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class="attachment attachment-before"> <div class="views-element-container"><div class="view-header view view-epw-category-page view-id-epw_category_page view-display-id-attachment_1 js-view-dom-id-a6ab532acee64fe1086063339c1498ba10dbc435a275ec8a83a8d7952aca58df"> <div class="view-content"> <div class="views-row"><div class="views-field views-field-field-cover-image"><div class="field-content"><img src="/themes/contrib/epw/images/xSA_4.png,qitok=Dlzv1_bV.pagespeed.ic.D5tw4dnRsj.webp" width="650" height="400" alt=""></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-name"><span class="field-content">Columns</span></div><div class="views-field views-field-description__value"><span class="field-content"></span></div></div> </div> </div> </div> </div> <div class="view-content"> <div class="views-view-grid horizontal cols-3 clearfix"> <div class="views-row clearfix row-1"> <div class="views-col col-1"><div class="views-field views-field-title"><span class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/14/alternative-standpoint/erasing-gender.html" hreflang="en">Erasing Gender</a></span></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-authors"><div class="field-content"><a href="/author/pallavi-pradhan" hreflang="en">Pallavi Pradhan</a></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-summary"><div class="field-content views-field-body"> <p>Upon assuming office, the United States President Donald Trump signed a series of executive orders, systematically targeting the transgender community. These policies must be understood within the framework of anti-gender ideology and right-wing populism. This anti-gender ideology serves a dual purpose—first, it functions as a canopy under which conservatives are mobilised in the name of preserving cultural and traditional norms, and second, by positioning gender-diverse individuals as a cultural threat, it diverts attention from economic and structural inequalities in society.</p> </div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-journal"><div class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/14" hreflang="en">Vol. 60, Issue No. 14, 05 Apr, 2025</a></div></div></div> <div class="views-col col-2"><div class="views-field views-field-title"><span class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/13/h-t-parekh-finance-column/economic-fallout-european-rearmament.html" hreflang="en">The Economic Fallout of European Rearmament</a></span></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-authors"><div class="field-content"><a href="/author/c-p-chandrasekhar" hreflang="en">C P Chandrasekhar</a></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-summary"><div class="field-content views-field-body"> <p>With US President Donald Trump leaning towards Russia when advocating a stop to the war in Ukraine and making clear that the US will no longer foot the bill t o ensure Europe’s security, talk of “Russian expansionism” in Europ e h as become louder. This has fuelled calls for Europe to rearm itself. However, there is little appetite among the continent’s current rulers for enhanced taxes on the rich to fund the increase. The fallout has been a discussion on th e need for Europe to shed its fiscal conservatism, institutionalised in the form of “fiscal rules” capping budgetary deficits and setting public debt ceilings. However, though those rules have been diluted in practice, there is strong opposition to rethinking the conservative macroeconomic policy framework that a Europe led by Germany has embraced. If borrowing is not an option, defenc e will have to be financed, it is argued, by diverting funds from welfare spending, accelerating the process of dismantling Europe’s famed “welfare state.”</p> </div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-journal"><div class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/13" hreflang="en">Vol. 60, Issue No. 13, 29 Mar, 2025</a></div></div></div> <div class="views-col col-3"><div class="views-field views-field-title"><span class="field-content"><a href="/journal/law-and-society/potential-delimitation-compromise.html" hreflang="en">A Potential Delimitation Compromise</a></span></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-authors"><div class="field-content"><a href="/author/alok-prasanna-kumar" hreflang="en">Alok Prasanna Kumar</a></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-summary"><div class="field-content views-field-body"> <p>Using the number of eligible voters as a basis for delimitation rather than population might provide a politically expedient solution to the crisis of malapportionment of seats in the Lok Sabha. However, the justification for using this method must be based on constitutional principles and values rather than pragmatic grounds.