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analysis of endangered languages with a focus on those of the Australian continent.<br /><div class="js-profile-less-about u-linkUnstyled u-tcGrayDarker u-textDecorationUnderline u-displayNone">less</div></div></div><div class="suggested-academics-container"><div class="suggested-academics--header"><h3 class="ds2-5-heading-sans-serif-xs">Related Authors</h3></div><ul class="suggested-user-card-list" data-nosnippet="true"><div class="suggested-user-card"><div class="suggested-user-card__avatar social-profile-avatar-container"><a data-nosnippet="" href="https://ankara.academia.edu/Sel%C3%A7uk%C4%B0%C5%9Fsever"><img class="profile-avatar u-positionAbsolute" alt="Selçuk İşsever related author profile picture" border="0" onerror="if (this.src != '//a.academia-assets.com/images/s200_no_pic.png') this.src = '//a.academia-assets.com/images/s200_no_pic.png';" width="200" height="200" src="https://0.academia-photos.com/3879/1557/7162982/s200_sel_uk._sever.jpg" /></a></div><div 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src="https://a.academia-assets.com/images/blank-paper.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title">Multilingualism in Vanuatu: Four case studies</div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span>International Journal of Bilingualism</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">Each of the 65 inhabited islands of Vanuatu hosts its own unique linguistic environment in which ...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">Each of the 65 inhabited islands of Vanuatu hosts its own unique linguistic environment in which varying degrees of multilingualism are found. This paper defines various types of small-scale multilingual settings in Vanuatu and explores what sociohistorical factors have led to them. This paper is based on first-hand observations and primary data collected by the authors in four locations in the Pacific Island nation of Vanuatu since 2016: two neighboring villages of Emae Island (Makatu and Tongamea), North Malekula, and on Maewo Island. The assessments of multilingualism in these examples from Vanuatu were qualitative, based on observations of sociolinguistic practices in each of these areas, as well as data from language history and language use surveys carried out in each place. Through defining and comparing the types of multilingualism present in the four case studies, we identify patterns in the social and historical processes that lead to various kinds of multilingualism: (a) ...</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="104532194"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="104532194"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 104532194; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=104532194]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=104532194]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 104532194; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='104532194']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (false){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "-1" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=104532194]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":104532194,"title":"Multilingualism in Vanuatu: Four case studies","translated_title":"","metadata":{"abstract":"Each of the 65 inhabited islands of Vanuatu hosts its own unique linguistic environment in which varying degrees of multilingualism are found. This paper defines various types of small-scale multilingual settings in Vanuatu and explores what sociohistorical factors have led to them. This paper is based on first-hand observations and primary data collected by the authors in four locations in the Pacific Island nation of Vanuatu since 2016: two neighboring villages of Emae Island (Makatu and Tongamea), North Malekula, and on Maewo Island. The assessments of multilingualism in these examples from Vanuatu were qualitative, based on observations of sociolinguistic practices in each of these areas, as well as data from language history and language use surveys carried out in each place. 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The assessments of multilingualism in these examples from Vanuatu were qualitative, based on observations of sociolinguistic practices in each of these areas, as well as data from language history and language use surveys carried out in each place. Through defining and comparing the types of multilingualism present in the four case studies, we identify patterns in the social and historical processes that lead to various kinds of multilingualism: (a) ...","internal_url":"https://www.academia.edu/104532194/Multilingualism_in_Vanuatu_Four_case_studies","translated_internal_url":"","created_at":"2023-07-13T06:16:42.546-07:00","preview_url":null,"current_user_can_edit":null,"current_user_is_owner":null,"owner_id":3782164,"coauthors_can_edit":true,"document_type":"paper","co_author_tags":[],"downloadable_attachments":[],"slug":"Multilingualism_in_Vanuatu_Four_case_studies","translated_slug":"","page_count":null,"language":"en","content_type":"Work","summary":"Each of the 65 inhabited islands of Vanuatu hosts its own unique linguistic environment in which varying degrees of multilingualism are found. This paper defines various types of small-scale multilingual settings in Vanuatu and explores what sociohistorical factors have led to them. This paper is based on first-hand observations and primary data collected by the authors in four locations in the Pacific Island nation of Vanuatu since 2016: two neighboring villages of Emae Island (Makatu and Tongamea), North Malekula, and on Maewo Island. The assessments of multilingualism in these examples from Vanuatu were qualitative, based on observations of sociolinguistic practices in each of these areas, as well as data from language history and language use surveys carried out in each place. Through defining and comparing the types of multilingualism present in the four case studies, we identify patterns in the social and historical processes that lead to various kinds of multilingualism: (a) ...","owner":{"id":3782164,"first_name":"Thomas","middle_initials":null,"last_name":"Ennever","page_name":"ThomasEnnever","domain_name":"surrey","created_at":"2013-04-13T11:52:11.756-07:00","display_name":"Thomas Ennever","url":"https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever"},"attachments":[],"research_interests":[{"id":237,"name":"Cognitive Science","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Cognitive_Science"},{"id":261,"name":"Geography","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Geography"},{"id":2308,"name":"Multilingualism","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Multilingualism"},{"id":15674,"name":"Linguistics","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Linguistics"},{"id":47268,"name":"Bilingualism","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Bilingualism"},{"id":50220,"name":"Sociocultural Evolution","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Sociocultural_Evolution"},{"id":123744,"name":"Language Studies","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Language_Studies"}],"urls":[{"id":32870523,"url":"http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/13670069211023132"}]}, dispatcherData: dispatcherData }); $(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (false) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-104532194-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="104532193"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/104532193/Fickle_fricatives_Fricative_and_stop_perception_in_Gurindji_Kriol_Roper_Kriol_and_Standard_Australian_English"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Fickle fricatives: Fricative and stop perception in Gurindji Kriol, Roper Kriol, and Standard Australian English" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/104236088/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/104532193/Fickle_fricatives_Fricative_and_stop_perception_in_Gurindji_Kriol_Roper_Kriol_and_Standard_Australian_English">Fickle fricatives: Fricative and stop perception in Gurindji Kriol, Roper Kriol, and Standard Australian English</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span>The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America</span><span>, 2020</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">This paper uses a 2AFC identification task experiment to test listener perception of voiceless fr...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">This paper uses a 2AFC identification task experiment to test listener perception of voiceless fricative-stop contrasts with minimal pairs modified along a 10-step continuum. Here, the authors focus on the uniqueness and nearuniformity of the phonological systems found in Australia. The languages involved in this study include Roper Kriol (an English-lexifier creole language), Gurindji Kriol (a mixed language derived from Gurindji and Kriol), with Standard Australian English (Indo-European) used as a baseline. Results reveal that just over 50% of the Roper Kriol and Gurindji Kriol listeners identified differences in the stop-fricative pairs with a high degree of consistency while nearly a quarter consistently identified the fricative-like stimuli as such, but showed random responses to the stop-like stimuli. The remaining participants showed a preference toward the fricatives across the entire continuum. The authors conclude that the fricative-stop contrast is not critical to the functionality of the phonologies in Roper Kriol or Gurindji Kriol, which could explain the high degree of variability. In addition, there is some evidence that the degree of exposure to English may have an effect on the degree of contrastability.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="77f8652b9ccaac23a0496c09ba1c629f" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":104236088,"asset_id":104532193,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/104236088/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="104532193"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="104532193"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 104532193; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=104532193]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=104532193]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 104532193; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='104532193']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "77f8652b9ccaac23a0496c09ba1c629f" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=104532193]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":104532193,"title":"Fickle fricatives: Fricative and stop perception in Gurindji Kriol, Roper Kriol, and Standard Australian English","translated_title":"","metadata":{"publisher":"Acoustical Society of America (ASA)","ai_title_tag":"Fricative-Stop Perception in Kriol Languages","grobid_abstract":"This paper uses a 2AFC identification task experiment to test listener perception of voiceless fricative-stop contrasts with minimal pairs modified along a 10-step continuum. Here, the authors focus on the uniqueness and nearuniformity of the phonological systems found in Australia. The languages involved in this study include Roper Kriol (an English-lexifier creole language), Gurindji Kriol (a mixed language derived from Gurindji and Kriol), with Standard Australian English (Indo-European) used as a baseline. Results reveal that just over 50% of the Roper Kriol and Gurindji Kriol listeners identified differences in the stop-fricative pairs with a high degree of consistency while nearly a quarter consistently identified the fricative-like stimuli as such, but showed random responses to the stop-like stimuli. The remaining participants showed a preference toward the fricatives across the entire continuum. The authors conclude that the fricative-stop contrast is not critical to the functionality of the phonologies in Roper Kriol or Gurindji Kriol, which could explain the high degree of variability. 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Here, the authors focus on the uniqueness and nearuniformity of the phonological systems found in Australia. The languages involved in this study include Roper Kriol (an English-lexifier creole language), Gurindji Kriol (a mixed language derived from Gurindji and Kriol), with Standard Australian English (Indo-European) used as a baseline. Results reveal that just over 50% of the Roper Kriol and Gurindji Kriol listeners identified differences in the stop-fricative pairs with a high degree of consistency while nearly a quarter consistently identified the fricative-like stimuli as such, but showed random responses to the stop-like stimuli. The remaining participants showed a preference toward the fricatives across the entire continuum. The authors conclude that the fricative-stop contrast is not critical to the functionality of the phonologies in Roper Kriol or Gurindji Kriol, which could explain the high degree of variability. 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$(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (false) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-104532193-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="104524486"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/104524486/A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenition_and_the_nature_of_variability_in_Gurindji_stops"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/104230370/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/104524486/A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenition_and_the_nature_of_variability_in_Gurindji_stops">A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span>Laboratory Phonology: Journal of the Association for Laboratory Phonology</span><span>, 2017</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and ...