victim states. No matter where they come from, scholars at risk can be viewed as needing immediate support to fulfil their research and teaching obligations.<br /> <br /> The alignment of institutional and individual manifestations of solidarity is often an outcome of collegial mobilisation and coordinated resource solicitation across different levels of governance.<br /> <br /> In some cases, consultations are organised through councils bringing together the divided groups and interests. Institutional engagement can be prompted by academic departments and individuals who have already established partnerships with their counterparts in the vulnerable country.<br /> <br /> At times, university presidents become significant enablers of institutional support to refugee scholars and students through discretionary funds in their budgets.<br /> <br /> <b>Convergence of resources</b><br /> <br /> Consolidated efforts get invariably stronger when a convergence of resources is achieved with additional aid from the government. Universities appear to achieve more when they organise web-based platforms to report on the structure and outcomes of the mobilised and distributed resources.<br /> <br /> Manifestations of solidarity can arrive in waves (in response to geopolitical or budgetary changes), rather than in the form of sustainable and open-ended investments. With a stronger agency of university authorities in donor countries, refugee students and scholars appear to take less responsibility and play a humbler role.<br /> <br /> In countries with governments and universities that avoid risks and responsibilities, students take a more proactive role and urge authorities to be more regulative. Some student leaders succeed in engaging the resources of local civic and business communities and city and regional governments as well as other campuses in the absence of direct support from their universities. This also becomes important at times when university resources are ebbing.<br /> <br /> Ultimately, the alliance of institutional and human agencies appears to achieve more success within universities where vulnerable academics have trustworthy domestic and foreign partners, credible publicity and a legacy of value attached to civic responsibility.<br /> <br /> Further research in this domain is certainly important to understand variances in agency manifestation and consolidation for transnational academic solidarity to move from chaotic and neglected actions, which lead to crisis situations and problems, to institutionally structured resource management and support to the most vulnerable individuals and communities.<br /> <br /> <I>Anatoly Oleksiyenko is a professor of international higher education and co-director of the Centre for Higher Education Leadership and Policy Studies at the Education University of Hong Kong.<br /> <br /> This article is a commentary. 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