</p> </div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-journal"><div class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/12" hreflang="en">Vol. 60, Issue No. 12, 22 Mar, 2025</a></div></div></div> </div> <div class="views-row clearfix row-2"> <div class="views-col col-1"><div class="views-field views-field-title"><span class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/10/alternative-standpoint/tribal-development-paradox.html" hreflang="en">The Tribal Development Paradox</a></span></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-authors"><div class="field-content"><a href="/author/bodhi-ramteke" hreflang="en">Bodhi Ramteke</a></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-summary"><div class="field-content views-field-body"> <p>The Madias, a particularly vulnerab le tribal group in Maharashtra’s G adchiroli region and their figh t for fundamental rights through democratic and constitutional means, is the focus of this article. Despite the PVTG status and having dedicated policies aimed at their development, the community continues to suffer from severe neglect, particularly regarding essential infrastructure like road connectivity. By examining the Madia communi ty’s a ctivism and the judicial respon se, the article emphasises the importance of legal frameworks that facilitate easier access to justice, advocating for the empowerment of local courts as envisioned in Article 32(3) of the Indian Constitution.</p> </div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-journal"><div class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/10" hreflang="en">Vol. 60, Issue No. 10, 08 Mar, 2025</a></div></div></div> <div class="views-col col-2"><div class="views-field views-field-title"><span class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/7/h-t-parekh-finance-column/argentinas-economic-shock-therapy.html" hreflang="en">Argentina’s Economic Shock Therapy</a></span></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-authors"><div class="field-content"><a href="/author/cem-oyvat" hreflang="en">Cem Oyvat</a>, <a href="/author/t-sabri-oncu" hreflang="en">T Sabri Öncü</a>, <a href="/author/joel-rabinovich" hreflang="en">Joel Rabinovich</a></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-summary"><div class="field-content views-field-body"> <p>Argentina’s political and economic land scape has oscillated between n eo-liberalism and neo-developmentalism over the past two decades, each model failing to deliver sustained prosperity (Öncü 2024)....</p> </div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-journal"><div class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/7" hreflang="en">Vol. 60, Issue No. 7, 15 Feb, 2025</a></div></div></div> <div class="views-col col-3"><div class="views-field views-field-title"><span class="field-content"><a href="/journal/law-and-society/assault-privacy-and-dignity.html" hreflang="en">An Assault on Privacy and Dignity</a></span></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-authors"><div class="field-content"><a href="/author/alok-prasanna-kumar" hreflang="en">Alok Prasanna Kumar</a></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-summary"><div class="field-content views-field-body"> <p>The recently notified Uttarakhand Uniform Civil Code and the rules made to implement it are yet another unwarranted attack on the dignity and privacy of individuals. The Uttarakhand UCC seems less about ensuring uniformity and more about controlling the choices and bodies of young people. This is a clear violation of the constitutional guarantees of privacy and dignity of the individual.</p> </div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-journal"><div class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/6" hreflang="en">Vol. 60, Issue No. 6, 08 Feb, 2025</a></div></div></div> </div> <div class="views-row clearfix row-3"> <div class="views-col col-1"><div class="views-field views-field-title"><span class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/5/alternative-standpoint/crisis-dalit-politics-southern-tamil-nadu.html" hreflang="en">The Crisis of Dalit Politics in Southern Tamil Nadu</a></span></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-authors"><div class="field-content"><a href="/author/p-vellaisamy" hreflang="en">P Vellaisamy</a></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-summary"><div class="field-content views-field-body"> <p>Recent developments in Dalit politics in southern Tamil Nadu have shown that prominent leaders among Devendra Kula Vellalars—such as K Krishnasamy and B John Pandian—have adopted a new political rhetoric after their alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party. Although delisting DKVs from the Scheduled Castes and enumerating them as the Most Backward Classes or in a new category altogether has been a three-decade-long demand by the DKVs, Krishnasamy and Pandian have advocated the demand only recently after the rise of the BJP. Evidently, after their alliance with the BJP, there has been a gradual depletion of Dalit politics in southern Tamil Nadu.