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and lenition of segment types ranging from fully occluded stops to highly lenited variants, in acoustic data. The method is motivated with respect to the relationship between acoustic and articulatory phonetics and, through subsequent evaluation, is argued to correspond well to articulation. It is then applied to the phonemic stops of casual speech in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, Australia) to investigate the nature of their articulatory targets. The degree of stop lenition is found to vary widely. Contrary to expectations, no evidence is found of a positive effect on lenition due to word-medial (relative to word-initial) position, beyond that attributable to duration; nor do non-coronals lenite more than their apical counterparts, which freely lenite along a continuum towards taps. No significant effect is found of preceding or following vocalic environment. Taken together, the observed lenition, duration, and peak intensity velocities are argued to be inconsistent with a single, fully-occluded articulatory 'stop' target which is undershot at short durations, rather targets can be understood to span a range or 'window' of values in the sense of Keating (1990), from fully-occluded stop-like targets to more approximantlike targets. It is an open question to what degree the patterns found in Gurindji are language particular, or can be related to the organization of obstruent systems in Australian languages more broadly. Precisely comparable studies of additional languages will be especially valuable in addressing these questions and others, and are possible using the method we introduce.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="e5b82d702fd02636d99f16d92364b731" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":104230370,"asset_id":104524486,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/104230370/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="104524486"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="104524486"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 104524486; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=104524486]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=104524486]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 104524486; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='104524486']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "e5b82d702fd02636d99f16d92364b731" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=104524486]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":104524486,"title":"A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops","translated_title":"","metadata":{"publisher":"Open Library of the Humanities","grobid_abstract":"An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and lenition of segment types ranging from fully occluded stops to highly lenited variants, in acoustic data. The method is motivated with respect to the relationship between acoustic and articulatory phonetics and, through subsequent evaluation, is argued to correspond well to articulation. It is then applied to the phonemic stops of casual speech in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, Australia) to investigate the nature of their articulatory targets. The degree of stop lenition is found to vary widely. Contrary to expectations, no evidence is found of a positive effect on lenition due to word-medial (relative to word-initial) position, beyond that attributable to duration; nor do non-coronals lenite more than their apical counterparts, which freely lenite along a continuum towards taps. No significant effect is found of preceding or following vocalic environment. Taken together, the observed lenition, duration, and peak intensity velocities are argued to be inconsistent with a single, fully-occluded articulatory 'stop' target which is undershot at short durations, rather targets can be understood to span a range or 'window' of values in the sense of Keating (1990), from fully-occluded stop-like targets to more approximantlike targets. It is an open question to what degree the patterns found in Gurindji are language particular, or can be related to the organization of obstruent systems in Australian languages more broadly. Precisely comparable studies of additional languages will be especially valuable in addressing these questions and others, and are possible using the method we introduce.","publication_date":{"day":null,"month":null,"year":2017,"errors":{}},"publication_name":"Laboratory Phonology: Journal of the Association for Laboratory Phonology","grobid_abstract_attachment_id":104230370},"translated_abstract":null,"internal_url":"https://www.academia.edu/104524486/A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenition_and_the_nature_of_variability_in_Gurindji_stops","translated_internal_url":"","created_at":"2023-07-13T01:42:27.231-07:00","preview_url":null,"current_user_can_edit":null,"current_user_is_owner":null,"owner_id":3782164,"coauthors_can_edit":true,"document_type":"paper","co_author_tags":[],"downloadable_attachments":[{"id":104230370,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/104230370/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"c8ba59c5536ee63cd04f8c927f06e556edeb.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/104230370/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenitio.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/104230370/c8ba59c5536ee63cd04f8c927f06e556edeb-libre.pdf?1689239926=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DA_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenitio.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=WiFcSfoA8-cUYWs9kE7-l~Xo~5srTaAfr61G8B42Yv1dHQTYA58Uw5wbnrCNeHcB5-cAn1eA47RB45qLVTb3Yq0j2~a0YmsA5DVpOL-b5sErZ6UdSQ0f1tbDNcpSU4q36MHWPqytHhispOOOUd9Lbk3pIcGhP9HjpI-EGSXDWJNtoHbKSoKZ0o4nL-HvDcDJW5kF8jIZY44MJijvlKIggeCNimBg~q~RiyrPhiu2W8~Jy0e2DEW5c8hR8cOU6bkRLZTjk~0xW0To6ApJp0jl5zQwjFHcJ0StM9IvBABfK8br~A5DBdJ~R-CiXE4K3If5x~SJF1GjCwtoeYFipzYTyg__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"slug":"A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenition_and_the_nature_of_variability_in_Gurindji_stops","translated_slug":"","page_count":32,"language":"en","content_type":"Work","summary":"An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and lenition of segment types ranging from fully occluded stops to highly lenited variants, in acoustic data. The method is motivated with respect to the relationship between acoustic and articulatory phonetics and, through subsequent evaluation, is argued to correspond well to articulation. It is then applied to the phonemic stops of casual speech in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, Australia) to investigate the nature of their articulatory targets. The degree of stop lenition is found to vary widely. Contrary to expectations, no evidence is found of a positive effect on lenition due to word-medial (relative to word-initial) position, beyond that attributable to duration; nor do non-coronals lenite more than their apical counterparts, which freely lenite along a continuum towards taps. No significant effect is found of preceding or following vocalic environment. Taken together, the observed lenition, duration, and peak intensity velocities are argued to be inconsistent with a single, fully-occluded articulatory 'stop' target which is undershot at short durations, rather targets can be understood to span a range or 'window' of values in the sense of Keating (1990), from fully-occluded stop-like targets to more approximantlike targets. It is an open question to what degree the patterns found in Gurindji are language particular, or can be related to the organization of obstruent systems in Australian languages more broadly. Precisely comparable studies of additional languages will be especially valuable in addressing these questions and others, and are possible using the method we introduce.","owner":{"id":3782164,"first_name":"Thomas","middle_initials":null,"last_name":"Ennever","page_name":"ThomasEnnever","domain_name":"surrey","created_at":"2013-04-13T11:52:11.756-07:00","display_name":"Thomas Ennever","url":"https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever"},"attachments":[{"id":104230370,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/104230370/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"c8ba59c5536ee63cd04f8c927f06e556edeb.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/104230370/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenitio.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/104230370/c8ba59c5536ee63cd04f8c927f06e556edeb-libre.pdf?1689239926=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DA_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenitio.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=WiFcSfoA8-cUYWs9kE7-l~Xo~5srTaAfr61G8B42Yv1dHQTYA58Uw5wbnrCNeHcB5-cAn1eA47RB45qLVTb3Yq0j2~a0YmsA5DVpOL-b5sErZ6UdSQ0f1tbDNcpSU4q36MHWPqytHhispOOOUd9Lbk3pIcGhP9HjpI-EGSXDWJNtoHbKSoKZ0o4nL-HvDcDJW5kF8jIZY44MJijvlKIggeCNimBg~q~RiyrPhiu2W8~Jy0e2DEW5c8hR8cOU6bkRLZTjk~0xW0To6ApJp0jl5zQwjFHcJ0StM9IvBABfK8br~A5DBdJ~R-CiXE4K3If5x~SJF1GjCwtoeYFipzYTyg__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"research_interests":[{"id":221,"name":"Psychology","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Psychology"},{"id":21025,"name":"Acoustic Phonetics","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Acoustic_Phonetics"},{"id":32757,"name":"Australian Languages","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Australian_Languages"},{"id":209097,"name":"Lenition","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Lenition"},{"id":384736,"name":"Articulatory Phonology","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Articulatory_Phonology"},{"id":409626,"name":"Intensity","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Intensity"},{"id":897363,"name":"Laboratory Phonology","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Laboratory_Phonology"},{"id":1292738,"name":"Stops","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Stops"},{"id":2492780,"name":"gurindji","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/gurindji"}],"urls":[]}, dispatcherData: dispatcherData }); $(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (false) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-104524486-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="102139755"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/102139755/Lexical_Stress"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Lexical Stress" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/102482604/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/102139755/Lexical_Stress">Lexical Stress</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--coauthors"><span>by </span><span><a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://uq.academia.edu/KathleenJepson">Kathleen Jepson</a> and <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever">Thomas Ennever</a></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span>Handbook of Australian languages, ed. by C. Bowern. Oxford: Oxford University Press.</span><span>, 2023</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">Australian languages have been drawn upon extensively to exemplify aspects of the design space of...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">Australian languages have been drawn upon extensively to exemplify aspects of the design space of metrical structure, including rhythmical patterns, foot structure, and other stress-related phonological features. While some auditory properties have emerged in descriptions (e.g., duration, loudness, pitch, vowel quality), we are only beginning to examine what the acoustic correlates are that underlie these rhythmic structures. In this chapter, we proffer a broad overview of stress in Australian languages, highlighting some of the under-reviewed phonological and phonetic aspects of stress, along with a summary of the ranges of metrical structures found across the continent. Looking to the future, we see great value in the re-examination of primary data (where possible) and the acoustic properties underlying reported stress patterns. We also view ongoing work in the relationship between morphological and prosodic structure and the unpicking of the relationship between lexical stress and prosody above the word as areas which promise to yield many exciting insights.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="5015ee6377f8a31b163aebde114a6d4c" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":102482604,"asset_id":102139755,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/102482604/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="102139755"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="102139755"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 102139755; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=102139755]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=102139755]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 102139755; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='102139755']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "5015ee6377f8a31b163aebde114a6d4c" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=102139755]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":102139755,"title":"Lexical Stress","translated_title":"","metadata":{"abstract":"Australian languages have been drawn upon extensively to exemplify aspects of the design space of metrical structure, including rhythmical patterns, foot structure, and other stress-related phonological features. While some auditory properties have emerged in descriptions (e.g., duration, loudness, pitch, vowel quality), we are only beginning to examine what the acoustic correlates are that underlie these rhythmic structures. In this chapter, we proffer a broad overview of stress in Australian languages, highlighting some of the under-reviewed phonological and phonetic aspects of stress, along with a summary of the ranges of metrical structures found across the continent. Looking to the future, we see great value in the re-examination of primary data (where possible) and the acoustic properties underlying reported stress patterns. We also view ongoing work in the relationship between morphological and prosodic structure and the unpicking of the relationship between lexical stress and prosody above the word as areas which promise to yield many exciting insights.","ai_title_tag":"Stress Patterns and Acoustic Features in Australian Languages","page_numbers":"145–158","publication_date":{"day":null,"month":null,"year":2023,"errors":{}},"publication_name":"Handbook of Australian languages, ed. by C. Bowern. Oxford: Oxford University Press."