</p> </div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-journal"><div class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/5" hreflang="en">Vol. 60, Issue No. 5, 01 Feb, 2025</a></div></div></div> <div class="views-col col-2"><div class="views-field views-field-title"><span class="field-content"><a href="/journal/law-and-society/digital-personal-data-protection-board.html" hreflang="en">The Digital Personal Data Protection Board</a></span></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-authors"><div class="field-content"><a href="/author/alok-prasanna-kumar" hreflang="en">Alok Prasanna Kumar</a></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-summary"><div class="field-content views-field-body"> <p>The draft Digital Personal Data Protection Rules, 2025 does not provide adequate clarity on how the DPDP board, which is responsible for the implementation of the act, is supposed to work. Given that it is the sole agency empowered and responsible to adjudicate the rights and liabilities of individuals, questions can also be raised on the constitutionality of the act and the rules in this respect.</p> </div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-journal"><div class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/3" hreflang="en">Vol. 60, Issue No. 3, 18 Jan, 2025</a></div></div></div> <div class="views-col col-3"><div class="views-field views-field-title"><span class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/2/h-t-parekh-finance-column/money-advance-constraint.html" hreflang="en">The Money-In-Advance Constraint</a></span></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-authors"><div class="field-content"><a href="/author/romar-correa" hreflang="en">Romar Correa</a></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-summary"><div class="field-content views-field-body"> <p>We imagine there is no private sector. It is easy if we try. The motivation is the hightailing of ca pital from the provision of decent work at a social wage in projects using technologies that are climate change ameliorating. We construct a framework for the direct intervention of the government in the form of public banks and the public sector to pull economies out of a state of hysteresis.</p> </div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-journal"><div class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/2" hreflang="en">Vol. 60, Issue No. 2, 11 Jan, 2025</a></div></div></div> </div> <div class="views-row clearfix row-4"> <div class="views-col col-1"><div class="views-field views-field-title"><span class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/1/alternative-standpoint/transparency-communalism-and-authority.html" hreflang="en">Transparency, Communalism, and Authority</a></span></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-authors"><div class="field-content"><a href="/author/rutba-peerzada" hreflang="en">Rutba Peerzada</a>, <a href="/author/muhammad-mutahhar-amin" hreflang="en">Muhammad Mutahhar Amin</a></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-summary"><div class="field-content views-field-body"> <p>The introduction of the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2024, has led to a debate and deliberation across the sociopolitical spectrum. There are claims and counterclaims regarding the rationale of the government behind the introduction of this bill and its provisions. Opposition parties have blamed the government for communal polarisation, while the government is claiming that this bill has brought more transparency in the management of the waqf in the country. This article tests these claims and counterclaims, while bringing forth the theological and legal history of the waqf administration.</p> </div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-journal"><div class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2025/1" hreflang="en">Vol. 60, Issue No. 1, 04 Jan, 2025</a></div></div></div> <div class="views-col col-2"><div class="views-field views-field-title"><span class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2024/51/law-and-society/banning-children-social-media.html" hreflang="en">Banning Children from Social Media</a></span></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-authors"><div class="field-content"><a href="/author/alok-prasanna-kumar" hreflang="en">Alok Prasanna Kumar</a></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-summary"><div class="field-content views-field-body"> <p>Australia’s new legislation banning social media access to children below the age of 16 is the first legislative attempt in the world to do so. It comes after years of research on the harmful effects of social media on chi ldren’s mental health, development, and well-being. Implementation concerns notwithstanding, it is still a necessary and welcome move, worthy of consideration and emulation in other jurisdictions as well.</p> </div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-journal"><div class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2024/51" hreflang="en">Vol. 59, Issue No. 51, 21 Dec, 2024</a></div></div></div> <div class="views-col col-3"><div class="views-field views-field-title"><span class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2024/50/h-t-parekh-finance-column/third-balance-sheet-global-public-goods.html" hreflang="en">The ‘Third’ Balance Sheet for Global Public Goods</a></span></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-authors"><div class="field-content"><a href="/author/avinash-persaud" hreflang="en">Avinash Persaud</a></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-summary"><div class="field-content views-field-body"> <p>Financing global public goods is a subject that elicits much interest, som e passion, and little money. One of the best examples of a global public good is our climate. We all benefit from a liveable....