},"translated_abstract":"Australian languages have been drawn upon extensively to exemplify aspects of the design space of metrical structure, including rhythmical patterns, foot structure, and other stress-related phonological features. While some auditory properties have emerged in descriptions (e.g., duration, loudness, pitch, vowel quality), we are only beginning to examine what the acoustic correlates are that underlie these rhythmic structures. In this chapter, we proffer a broad overview of stress in Australian languages, highlighting some of the under-reviewed phonological and phonetic aspects of stress, along with a summary of the ranges of metrical structures found across the continent. Looking to the future, we see great value in the re-examination of primary data (where possible) and the acoustic properties underlying reported stress patterns. We also view ongoing work in the relationship between morphological and prosodic structure and the unpicking of the relationship between lexical stress and prosody above the word as areas which promise to yield many exciting insights.","internal_url":"https://www.academia.edu/102139755/Lexical_Stress","translated_internal_url":"","created_at":"2023-05-21T17:12:44.984-07:00","preview_url":null,"current_user_can_edit":null,"current_user_is_owner":null,"owner_id":3782164,"coauthors_can_edit":true,"document_type":"paper","co_author_tags":[{"id":39888087,"work_id":102139755,"tagging_user_id":3782164,"tagged_user_id":27164134,"co_author_invite_id":null,"email":"k***n@uq.edu.au","affiliation":"The University of Queensland, Australia","display_order":-1,"name":"Kathleen Jepson","title":"Lexical Stress"}],"downloadable_attachments":[{"id":102482604,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/102482604/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"Jepson_Ennever_2023.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/102482604/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"Lexical_Stress.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/102482604/Jepson_Ennever_2023-libre.pdf?1684716449=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DLexical_Stress.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=BvlUEZVFgMk4GKW57xgvHgWhdrZ1PQvdxHD2BsC7jUbx0OpgDuDyKXOw9IX2LTSv7uRpq~LSVTZR214Y~rxF3-ZaXOcER8NXR2cLtmOsgrbjvn2PqQJ6-DU6wXcWUx7-uqdoiFSHQkLi3BHYhOHDlXJMnLRsF2pAlMQW48Ey76AXACHX5vf9Niymb2mcQYe6SirM7Ckh1qpAAlNc6BCxSvqOTZneZI18g-zJI~4PDy3tzxx~UfADw3rwYsYIzf9FHw0-~ukv2vDYLj105UVbUf4akMqykqkeRgeAV6DKcrrHgqWHSw6~sLP6OQ4OtglwbuRBdFi4631g4xbrP5PV4A__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"slug":"Lexical_Stress","translated_slug":"","page_count":19,"language":"en","content_type":"Work","summary":"Australian languages have been drawn upon extensively to exemplify aspects of the design space of metrical structure, including rhythmical patterns, foot structure, and other stress-related phonological features. While some auditory properties have emerged in descriptions (e.g., duration, loudness, pitch, vowel quality), we are only beginning to examine what the acoustic correlates are that underlie these rhythmic structures. In this chapter, we proffer a broad overview of stress in Australian languages, highlighting some of the under-reviewed phonological and phonetic aspects of stress, along with a summary of the ranges of metrical structures found across the continent. Looking to the future, we see great value in the re-examination of primary data (where possible) and the acoustic properties underlying reported stress patterns. We also view ongoing work in the relationship between morphological and prosodic structure and the unpicking of the relationship between lexical stress and prosody above the word as areas which promise to yield many exciting insights.","owner":{"id":3782164,"first_name":"Thomas","middle_initials":null,"last_name":"Ennever","page_name":"ThomasEnnever","domain_name":"surrey","created_at":"2013-04-13T11:52:11.756-07:00","display_name":"Thomas Ennever","url":"https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever"},"attachments":[{"id":102482604,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/102482604/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"Jepson_Ennever_2023.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/102482604/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"Lexical_Stress.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/102482604/Jepson_Ennever_2023-libre.pdf?1684716449=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DLexical_Stress.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=BvlUEZVFgMk4GKW57xgvHgWhdrZ1PQvdxHD2BsC7jUbx0OpgDuDyKXOw9IX2LTSv7uRpq~LSVTZR214Y~rxF3-ZaXOcER8NXR2cLtmOsgrbjvn2PqQJ6-DU6wXcWUx7-uqdoiFSHQkLi3BHYhOHDlXJMnLRsF2pAlMQW48Ey76AXACHX5vf9Niymb2mcQYe6SirM7Ckh1qpAAlNc6BCxSvqOTZneZI18g-zJI~4PDy3tzxx~UfADw3rwYsYIzf9FHw0-~ukv2vDYLj105UVbUf4akMqykqkeRgeAV6DKcrrHgqWHSw6~sLP6OQ4OtglwbuRBdFi4631g4xbrP5PV4A__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"research_interests":[{"id":1239,"name":"Phonology","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Phonology"},{"id":279173,"name":"Australian Aboriginal Languages","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Australian_Aboriginal_Languages"},{"id":294760,"name":"Lexical stress","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Lexical_stress"}],"urls":[]}, dispatcherData: dispatcherData }); $(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (false) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-102139755-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="101965806"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/101965806/Cross_referencing_of_non_subject_arguments_in_Pama_Nyungan_languages"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Cross-referencing of non-subject arguments in Pama-Nyungan languages" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/102359108/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/101965806/Cross_referencing_of_non_subject_arguments_in_Pama_Nyungan_languages">Cross-referencing of non-subject arguments in Pama-Nyungan languages</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--coauthors"><span>by </span><span><a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever">Thomas Ennever</a> and <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://mq.academia.edu/MitchellBrowne">Mitchell Browne</a></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span>Australian Journal of Linguistics</span><span>, 2023</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">About one third of Pama-Nyungan languages of Australia employ pronominal crossreferencing, yet sy...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">About one third of Pama-Nyungan languages of Australia employ pronominal crossreferencing, yet systematic typological patterns of non-subject argument registration remain unexamined. We analyze this variation from two perspectives by surveying 22 Pama-Nyungan languages. Firstly, we survey which kinds of case-marked arguments can be crossreferenced by these pronominal systems. From this perspective, we find that a number of nominal expressions marked with so-called 'local' cases (e.g. locative, allative, ablative, etc.) can be cross-referenced when instantiating certain argument relations. Secondly, we find striking cross-linguistic predictability in how such relations-which we descriptively group as 'locational'-are morphologically integrated into the pronominal paradigms. We show that the variation can be captured by two major parameters: firstly, whether locational crossreferencing utilises the same form as another non-subject series, or whether locational crossreferencing is serviced by a unique series formally built off another non-subject series. In this latter case there is further variation as to which other non-subject series provides the base for the dedicated locational series. These parameters result in six surface pattern types, and we show that each of the patterns is instantiated in languages of the survey.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><div class="carousel-container carousel-container--sm" id="profile-work-101965806-figures"><div class="prev-slide-container js-prev-button-container"><button aria-label="Previous" class="carousel-navigation-button js-profile-work-101965806-figures-prev"><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 24px" translate="no">arrow_back_ios</span></button></div><div class="slides-container js-slides-container"><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152640/figure-1-approximate-locations-of-the-pama-nyungan-languages"><img alt="Figure 1: Approximate locations of the Pama-Nyungan languages surveyed in this paper which can cross-reference at least one type of nominal expression marked with local case (e.g. locative, allative, elative, etc.). " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/figure_001.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152645/figure-2-surveyed-languages-categorized-by-their-cross"><img alt="Figure 2: Surveyed languages categorized by their cross-referencing pattern(s). Languages which do not cross-reference locationals are excluded from this figure. 5. Reflexivization " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/figure_002.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152651/table-1-grammatical-relations-of-ngardi-ennever-in-the"><img alt="Table 1: Grammatical relations of Ngardi (Ennever, 2021, p. 502) In (5), the indirect object ‘dog’ has an overt nominal kunyarr marked with dative case, and is cross-referenced by the oblique series bound pronoun =r/a. However, there are (language specific) conditions on the occurrence of these bound pronouns and nominals within a given clause. As noted earlier, overt nominals are optional, as in (6) where there are no overt nominals. For the pronominal enclitics, generally only animate participants are registered by he bound pronouns (though there are a number of other constraints which vary across the particular languages). In (7), the object ‘two coolamons’ is not cross-referenced—in part because the referent is not animate. As such, the treatment of grammatical relations in these anguages utilises a combination of these criteria, rather than a single criterion. Finally, some anguages have further syntactic tests which can be used to independently motivate grammatical relations. These are typically language-specific tests relating to control properties of various types of relativized or subordinate clauses (see, for example Simpson, 1991, pp. 314-317 on tests for “objecthood” in Warlpiri). " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_001.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152656/table-2-western-mudburra-bound-pronominal-paradigm-osgarby"><img alt="Table 2: Western Mudburra bound pronominal paradigm (Osgarby, 2018, p. 122). In the Western Mudburra bound pronoun paradigm, there is a primary distinction between subject and non-subject. The grammatical relations subsumed by the ‘non-subject’ series in Mudburra include not just the ‘object’, but indirect objects (marked by dative case); ‘inherent location’ (marked by locative case) and ‘inherent destination’ (marked by allative case) relations (Osgarby, 2018, p. 141). The DM languages surveyed in this paper are similar to Mudburra in that they allow cross-referencing of NPs in a select number of local cases (e.g. locative and allative cases) by the bound pronouns. The cross-referencing of the allative case marking of the second singular free pronoun nyuntu in Manyjilyjarra in (8) is illustrative: The number of bound pronominal series varies across languages, however all languages in this survey minimally have a subject and non-subject series (with many languages distinguishing different types of non-subjects, commonly a distinction between an object and a dative/oblique series). The pronominals distinguish person (1, 2, 3), number (typically singular, dual, plural), and clusivity of non-singular first-person referents (for some languages, the system is analyzed as minimal, unit augmented, augmented). An example paradigm, from Western Mudburra (Ngumpin-Yapa) is given in Table 2, which demonstrates typical distinctions made in these paradigms. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_002.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152659/table-3-possibility-for-cross-referencing-of-local-case"><img alt="Table 3: Possibility for cross-referencing of local case marked NPs in surveyed languages (a dash indicates there is no distinct case form). This case hierarchy can also be extended to the grammatical productivity of these case suffixes: a given case has a more semantically diverse array of functions to those lower on the hierarchy. For example, cross-referenced locatives occur with a greater number of predicates and encode arguments which occupy a semantically more diverse array of functions than cases to the right on the hierarchy. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_003.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152664/table-4-sample-verbs-from-warburton-ranges-variety-of"><img alt="Table 4: Sample verbs from Warburton Ranges variety of Western Desert (data adapted from Koch, 2014, p. 155) The second axis relates to the function of this other (non-locational) series: specifically, whether it is used for cross-referencing ‘objects’, ‘indirect objects’ or a single ‘non-subject’ series. The intersection of these two axes results in six distinct pattern types; each of which is attested by at least one language in the survey, as shown in Table 5 and discussed in the following subsections. verbs—and is relatively widespread in Australia (Koch, 2014, p. 158). For example, consider the present and future inflectional forms in the Warburton Ranges variety of Western Desert, shown in Table 4. For these verbs, the present inflection form is transparently built off the future inflection form, i.e. the form of the present for these conjugations is FUT + Ja. Morphologically analogous formations in nominal case in Australian languages have typically been referred to as “compound case’ (Schweiger, 2000) while here we extend the analogy of ‘parasitism’ to bound pronominal forms.'® " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_004.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152668/table-5-pattern-types-of-local-case-cross-referencing-in"><img alt="Table 5: Pattern types of local case cross-referencing in relation to other non-subject series " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_005.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152676/table-6-non-subject-bound-pronouns-in-kukatja-valiquette-pp"><img alt="Table 6: Non-subject bound pronouns in Kukatja (Valiquette, 1993, pp. 453-454) In this paradigm type, unmarked (absolutive) NPs in object functions as well as certain locative NPs (namely those with animate referents) are registered in the bound pronoun by a single set of forms, barring the third singular.'’ For example, the Kukatja first singular bound pronoun =rni can cross-reference absolutive NPs with the role of direct object as in (17)a., and absolutive NPs with the role of primary object in a double object construction as in (17)b.!8 " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_006.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152679/table-7-non-subject-bound-pronouns-in-nyangumarta-marrngu"><img alt="Table 7: Non-subject bound pronouns in Nyangumarta (Marrngu) (Sharp, 2004, p. 91). Forms with ‘=’ are phonologicall bound to a verbal host, and forms with ‘#’ are phonologically independent pronouns, but still syntactically bound to the post-verbal position. these languages, the locational and dative arguments are cross-referenced identically for all persons and numbers, except for the third singular where there is a contrast between the two. Other languages exhibiting this pattern of syncretism include the Marrngu languages as well as Nyiyaparli (Battin, 2019, p. 18) within the Ngayarda subgroup—a neighbouring subgroup which by and large lacks bound pronouns. ngaju-ku! " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_007.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152684/table-8-non-subject-bound-pronouns-in-mudburra-osgarby"><img alt="Table 8: Non-subject bound pronouns in Mudburra (Osgarby, 2018, p. 118)?? " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_008.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152688/table-9-non-subject-bound-pronouns-in-yulparija-wangka-maya"><img alt="Table 9: Non-subject bound pronouns in Yulparija (Wangka Maya Pilbara Aboriginal Language Centre, 2008 " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_009.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152691/table-11-two-series-of-bound-pronouns-for-locational-case"><img alt="Table 11: Two series of bound pronouns for locational case cross-referencing in Wangkajunga (Jones, 2011, pp. 140-141) " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_010.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152692/table-12-non-subject-bound-pronouns-in-walmajarri-hudson-pp"><img alt="Table 12: Non-subject bound pronouns in Walmajarri (Hudson, 1978, pp. 60-62) The variability in selection of LOCATIONAL I or LOCATIONAL II in the pronominal complex in Walmajarri is illustrated in (34), where a—b. exhibit the series incremental to the dative series (Pattern 2b), and c-d exhibit the series incremental to the object series (Pattern 2a). Note that in a. and c. we have clear evidence of the same case-marked (free) pronoun (ngau-nga) being cross-referenced by bound pronouns from the two different series (LCTI and LCTII). " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_011.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152694/table-13-surveyed-languages-categorized-by-pattern-type"><img alt="Table 13: Surveyed languages categorized by pattern type. Having introduced the types of patterns found in the surveyed languages, as well as languages which exhibit hybrid patterns, we now turn to the distribution of the patterns found. These are overviewed in Table 13 and Table 14. 4. Distribution of pattern types " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_012.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152695/table-14-these-are-suggestive-that-there-may-be-weak-genetic"><img alt="These tables are suggestive that there may be a weak genetic component to the distributic pattern types. Broadly speaking, Ngumpin-Yapa languages exhibit pattern 1c or 2c; Mart 1b; and Western Desert 1a. What is particularly striking, however, is that even within a closely related language grouping there is nevertheless considerable—and structurally diverse—variation. Within Ngumpin-Yapa, for example, only patterns 1a and 1b are unattested. While a range of patterns are attested for the cross-referencing of locational arguments in the subgroup, it is notable that just one language in Ngumpin-Y apa— Warlpiri—eschews all and any forms of cross-referencing of local case-marked expressions.*! Table 14: Surveyed languages categorized into genetic subgroup with corresponding pattern type. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_013.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152698/table-15-comparison-of-object-dative-and-locational"><img alt="Table 15: Comparison of object/dative and locational reflexive pronominal forms The morphological composition of the reflexive bound pronoun followed by an increment r/a is consistent with the formation of locational bound pronouns in each language. For the Ngumpin-Yapa languages, this is Pattern 2-—the addition of an increment to a syncretic object/dative case form. For Yulparija, the locational is an increment to the object form (which is distinct from a dative form), i.e. Pattern 2a. Note that the -ngku- component in the formation of the locational reflexive is widely treated as an ‘epenthetic’ in addition to -r/a but its obligatoriness differs across languages (Tsunoda, 1981, p. 152; Senge, 2015, p. 330; Meakins & McConvell, 2021, p. 355; Ennever, 2021, p. 309). A less well-known type of reflexivisation is found in some Ngumpin languages and the northern Western Desert languages Yulparija. For these languages there is a discrete locational reflexive clitic which must be used if a locational bound pronoun is co-referent with the clausal subject. The form of the locational reflexive/reciprocal is clearly compositional, comprising the simple reflexive and the increment -r/a with the variable presence of a linking element -ngku-, shown in Table 15. 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We analyze this variation from two perspectives by surveying 22 Pama-Nyungan languages. Firstly, we survey which kinds of case-marked arguments can be crossreferenced by these pronominal systems. From this perspective, we find that a number of nominal expressions marked with so-called 'local' cases (e.g. locative, allative, ablative, etc.) can be cross-referenced when instantiating certain argument relations. Secondly, we find striking cross-linguistic predictability in how such relations-which we descriptively group as 'locational'-are morphologically integrated into the pronominal paradigms. We show that the variation can be captured by two major parameters: firstly, whether locational crossreferencing utilises the same form as another non-subject series, or whether locational crossreferencing is serviced by a unique series formally built off another non-subject series. In this latter case there is further variation as to which other non-subject series provides the base for the dedicated locational series. These parameters result in six surface pattern types, and we show that each of the patterns is instantiated in languages of the survey.","publication_date":{"day":null,"month":null,"year":2023,"errors":{}},"publication_name":"Australian Journal of Linguistics"},"translated_abstract":"About one third of Pama-Nyungan languages of Australia employ pronominal crossreferencing, yet systematic typological patterns of non-subject argument registration remain unexamined. We analyze this variation from two perspectives by surveying 22 Pama-Nyungan languages. Firstly, we survey which kinds of case-marked arguments can be crossreferenced by these pronominal systems. From this perspective, we find that a number of nominal expressions marked with so-called 'local' cases (e.g. locative, allative, ablative, etc.) can be cross-referenced when instantiating certain argument relations. Secondly, we find striking cross-linguistic predictability in how such relations-which we descriptively group as 'locational'-are morphologically integrated into the pronominal paradigms. We show that the variation can be captured by two major parameters: firstly, whether locational crossreferencing utilises the same form as another non-subject series, or whether locational crossreferencing is serviced by a unique series formally built off another non-subject series. In this latter case there is further variation as to which other non-subject series provides the base for the dedicated locational series. These parameters result in six surface pattern types, and we show that each of the patterns is instantiated in languages of the survey.","internal_url":"https://www.academia.edu/101965806/Cross_referencing_of_non_subject_arguments_in_Pama_Nyungan_languages","translated_internal_url":"","created_at":"2023-05-18T02:57:14.787-07:00","preview_url":null,"current_user_can_edit":null,"current_user_is_owner":null,"owner_id":6122336,"coauthors_can_edit":true,"document_type":"paper","co_author_tags":[{"id":39878830,"work_id":101965806,"tagging_user_id":6122336,"tagged_user_id":3782164,"co_author_invite_id":null,"email":"t***r@monash.edu","affiliation":"University of Surrey","display_order":-1,"name":"Thomas Ennever","title":"Cross-referencing of non-subject arguments in Pama-Nyungan languages"}],"downloadable_attachments":[{"id":102359108,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/102359108/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"Ennever_Browne_2023_postprint.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/102359108/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"Cross_referencing_of_non_subject_argumen.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/102359108/Ennever_Browne_2023_postprint-libre.pdf?1684404995=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DCross_referencing_of_non_subject_argumen.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=Beg1pAmk70n3PnXitK7QEQhoP4lHaG~zKUmlmw~vQXtNp2X3HhhA~yYDfqyeUfYDUAQBSC68W26qpBBsQ7MkLqjY9PdRp7yv-BAzdgSvmcLLCD2R6IC~IQuyWAe--EapflNzhUl1xzl7wvQFLgpxN-ZJwJuUL-L84-lMAIJYGs50wZNYFZVknC~1d5CwYYT7DdYhr-D029V13bX8A8gct0JXkAPFEloJpzBX8uLbICBnnLjColNn0z1aVNsovpzrap58oIZkEIAtRBbFyqyFJ8dpjwDHea7NkucZ9gmWXR4k-KlCzQXDLZ~ZpqQUkqUoepZ2kUGi7bM3CTc2hfBnDg__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"slug":"Cross_referencing_of_non_subject_arguments_in_Pama_Nyungan_languages","translated_slug":"","page_count":42,"language":"en","content_type":"Work","summary":"About one third of Pama-Nyungan languages of Australia employ pronominal crossreferencing, yet systematic typological patterns of non-subject argument registration remain unexamined. We analyze this variation from two perspectives by surveying 22 Pama-Nyungan languages. Firstly, we survey which kinds of case-marked arguments can be crossreferenced by these pronominal systems. From this perspective, we find that a number of nominal expressions marked with so-called 'local' cases (e.g. locative, allative, ablative, etc.) can be cross-referenced when instantiating certain argument relations. Secondly, we find striking cross-linguistic predictability in how such relations-which we descriptively group as 'locational'-are morphologically integrated into the pronominal paradigms. We show that the variation can be captured by two major parameters: firstly, whether locational crossreferencing utilises the same form as another non-subject series, or whether locational crossreferencing is serviced by a unique series formally built off another non-subject series. In this latter case there is further variation as to which other non-subject series provides the base for the dedicated locational series. These parameters result in six surface pattern types, and we show that each of the patterns is instantiated in languages of the survey.","owner":{"id":6122336,"first_name":"Mitchell","middle_initials":null,"last_name":"Browne","page_name":"MitchellBrowne","domain_name":"mq","created_at":"2013-10-13T18:36:06.786-07:00","display_name":"Mitchell 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Nyungan Languages","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Pama_Nyungan_Languages"}],"urls":[]}, dispatcherData: dispatcherData }); $(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (true) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-101965806-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="62298263"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" rel="nofollow" href="https://www.academia.edu/62298263/A_Grammar_of_Ngardi"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of A Grammar of Ngardi" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://a.academia-assets.com/images/blank-paper.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title">A Grammar of Ngardi</div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span 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(Australia</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--coauthors"><span>by </span><span><a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://mq.academia.edu/MitchellBrowne">Mitchell Browne</a> and <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever">Thomas Ennever</a></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span>Apprehensional constructions in a cross-linguistic perspective</span><span>, 2022</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">In this chapter we survey and compare apprehensional constructions found in languages of the Ngum...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">In this chapter we survey and compare apprehensional constructions found in languages of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup of the Pama-Nyungan family (Australia).</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="669a4415013aa35c9452f2fec3842fe9" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":72143377,"asset_id":57064852,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/72143377/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="57064852"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div 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hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/40085486/Fickle_fricatives_Fricative_and_stop_perception_in_Gurindji_Kriol_Roper_Kriol_and_Standard_Australian_English"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Fickle fricatives: Fricative and stop perception in Gurindji Kriol, Roper Kriol, and Standard Australian English" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/60292878/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/40085486/Fickle_fricatives_Fricative_and_stop_perception_in_Gurindji_Kriol_Roper_Kriol_and_Standard_Australian_English">Fickle fricatives: Fricative and stop perception in Gurindji Kriol, Roper Kriol, and Standard Australian English</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--coauthors"><span>by </span><span><a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://usask.academia.edu/JesseStewart">Jesse Stewart</a>, <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://uq.academia.edu/FelicityMeakins">Felicity Meakins</a>, and <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever">Thomas Ennever</a></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span>Journal of the Acoustical Society of America</span><span>, 2020</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">This paper uses a 2AFC identification task experiment to test listener perception of voiceless fr...