</p> </div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-journal"><div class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2024/50" hreflang="en">Vol. 59, Issue No. 50, 14 Dec, 2024</a></div></div></div> </div> <div class="views-row clearfix row-5"> <div class="views-col col-1"><div class="views-field views-field-title"><span class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2024/49/alternative-standpoint/eminent-versus-illegible.html" hreflang="en">‘Eminent’ versus ‘Illegible’</a></span></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-authors"><div class="field-content"><a href="/author/rama-naga" hreflang="en">Rama Naga</a></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-summary"><div class="field-content views-field-body"> <p>The Forest (Conservation) Amendment Act, 2023 is an example of the long-standing contestation between the state and indigenous communities over forest spaces. This act contradicts the fundamental principles of earlier legislation and emboldens the state’s eminent domain, reverting the hard-earned progres s of social movements waged by indigenous communities.</p> </div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-journal"><div class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2024/49" hreflang="en">Vol. 59, Issue No. 49, 07 Dec, 2024</a></div></div></div> <div class="views-col col-2"><div class="views-field views-field-title"><span class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2024/47/h-t-parekh-finance-column/cop29.html" hreflang="en">COP29</a></span></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-authors"><div class="field-content"><a href="/author/c-p-chandrasekhar" hreflang="en">C P Chandrasekhar</a></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-summary"><div class="field-content views-field-body"> <p>In a surprise first-day declaration from the Azerbaijani Presidency of this year’s 29th Conference of Part ies, a “deal” on the institution of carbon markets with c lear rules with regard to ensuring assessment of claims and integrity of data relating to carbon emissio ns reduction, under the United Nations auspices, was announced. If implemented, this would help create credible carbon markets and allow carbon prices to ensure the realisation of the promises of decarbonisation implicit in the nationally determined contributions of different countries. But closer scrutiny suggests that neither is the deal an adequate and complete agreement nor is it likely to deliver on its objectives, making it p erhaps a mere diversion from the really significant decisions that the summit must make, especia lly in areas like climate finance and fossil fuel use reduction.</p> </div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-journal"><div class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2024/47" hreflang="en">Vol. 59, Issue No. 47, 23 Nov, 2024</a></div></div></div> <div class="views-col col-3"><div class="views-field views-field-title"><span class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2024/47/law-and-society/excavating-minority-character-institution.html" hreflang="en">Excavating the ‘Minority Character’ of an Institution</a></span></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-authors"><div class="field-content"><a href="/author/alok-prasanna-kumar" hreflang="en">Alok Prasanna Kumar</a></div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-summary"><div class="field-content views-field-body"> <p>Though the constitution bench judgment in S Azeez Basha v Union of India (1968), which held that the Aligarh Muslim University was not a “minority institution,” has been set aside, the Supreme Court in Aligarh Muslim University v Naresh Agarwal (2024) has not yet decisively affirmed the status of AMU. Rather, it has left the task to a future bench to “excavate” its true nature.</p> </div></div><div class="views-field views-field-field-journal"><div class="field-content"><a href="/journal/2024/47" hreflang="en">Vol. 59, Issue No. 47, 23 Nov, 2024</a></div></div></div> </div> </div> </div> <nav class="pager" role="navigation" aria-labelledby="pagination-heading"> <h4 id="pagination-heading" class="visually-hidden">Pagination</h4> <ul class="pager__items js-pager__items"> <li class="pager__item is-active"> <a href="?page=0" title="Current page" aria-current="page"> <span class="visually-hidden"> Current page </span>1</a> </li> <li class="pager__item"> <a href="?page=1" title="Go to page 2"> <span class="visually-hidden"> Page </span>2</a> </li> <li class="pager__item"> <a href="?page=2" title="Go to page 3"> <span class="visually-hidden"> Page </span>3</a> </li> <li class="pager__item"> <a href="?page=3" title="Go to page 4"> <span class="visually-hidden"> Page </span>4</a> </li> <li 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