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">This paper uses a 2AFC identification task experiment to test listener perception of voiceless fricative-stop contrasts with minimal pairs modified along a 10-step continuum. Here, we focus on the uniqueness and near-uniformity of the phonological systems found in Australia. The languages involved in this study include: Roper Kriol (an English-lexifier creole language), Gurindji Kriol (a mixed language derived from Gurindji and Kriol); with Standard Australian English (Indo-European) used as a baseline. Results reveal that just over 50% of the Roper Kriol and Gurindji Kriol listeners identified differences in the stop-fricative pairs with a high degree of consistency while nearly a quarter consistently identified the fricative-like stimuli as such, but showed random responses to the stop-like stimuli. The remaining participants showed a preference towards the fricatives across the entire continuum. We conclude that the fricative-stop contrast is not critical to the functionality of the phonologies in Roper Kriol or Gurindji Kriol, which could explain the high degree of variability. In addition, there is some evidence that degree of exposure to English may have an effect on the degree of contrastability.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><div class="carousel-container carousel-container--sm" id="profile-work-40085486-figures"><div class="prev-slide-container js-prev-button-container"><button aria-label="Previous" class="carousel-navigation-button js-profile-work-40085486-figures-prev"><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 24px" translate="no">arrow_back_ios</span></button></div><div class="slides-container js-slides-container"><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374849/figure-1-wave-and-spectrogram-illustrations-of-each-stop"><img alt="Figure 1: Wave and spectrogram illustrations of each stop along the seil-teil ‘sail-tail’ continuum. The differences in duration between the steps for each minimal pair in the KGK experiment are the same for the cognate minimal pairs in the SAE experiment to maintain similar experimental conditions. As the modified values become more distant from their prototypical forms, responses are predicted to become more random, if any degree of contrasts indeed exists. Alternatively, if a participant perceives the stimuli as the same, we would expect random responses throughout the continua or a listener may choose to assign anything that does not sound like a prototypical X to the Y category. However, if only one token appears phonemically in a participant's inventory, we expect they will consistently select the token at one end of the continuum while responses at the other end will be more random. If there is indeed a contrast found, using the 10-step continua allowed us to home in on the categorical boundaries of each minimal pair based on the 50% crossing point between the canonical forms. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/figure_001.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374858/figure-2-three-slides-from-the-gurindji-kriol-kriol-afc"><img alt="Figure 2: Three slides from the Gurindji Kriol/ Kriol 2AFC identification task. The top left slide shows the minimal pairs fok 'fork' and pok ‘pork’. The middle slide shows the minimal pairs fut 'foot' and but 'boot'. The bottom right slide shows the minimal pairs feil 'tail' and seil ‘sail’. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/figure_002.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374865/figure-3-the-top-image-represents-the-mean-average-of-the"><img alt="Figure 3: The top image represents the mean average of the responses to the [f-p" (solid blue) and [s-t" (dotted red) stimuli across the continua. The canonical fricative token is on the left (step 0) while the canonical stop token is on the right (step 9). The lower images represent the mean average of the responses to each one of the individual words across the continuum (from left to right, feel-peel, fork-pork, sick-tick, & sail-tail). [he results found in this section detail the participant responses to the SAE experiment. This section contains line plots for both the [f-p"] and [s-t"] minimal pair. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/figure_003.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374873/figure-4-the-top-image-represents-the-mean-average-of-the"><img alt="Figure 4: The top image represents the mean average of the responses to the [f-p"] stimuli across the continua. The canonical fricative token is on the left (step 0) while the canonical stop token is on the right (step 9). The lower images represent the mean average of the responses to each one of the individual words across the continuum (from left to right, fut-but 'foot-boot’, filim-pilim 'feel-peel’, fok-pok 'fork-pork’, and fobala-pobala ‘four-poor'). step) with a high degree of consistency while responses to canonical [p"] were more random. Interestingly, participants from both the Gurindji Kriol and Kriol groups had very similar responses to the individual words. Moreover, the unaspirated VOT of the stop in the fut-but 'foot- boot’ does not appear to increase or decrease the ability to identify minimal pairs contrasting by word-initial fricative and stops. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/figure_004.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374877/figure-5-the-top-image-represents-the-mean-average-of-the"><img alt="Figure 5: The top image represents the mean average of the responses to the [s-t"] stimuli across the continua. The canonical fricative token is on the left (step 0) while the canonical stop token is on the right (step 9). The lower images represent the mean average of the responses to each of the individual words across each continuum (from left to right, saun-taun 'sound-town', sik-tik 'sick-tick', seil-teil 'sail-tail', sedul-tedul 'saddle-turtle'). " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/figure_005.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374883/figure-6-it-is-important-to-note-that-when-combining-all-of"><img alt="It is important to note that when combining all of the minimal pairs into a single average, there was a relatively high degree of variation in the participant results for both groups. Some speakers were able to distinguish both series ([f-p"] and [s-t"]) with a high degree of consistency. Others showed more consistent responses to the fricative series but had random responses for the stop series. Several others preferred the fricative series across the continuum while a limited few actually showed a reverse trend; choosing the fricative token towards the end of the continua and vice versa. Figure 6 shows four individual listener responses that match these patterns and provides numbers of how many participants displayed each trend. These results will be further discussed in $4. Overall, fricatives appear to be the preferred series during the identification task, with the majority of speakers showing a clear contrast between the fricative and stop pairs. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/figure_006.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374892/figure-7-differences-in-response-patterns-based-on-exposure"><img alt="Figure 7: Differences in response patterns based on exposure to SAE. Listeners with low exposure to SAE (dashed, green) show more varied response patterns compared to those with high exposure to SAE (solid, blue). To appear in The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America. This version may differ slightly from the published article. Please cite the published version. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/figure_007.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374900/table-1-the-intercept-with-base-value-of-log-odds-suggests"><img alt="The intercept, with a 'base' value’ of 1.1 log-odds, suggests that the probability of Gurindji Kriol participants, with high/mid exposure to English, selecting the image containing the word- initial [s], upon hearing its canonical token at the beginning of the continua was 75%. This probability decreased by, on average, -0.24 log-odds per step along the continua. By the final step, the probability of selecting the image containing word-initial [s] upon hearing the stimuli containing the word-initial canonical stop token ({t"]) was 25%. The probability of Kriol participants selecting the image when hearing the canonical [s] fricative token significantly decreased to 69%. By the final step, the probability of selecting the image with word-initial [s] image upon hearing the stimuli containing the word-initial canonical stop [t"] token was 20%. Bor the lahial ceries the nrohahilitv of Gurindi Kriol narticinante with hicgh/mid exnocure " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/table_001.jpg" /></a></figure></div><div class="next-slide-container js-next-button-container"><button aria-label="Next" class="carousel-navigation-button js-profile-work-40085486-figures-next"><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 24px" translate="no">arrow_forward_ios</span></button></div></div></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="dbd7ccce6df25237bb49120799d15d95" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":60292878,"asset_id":40085486,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/60292878/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="40085486"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="40085486"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 40085486; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=40085486]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=40085486]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 40085486; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='40085486']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "dbd7ccce6df25237bb49120799d15d95" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=40085486]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":40085486,"title":"Fickle fricatives: Fricative and stop perception in Gurindji Kriol, Roper Kriol, and Standard Australian English","translated_title":"","metadata":{"doi":"10.1121/10.0000991","issue":"4","volume":"147","abstract":"This paper uses a 2AFC identification task experiment to test listener perception of voiceless fricative-stop contrasts with minimal pairs modified along a 10-step continuum. 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A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/54227942/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/34332078/2017_A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenition_and_the_nature_of_variability_in_Gurindji_stops">2017. A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--coauthors"><span>by </span><span><a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever">Thomas Ennever</a>, <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://uq.academia.edu/FelicityMeakins">Felicity Meakins</a>, and <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ErichRound">Erich R Round</a></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span>Laboratory Phonology</span><span>, 2017</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and ...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and lenition of segment types ranging from fully occluded stops to highly lenited variants, in acoustic data. The method is motivated with respect to the relationship between acoustic and articulatory phonetics and, through subsequent evaluation, is argued to correspond well to articulation. It is then applied to the phonemic stops of casual speech in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, Australia) to investigate the nature of their articulatory targets. The degree of stop lenition is found to vary widely. Contrary to expectations, no evidence is found of a positive effect on lenition due to word-medial (relative to word-initial) position, beyond that attributable to duration; nor do non-coronals lenite more than their apical counterparts, which freely lenite along a continuum towards taps. No signi cant effect is found of preceding or following vocalic environment. Taken together, the observed lenition, duration, and peak intensity velocities are argued to be inconsistent with a single, fully-occluded articulatory ‘stop’ target which is undershot at short durations, rather targets can be understood to span a range or ‘window’ of values in the sense of Keating (1990), from fully-occluded stop-like targets to more approximant- like targets. It is an open question to what degree the patterns found in Gurindji are language particular, or can be related to the organization of obstruent systems in Australian languages more broadly. Precisely comparable studies of additional languages will be especially valuable in addressing these questions and others, and are possible using the method we introduce.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="8c2565298e007333d7ba47745a647051" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":54227942,"asset_id":34332078,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/54227942/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="34332078"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="34332078"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 34332078; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=34332078]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=34332078]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 34332078; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='34332078']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "8c2565298e007333d7ba47745a647051" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=34332078]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":34332078,"title":"2017. A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops","translated_title":"","metadata":{"doi":"10.5334/labphon.18","issue":"1","volume":"8","abstract":"An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and lenition of segment types ranging from fully occluded stops to highly lenited variants, in acoustic data. The method is motivated with respect to the relationship between acoustic and articulatory phonetics and, through subsequent evaluation, is argued to correspond well to articulation. It is then applied to the phonemic stops of casual speech in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, Australia) to investigate the nature of their articulatory targets. The degree of stop lenition is found to vary widely. Contrary to expectations, no evidence is found of a positive effect on lenition due to word-medial (relative to word-initial) position, beyond that attributable to duration; nor do non-coronals lenite more than their apical counterparts, which freely lenite along a continuum towards taps. No signi cant effect is found of preceding or following vocalic environment. Taken together, the observed lenition, duration, and peak intensity velocities are argued to be inconsistent with a single, fully-occluded articulatory ‘stop’ target which is undershot at short durations, rather targets can be understood to span a range or ‘window’ of values in the sense of Keating (1990), from fully-occluded stop-like targets to more approximant- like targets. It is an open question to what degree the patterns found in Gurindji are language particular, or can be related to the organization of obstruent systems in Australian languages more broadly. Precisely comparable studies of additional languages will be especially valuable in addressing these questions and others, and are possible using the method we introduce.","ai_title_tag":"Measuring Lenition in Gurindji Stops","page_numbers":"1-32","publication_date":{"day":null,"month":null,"year":2017,"errors":{}},"publication_name":"Laboratory Phonology"},"translated_abstract":"An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and lenition of segment types ranging from fully occluded stops to highly lenited variants, in acoustic data. The method is motivated with respect to the relationship between acoustic and articulatory phonetics and, through subsequent evaluation, is argued to correspond well to articulation. It is then applied to the phonemic stops of casual speech in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, Australia) to investigate the nature of their articulatory targets. The degree of stop lenition is found to vary widely. Contrary to expectations, no evidence is found of a positive effect on lenition due to word-medial (relative to word-initial) position, beyond that attributable to duration; nor do non-coronals lenite more than their apical counterparts, which freely lenite along a continuum towards taps. No signi cant effect is found of preceding or following vocalic environment. Taken together, the observed lenition, duration, and peak intensity velocities are argued to be inconsistent with a single, fully-occluded articulatory ‘stop’ target which is undershot at short durations, rather targets can be understood to span a range or ‘window’ of values in the sense of Keating (1990), from fully-occluded stop-like targets to more approximant- like targets. It is an open question to what degree the patterns found in Gurindji are language particular, or can be related to the organization of obstruent systems in Australian languages more broadly. Precisely comparable studies of additional languages will be especially valuable in addressing these questions and others, and are possible using the method we introduce.","internal_url":"https://www.academia.edu/34332078/2017_A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenition_and_the_nature_of_variability_in_Gurindji_stops","translated_internal_url":"","created_at":"2017-08-23T19:26:38.296-07:00","preview_url":null,"current_user_can_edit":null,"current_user_is_owner":null,"owner_id":7745547,"coauthors_can_edit":true,"document_type":"paper","co_author_tags":[{"id":30094132,"work_id":34332078,"tagging_user_id":7745547,"tagged_user_id":3782164,"co_author_invite_id":null,"email":"t***r@monash.edu","affiliation":"University of Surrey","display_order":-1,"name":"Thomas Ennever","title":"2017. A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops"},{"id":30094133,"work_id":34332078,"tagging_user_id":7745547,"tagged_user_id":57518,"co_author_invite_id":null,"email":"e***d@uq.edu.au","affiliation":"University of Surrey","display_order":1,"name":"Erich R Round","title":"2017. A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops"}],"downloadable_attachments":[{"id":54227942,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/54227942/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"EnneverMeakinsRound2017.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/54227942/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"2017_A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_le.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/54227942/EnneverMeakinsRound2017-libre.pdf?1503541960=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3D2017_A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_le.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=b7DqvJtamXNxrAf9gWLcdetlxn12Fa8YsmR2ZYU9MNo9fnaG4quDNb7kA3teD2~yTk5r78WMsS2aDm27gejNFPG5qO0XPMVK0a6BLtGqxq6HwwS~pLq6A~TE6j3TOQqC5cAd9oEnT-~g1KSFDjt7PBGo5FBx10LxjTwhw-5A-Ya9trzr4RgzrywRhsVPPuGGLRGpZe7U0qIV1moCITzHbvkWXauU2pk9Ima3gySphF8injqzl4xRG0eooT2cJSg~XYAPti3WAJBFNEQLno6LCVkWqkoBKDonrvM1dKnnBE-4W70JZRxD4n0N~d2hhiIFDdLOr8kXWOQP1RULAfp5Vw__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"slug":"2017_A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenition_and_the_nature_of_variability_in_Gurindji_stops","translated_slug":"","page_count":32,"language":"en","content_type":"Work","summary":"An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and lenition of segment types ranging from fully occluded stops to highly lenited variants, in acoustic data. The method is motivated with respect to the relationship between acoustic and articulatory phonetics and, through subsequent evaluation, is argued to correspond well to articulation. It is then applied to the phonemic stops of casual speech in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, Australia) to investigate the nature of their articulatory targets. The degree of stop lenition is found to vary widely. Contrary to expectations, no evidence is found of a positive effect on lenition due to word-medial (relative to word-initial) position, beyond that attributable to duration; nor do non-coronals lenite more than their apical counterparts, which freely lenite along a continuum towards taps. No signi cant effect is found of preceding or following vocalic environment. Taken together, the observed lenition, duration, and peak intensity velocities are argued to be inconsistent with a single, fully-occluded articulatory ‘stop’ target which is undershot at short durations, rather targets can be understood to span a range or ‘window’ of values in the sense of Keating (1990), from fully-occluded stop-like targets to more approximant- like targets. It is an open question to what degree the patterns found in Gurindji are language particular, or can be related to the organization of obstruent systems in Australian languages more broadly. Precisely comparable studies of additional languages will be especially valuable in addressing these questions and others, and are possible using the method we introduce.","owner":{"id":7745547,"first_name":"Felicity","middle_initials":null,"last_name":"Meakins","page_name":"FelicityMeakins","domain_name":"uq","created_at":"2013-12-21T06:51:33.944-08:00","display_name":"Felicity Meakins","url":"https://uq.academia.edu/FelicityMeakins"},"attachments":[{"id":54227942,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/54227942/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"EnneverMeakinsRound2017.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/54227942/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"2017_A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_le.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/54227942/EnneverMeakinsRound2017-libre.pdf?1503541960=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3D2017_A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_le.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=b7DqvJtamXNxrAf9gWLcdetlxn12Fa8YsmR2ZYU9MNo9fnaG4quDNb7kA3teD2~yTk5r78WMsS2aDm27gejNFPG5qO0XPMVK0a6BLtGqxq6HwwS~pLq6A~TE6j3TOQqC5cAd9oEnT-~g1KSFDjt7PBGo5FBx10LxjTwhw-5A-Ya9trzr4RgzrywRhsVPPuGGLRGpZe7U0qIV1moCITzHbvkWXauU2pk9Ima3gySphF8injqzl4xRG0eooT2cJSg~XYAPti3WAJBFNEQLno6LCVkWqkoBKDonrvM1dKnnBE-4W70JZRxD4n0N~d2hhiIFDdLOr8kXWOQP1RULAfp5Vw__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"research_interests":[{"id":2139,"name":"Phonetics","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Phonetics"},{"id":21025,"name":"Acoustic Phonetics","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Acoustic_Phonetics"},{"id":279173,"name":"Australian Aboriginal Languages","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Australian_Aboriginal_Languages"},{"id":897363,"name":"Laboratory Phonology","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Laboratory_Phonology"}],"urls":[]}, dispatcherData: dispatcherData }); $(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (false) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-34332078-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="profile--tab_heading_container js-section-heading" data-section="Conference Presentations" id="Conference Presentations"><h3 class="profile--tab_heading_container">Conference Presentations by Thomas Ennever</h3></div><div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="4780541"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/4780541/Insights_from_multiple_analyses_The_complexity_of_phonology_in_Heaths_Ngandi_1978_"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Insights from multiple analyses: The complexity of phonology in Heath's Ngandi (1978)" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/32086094/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/4780541/Insights_from_multiple_analyses_The_complexity_of_phonology_in_Heaths_Ngandi_1978_">Insights from multiple analyses: The complexity of phonology in Heath's Ngandi (1978)</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--coauthors"><span>by </span><span><a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ErichRound">Erich R Round</a> and <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever">Thomas Ennever</a></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">"Human languages can differ remarkably in the complexity of their morphophonology, and Australian...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">"Human languages can differ remarkably in the complexity of their morphophonology, and Australian languages are no exception. However, since the complexity of a linguistic analysis can also be due to the methods and assumptions of the analyst, when we are faced with a particularly complex analysis, it is informative for our understanding of both typology and linguistic practice to evaluate what complexity derives from the language itself, and what from the analyst's choices. We demonstrate the utility of this kind of enquiry by considering the morphophonology of Ngandi (Heath 1978). <br /> <br />Ngandi is an East Arnhem language, formerly spoken by at least five clans in the Rose River area, and one of five languages whose morphophonology was accorded a relatively complex analysis by Heath in a series of grammars written around 1980: Ngandi (1978); Ritharngu (1980); Warndarang (1980); Mara (1981) and Nunggubuyu (1984). Remaining within a rule-based paradigm, we demonstrate that some complexity is due to Heath's analytic choices and therefore can be reduced, though the language is undeniably rather complex itself. In particular, a more perspicuous analysis emerges when morphological conditioning is clearly partitioned from phonological conditioning. This is a practice which we strongly endorse when one's aim is to describe a language's morphophonology as perspicuously as possible. In addition, some complexity is reduced by reordering automatic, feature filling rules to a position late, rather than early, in the derivation, a principle which in various guises has been recognised by phonological theorists since pre-generative times. <br /> <br />Some specifics are as follows. Heath (1978) proposes (P-a) '[tense] feature filling', (Pb) 'morphologically conditioned hardening' and (P-c) 'lenition', which requires complex conditioning on (P-a) to derive a form like (1) where fG/ is underspecified for [tense]. <br /> <br />(1) /yaŋ-Garu/ –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-c)→ yaŋ-garu <br /> <br />By noticing that (P-c) serves to re-lenite those stops hardened by (P-b) in the same environment stated in the feature-filling rule (P-a), the analysis can be simplified by eliminating (P-c) and reformulating the 'feature filling rule' (P-a), now at the end of the derivation, as in (2): <br /> <br />(2) /yan-Garu/ –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu <br /> <br />In addition, there is no need to characterise occlusive-final prefixes as conditioning hardening rule (P-b), since they are subsumed by the environment of (P-a) which always (re-)produces lenis morpheme-initial stops anyhow. The prefixes and stems which do trigger (P-b) are idiosyncratic and thus in any account of Ngandi, they will need to be specified lexically. Accordingly, following theories such as Lexical Phonology (Kiparsky (1982), Mohanan (1986)), we accord them a separate, morphologically determined stratum in which the hardening of (P-b) would apply; in other morphological contexts this stratum does not apply, and thus the final derivation can be simplified as in (3): <br /> <br />(3) /yan-Garu/ -(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu <br /> <br />Beyond the specifics of Ngandi, our results underscore the value in examining languages from multiple viewpoints. As with other, very well-studied languages, if our aim is to tease out the breadth and true nature of what is happening in the phonologies of human languages, then we will benefit from the availability of multiple analyses. By doing so, we can begin to clarify the impact of linguistic-analytic practice on our understanding of linguistic typology. "</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="e358b5b48c17f9e5c6ec4532f34e0287" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":32086094,"asset_id":4780541,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/32086094/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="4780541"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="4780541"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 4780541; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=4780541]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=4780541]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 4780541; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='4780541']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "e358b5b48c17f9e5c6ec4532f34e0287" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=4780541]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":4780541,"title":"Insights from multiple analyses: The complexity of phonology in Heath's Ngandi (1978)","translated_title":"","metadata":{"abstract":"\"Human languages can differ remarkably in the complexity of their morphophonology, and Australian languages are no exception. However, since the complexity of a linguistic analysis can also be due to the methods and assumptions of the analyst, when we are faced with a particularly complex analysis, it is informative for our understanding of both typology and linguistic practice to evaluate what complexity derives from the language itself, and what from the analyst's choices. We demonstrate the utility of this kind of enquiry by considering the morphophonology of Ngandi (Heath 1978). \r\n\r\nNgandi is an East Arnhem language, formerly spoken by at least five clans in the Rose River area, and one of five languages whose morphophonology was accorded a relatively complex analysis by Heath in a series of grammars written around 1980: Ngandi (1978); Ritharngu (1980); Warndarang (1980); Mara (1981) and Nunggubuyu (1984). Remaining within a rule-based paradigm, we demonstrate that some complexity is due to Heath's analytic choices and therefore can be reduced, though the language is undeniably rather complex itself. In particular, a more perspicuous analysis emerges when morphological conditioning is clearly partitioned from phonological conditioning. This is a practice which we strongly endorse when one's aim is to describe a language's morphophonology as perspicuously as possible. In addition, some complexity is reduced by reordering automatic, feature filling rules to a position late, rather than early, in the derivation, a principle which in various guises has been recognised by phonological theorists since pre-generative times. \r\n\r\nSome specifics are as follows. Heath (1978) proposes (P-a) '[tense] feature filling', (Pb) 'morphologically conditioned hardening' and (P-c) 'lenition', which requires complex conditioning on (P-a) to derive a form like (1) where fG/ is underspecified for [tense]. \r\n\r\n(1) /yaŋ-Garu/ –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-c)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nBy noticing that (P-c) serves to re-lenite those stops hardened by (P-b) in the same environment stated in the feature-filling rule (P-a), the analysis can be simplified by eliminating (P-c) and reformulating the 'feature filling rule' (P-a), now at the end of the derivation, as in (2): \r\n\r\n(2) /yan-Garu/ –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nIn addition, there is no need to characterise occlusive-final prefixes as conditioning hardening rule (P-b), since they are subsumed by the environment of (P-a) which always (re-)produces lenis morpheme-initial stops anyhow. The prefixes and stems which do trigger (P-b) are idiosyncratic and thus in any account of Ngandi, they will need to be specified lexically. Accordingly, following theories such as Lexical Phonology (Kiparsky (1982), Mohanan (1986)), we accord them a separate, morphologically determined stratum in which the hardening of (P-b) would apply; in other morphological contexts this stratum does not apply, and thus the final derivation can be simplified as in (3): \r\n\r\n(3) /yan-Garu/ -(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nBeyond the specifics of Ngandi, our results underscore the value in examining languages from multiple viewpoints. As with other, very well-studied languages, if our aim is to tease out the breadth and true nature of what is happening in the phonologies of human languages, then we will benefit from the availability of multiple analyses. By doing so, we can begin to clarify the impact of linguistic-analytic practice on our understanding of linguistic typology. \"","location":"Melbourne","more_info":"Co-authored with Tom Ennenver","event_date":{"day":3,"month":10,"year":2013,"errors":{}},"organization":"44th annual conference of the Australian Linguistics Society"},"translated_abstract":"\"Human languages can differ remarkably in the complexity of their morphophonology, and Australian languages are no exception. However, since the complexity of a linguistic analysis can also be due to the methods and assumptions of the analyst, when we are faced with a particularly complex analysis, it is informative for our understanding of both typology and linguistic practice to evaluate what complexity derives from the language itself, and what from the analyst's choices. We demonstrate the utility of this kind of enquiry by considering the morphophonology of Ngandi (Heath 1978). \r\n\r\nNgandi is an East Arnhem language, formerly spoken by at least five clans in the Rose River area, and one of five languages whose morphophonology was accorded a relatively complex analysis by Heath in a series of grammars written around 1980: Ngandi (1978); Ritharngu (1980); Warndarang (1980); Mara (1981) and Nunggubuyu (1984). Remaining within a rule-based paradigm, we demonstrate that some complexity is due to Heath's analytic choices and therefore can be reduced, though the language is undeniably rather complex itself. In particular, a more perspicuous analysis emerges when morphological conditioning is clearly partitioned from phonological conditioning. This is a practice which we strongly endorse when one's aim is to describe a language's morphophonology as perspicuously as possible. In addition, some complexity is reduced by reordering automatic, feature filling rules to a position late, rather than early, in the derivation, a principle which in various guises has been recognised by phonological theorists since pre-generative times. \r\n\r\nSome specifics are as follows. Heath (1978) proposes (P-a) '[tense] feature filling', (Pb) 'morphologically conditioned hardening' and (P-c) 'lenition', which requires complex conditioning on (P-a) to derive a form like (1) where fG/ is underspecified for [tense]. \r\n\r\n(1) /yaŋ-Garu/ –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-c)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nBy noticing that (P-c) serves to re-lenite those stops hardened by (P-b) in the same environment stated in the feature-filling rule (P-a), the analysis can be simplified by eliminating (P-c) and reformulating the 'feature filling rule' (P-a), now at the end of the derivation, as in (2): \r\n\r\n(2) /yan-Garu/ –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nIn addition, there is no need to characterise occlusive-final prefixes as conditioning hardening rule (P-b), since they are subsumed by the environment of (P-a) which always (re-)produces lenis morpheme-initial stops anyhow. The prefixes and stems which do trigger (P-b) are idiosyncratic and thus in any account of Ngandi, they will need to be specified lexically. Accordingly, following theories such as Lexical Phonology (Kiparsky (1982), Mohanan (1986)), we accord them a separate, morphologically determined stratum in which the hardening of (P-b) would apply; in other morphological contexts this stratum does not apply, and thus the final derivation can be simplified as in (3): \r\n\r\n(3) /yan-Garu/ -(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nBeyond the specifics of Ngandi, our results underscore the value in examining languages from multiple viewpoints. As with other, very well-studied languages, if our aim is to tease out the breadth and true nature of what is happening in the phonologies of human languages, then we will benefit from the availability of multiple analyses. By doing so, we can begin to clarify the impact of linguistic-analytic practice on our understanding of linguistic typology. \"","internal_url":"https://www.academia.edu/4780541/Insights_from_multiple_analyses_The_complexity_of_phonology_in_Heaths_Ngandi_1978_","translated_internal_url":"","created_at":"2013-10-15T14:25:32.411-07:00","preview_url":null,"current_user_can_edit":null,"current_user_is_owner":null,"owner_id":57518,"coauthors_can_edit":true,"document_type":"conference_presentation","co_author_tags":[{"id":93487,"work_id":4780541,"tagging_user_id":57518,"tagged_user_id":3782164,"co_author_invite_id":null,"email":"t***r@monash.edu","affiliation":"University of Surrey","display_order":null,"name":"Thomas Ennever","title":"Insights from multiple analyses: The complexity of phonology in Heath's Ngandi (1978)"}],"downloadable_attachments":[{"id":32086094,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/32086094/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"EnneverRound_101.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/32086094/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"Insights_from_multiple_analyses_The_comp.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/32086094/EnneverRound_101-libre.pdf?1391088496=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DInsights_from_multiple_analyses_The_comp.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=c~-ZsG2w3gYSeYo9mbq7tFpff5ug3TnKyK07ZYg7rhz2WAZuuDoeWY7DzYMSyilLiRElsFAxQXtvZ6YqLLML3AdbHgtF-jZYPIq7T9uPoTksgUAx0ZuYUjjAQ03Cj5uSQxUBiNfJ8VMnecmphHqsacsgZFdbhUGsFu7MLqYf6S6EpCbfNhVduA9U~9j3BiWrlG0x4grUEN8mA-51-dwaUx0Zz~yOmS2P2L2bSCOuAXLZh1WLkrM8NDQcK7y~HTnImxOF7knUjfPX6s7pbBG957qdQAzqnJ7fpyVZRxk7mQzJo-F2ql6PnVrJNAHi5b94V1QNBB~K~g62ZTDd5STBGg__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"slug":"Insights_from_multiple_analyses_The_complexity_of_phonology_in_Heaths_Ngandi_1978_","translated_slug":"","page_count":2,"language":"en","content_type":"Work","summary":"\"Human languages can differ remarkably in the complexity of their morphophonology, and Australian languages are no exception. However, since the complexity of a linguistic analysis can also be due to the methods and assumptions of the analyst, when we are faced with a particularly complex analysis, it is informative for our understanding of both typology and linguistic practice to evaluate what complexity derives from the language itself, and what from the analyst's choices. We demonstrate the utility of this kind of enquiry by considering the morphophonology of Ngandi (Heath 1978). \r\n\r\nNgandi is an East Arnhem language, formerly spoken by at least five clans in the Rose River area, and one of five languages whose morphophonology was accorded a relatively complex analysis by Heath in a series of grammars written around 1980: Ngandi (1978); Ritharngu (1980); Warndarang (1980); Mara (1981) and Nunggubuyu (1984). Remaining within a rule-based paradigm, we demonstrate that some complexity is due to Heath's analytic choices and therefore can be reduced, though the language is undeniably rather complex itself. In particular, a more perspicuous analysis emerges when morphological conditioning is clearly partitioned from phonological conditioning. This is a practice which we strongly endorse when one's aim is to describe a language's morphophonology as perspicuously as possible. In addition, some complexity is reduced by reordering automatic, feature filling rules to a position late, rather than early, in the derivation, a principle which in various guises has been recognised by phonological theorists since pre-generative times. \r\n\r\nSome specifics are as follows. Heath (1978) proposes (P-a) '[tense] feature filling', (Pb) 'morphologically conditioned hardening' and (P-c) 'lenition', which requires complex conditioning on (P-a) to derive a form like (1) where fG/ is underspecified for [tense]. \r\n\r\n(1) /yaŋ-Garu/ –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-c)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nBy noticing that (P-c) serves to re-lenite those stops hardened by (P-b) in the same environment stated in the feature-filling rule (P-a), the analysis can be simplified by eliminating (P-c) and reformulating the 'feature filling rule' (P-a), now at the end of the derivation, as in (2): \r\n\r\n(2) /yan-Garu/ –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nIn addition, there is no need to characterise occlusive-final prefixes as conditioning hardening rule (P-b), since they are subsumed by the environment of (P-a) which always (re-)produces lenis morpheme-initial stops anyhow. The prefixes and stems which do trigger (P-b) are idiosyncratic and thus in any account of Ngandi, they will need to be specified lexically. Accordingly, following theories such as Lexical Phonology (Kiparsky (1982), Mohanan (1986)), we accord them a separate, morphologically determined stratum in which the hardening of (P-b) would apply; in other morphological contexts this stratum does not apply, and thus the final derivation can be simplified as in (3): \r\n\r\n(3) /yan-Garu/ -(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nBeyond the specifics of Ngandi, our results underscore the value in examining languages from multiple viewpoints. As with other, very well-studied languages, if our aim is to tease out the breadth and true nature of what is happening in the phonologies of human languages, then we will benefit from the availability of multiple analyses. 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It provides a typological analysis of how these languages incorporate Kriol predicates into their structure, detailing specific examples and quantitative measures of IV and VBLZ usage. 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It highlights the variety in morphological combinations and syntactic argument structures across different dialects, revealing significant complexities and productivity in how VINF interacts with coverbs and other verbal forms. 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$(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (false) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-31725959-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="profile--tab_heading_container js-section-heading" data-section="Theses" id="Theses"><h3 class="profile--tab_heading_container">Theses by Thomas Ennever</h3></div><div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="37496984"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/37496984/Nominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Ngardi_A_Ngumpin_Yapa_language_of_Western_Australia"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi: A Ngumpin-Yapa language of Western Australia" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/57467948/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/37496984/Nominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Ngardi_A_Ngumpin_Yapa_language_of_Western_Australia">Nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi: A Ngumpin-Yapa language of Western Australia</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">This thesis is a comprehensive analysis of the nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi, an en...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">This thesis is a comprehensive analysis of the nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi, an<br />endangered Pama-Nyungan language of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup spoken in the western regions<br />of the Tanami Desert in Western Australia. On the basis of the author’s 2016–2017 recordings of<br />grammatical elicitation and narratives and pre-existing legacy materials of Lee Cataldi, Tom Green<br />and Tasaku Tsunoda; this thesis provides a detailed analysis of two core aspects of the Ngardi<br />grammatical system: nominal case morphology and subclasses (Chapters 2 and 3); and the complex<br />system of pronominal clitics (Chapter 4). The culmination of these three chapters is a unified<br />analysis of the interaction of the nominal and pronominal systems and their role in Ngardi<br />morphosyntax. Throughout this thesis, comparisons with data analyses of other Ngumpin-Yapa<br />languages are made, revealing a number of similarities and differences among the Ngumpin<br />languages to the west and north and among the Yapa languages to the east.<br />Chapter 2 begins by examining the internal structure of nominals and how this structure relates to<br />the clausal and inter-clausal syntax. Derivational reduplication and suffixation are then described,<br />as well as morphological number. Case in Ngardi is introduced in Chapter 2 as a highly<br />polyfunctional component of Ngardi morphosyntax. Case suffixes can be found functioning (a)<br />derivationally, (b) adnominally, (c) relationally and (d) as subordinators in non-finite (reduced)<br />clauses. A subset of ‘derivational cases’ are shown to share a set of distributional and functional<br />properties, in contrast to grammatical and semantic ‘non-derivational cases’. The Ngardi case<br />system also relates to the complex system of non-finite subordination. Cases in subordinating<br />function are categorised in terms of their relative tense and control features with respect to a finite<br />main clause. Furthermore, Ngardi makes notable use of ‘subject-orientation’, recruiting the ergative<br />case in a referential function to relate various secondary predicates and adverbial modifiers to<br />transitive subjects. The wide functional range of case also gives rise to the possibility of multiple<br />layered case marking (‘case stacking’) which is discussed in detail. Taken together, the<br />investigation of nominals and nominal morphology reveals a number of structural parallels between<br />Ngardi and its eastern neighbour Warlpiri, a Yapa language.<br />Chapter 3 explores the nominal subclasses in Ngardi. These show idiosyncratic properties with<br />respect to (a) their selection of only a reduced set of case morphology, and (b) the idiosyncratic<br />semantic interpretation of these case suffixes. Nominal subclasses examined include: quantifiers<br />(including numerals), demonstratives, ignoratives, free pronouns, directionals, locational and<br />temporal nominals, action nominals and kin terms. This chapter concludes with an analysis of<br />iii<br />possessive structures in Ngardi. Three morphosyntactically distinct types of possessive structures<br />are described: internal, external and prominent internal possession.<br />Chapter 4 introduces the system of pronominal clitics. This chapter presents a unified account of the<br />relationship between nominal case marking and pronominal cross-referencing. Ngardi nominals,<br />free pronouns and demonstratives all pattern according to an ergative-absolutive case alignment.<br />The bound pronouns in contrast index certain event participants by using one of three ‘series’: a<br />subject series, an object/oblique series and a locational series. The locational series constitutes a<br />distinctive feature of Western Ngumpin languages, and serves to cross-reference locative and<br />allative case-marked NPs under certain conditions. A typologically unusual feature of Ngardi is the<br />highly variable positioning of the clitic complex. Bound pronouns are found attached in second<br />position, but also in other positions in the clause. They may appear following an auxiliary base, or<br />following other parts of speech. An analysis of the formation of pronominal clitic sequences is<br />provided.<br />This thesis forms a robust basis on which to pursue future research with Ngardi speakers and has<br />broader implications for our understanding of the internal structure of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup.<br />The brief overview of the verbal system within the Appendix provides compelling evidence for the<br />current genetic grouping of Ngardi with the other Western Ngumpin languages, with close ties to<br />Eastern Walmajarri and Nyininy. The fact that the nominal morphosyntax of Ngardi resembles<br />Warlpiri and that the pronominal and verbal system shares significant similarities with Western<br />Ngumpin languages poses an interesting avenue for further research.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="2618e5db2826e872a6ba52c47039055f" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":57467948,"asset_id":37496984,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/57467948/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="37496984"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="37496984"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 37496984; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=37496984]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=37496984]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 37496984; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='37496984']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "2618e5db2826e872a6ba52c47039055f" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=37496984]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":37496984,"title":"Nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi: A Ngumpin-Yapa language of Western Australia","translated_title":"","metadata":{"abstract":"This thesis is a comprehensive analysis of the nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi, an\nendangered Pama-Nyungan language of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup spoken in the western regions\nof the Tanami Desert in Western Australia. On the basis of the author’s 2016–2017 recordings of\ngrammatical elicitation and narratives and pre-existing legacy materials of Lee Cataldi, Tom Green\nand Tasaku Tsunoda; this thesis provides a detailed analysis of two core aspects of the Ngardi\ngrammatical system: nominal case morphology and subclasses (Chapters 2 and 3); and the complex\nsystem of pronominal clitics (Chapter 4). The culmination of these three chapters is a unified\nanalysis of the interaction of the nominal and pronominal systems and their role in Ngardi\nmorphosyntax. Throughout this thesis, comparisons with data analyses of other Ngumpin-Yapa\nlanguages are made, revealing a number of similarities and differences among the Ngumpin\nlanguages to the west and north and among the Yapa languages to the east.\nChapter 2 begins by examining the internal structure of nominals and how this structure relates to\nthe clausal and inter-clausal syntax. Derivational reduplication and suffixation are then described,\nas well as morphological number. Case in Ngardi is introduced in Chapter 2 as a highly\npolyfunctional component of Ngardi morphosyntax. Case suffixes can be found functioning (a)\nderivationally, (b) adnominally, (c) relationally and (d) as subordinators in non-finite (reduced)\nclauses. A subset of ‘derivational cases’ are shown to share a set of distributional and functional\nproperties, in contrast to grammatical and semantic ‘non-derivational cases’. The Ngardi case\nsystem also relates to the complex system of non-finite subordination. Cases in subordinating\nfunction are categorised in terms of their relative tense and control features with respect to a finite\nmain clause. Furthermore, Ngardi makes notable use of ‘subject-orientation’, recruiting the ergative\ncase in a referential function to relate various secondary predicates and adverbial modifiers to\ntransitive subjects. The wide functional range of case also gives rise to the possibility of multiple\nlayered case marking (‘case stacking’) which is discussed in detail. Taken together, the\ninvestigation of nominals and nominal morphology reveals a number of structural parallels between\nNgardi and its eastern neighbour Warlpiri, a Yapa language.\nChapter 3 explores the nominal subclasses in Ngardi. These show idiosyncratic properties with\nrespect to (a) their selection of only a reduced set of case morphology, and (b) the idiosyncratic\nsemantic interpretation of these case suffixes. Nominal subclasses examined include: quantifiers\n(including numerals), demonstratives, ignoratives, free pronouns, directionals, locational and\ntemporal nominals, action nominals and kin terms. This chapter concludes with an analysis of\niii\npossessive structures in Ngardi. Three morphosyntactically distinct types of possessive structures\nare described: internal, external and prominent internal possession.\nChapter 4 introduces the system of pronominal clitics. This chapter presents a unified account of the\nrelationship between nominal case marking and pronominal cross-referencing. Ngardi nominals,\nfree pronouns and demonstratives all pattern according to an ergative-absolutive case alignment.\nThe bound pronouns in contrast index certain event participants by using one of three ‘series’: a\nsubject series, an object/oblique series and a locational series. The locational series constitutes a\ndistinctive feature of Western Ngumpin languages, and serves to cross-reference locative and\nallative case-marked NPs under certain conditions. A typologically unusual feature of Ngardi is the\nhighly variable positioning of the clitic complex. Bound pronouns are found attached in second\nposition, but also in other positions in the clause. They may appear following an auxiliary base, or\nfollowing other parts of speech. An analysis of the formation of pronominal clitic sequences is\nprovided.\nThis thesis forms a robust basis on which to pursue future research with Ngardi speakers and has\nbroader implications for our understanding of the internal structure of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup.\nThe brief overview of the verbal system within the Appendix provides compelling evidence for the\ncurrent genetic grouping of Ngardi with the other Western Ngumpin languages, with close ties to\nEastern Walmajarri and Nyininy. The fact that the nominal morphosyntax of Ngardi resembles\nWarlpiri and that the pronominal and verbal system shares significant similarities with Western\nNgumpin languages poses an interesting avenue for further research."},"translated_abstract":"This thesis is a comprehensive analysis of the nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi, an\nendangered Pama-Nyungan language of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup spoken in the western regions\nof the Tanami Desert in Western Australia. On the basis of the author’s 2016–2017 recordings of\ngrammatical elicitation and narratives and pre-existing legacy materials of Lee Cataldi, Tom Green\nand Tasaku Tsunoda; this thesis provides a detailed analysis of two core aspects of the Ngardi\ngrammatical system: nominal case morphology and subclasses (Chapters 2 and 3); and the complex\nsystem of pronominal clitics (Chapter 4). The culmination of these three chapters is a unified\nanalysis of the interaction of the nominal and pronominal systems and their role in Ngardi\nmorphosyntax. Throughout this thesis, comparisons with data analyses of other Ngumpin-Yapa\nlanguages are made, revealing a number of similarities and differences among the Ngumpin\nlanguages to the west and north and among the Yapa languages to the east.\nChapter 2 begins by examining the internal structure of nominals and how this structure relates to\nthe clausal and inter-clausal syntax. Derivational reduplication and suffixation are then described,\nas well as morphological number. Case in Ngardi is introduced in Chapter 2 as a highly\npolyfunctional component of Ngardi morphosyntax. Case suffixes can be found functioning (a)\nderivationally, (b) adnominally, (c) relationally and (d) as subordinators in non-finite (reduced)\nclauses. A subset of ‘derivational cases’ are shown to share a set of distributional and functional\nproperties, in contrast to grammatical and semantic ‘non-derivational cases’. The Ngardi case\nsystem also relates to the complex system of non-finite subordination. Cases in subordinating\nfunction are categorised in terms of their relative tense and control features with respect to a finite\nmain clause. Furthermore, Ngardi makes notable use of ‘subject-orientation’, recruiting the ergative\ncase in a referential function to relate various secondary predicates and adverbial modifiers to\ntransitive subjects. The wide functional range of case also gives rise to the possibility of multiple\nlayered case marking (‘case stacking’) which is discussed in detail. Taken together, the\ninvestigation of nominals and nominal morphology reveals a number of structural parallels between\nNgardi and its eastern neighbour Warlpiri, a Yapa language.\nChapter 3 explores the nominal subclasses in Ngardi. These show idiosyncratic properties with\nrespect to (a) their selection of only a reduced set of case morphology, and (b) the idiosyncratic\nsemantic interpretation of these case suffixes. Nominal subclasses examined include: quantifiers\n(including numerals), demonstratives, ignoratives, free pronouns, directionals, locational and\ntemporal nominals, action nominals and kin terms. This chapter concludes with an analysis of\niii\npossessive structures in Ngardi. Three morphosyntactically distinct types of possessive structures\nare described: internal, external and prominent internal possession.\nChapter 4 introduces the system of pronominal clitics. This chapter presents a unified account of the\nrelationship between nominal case marking and pronominal cross-referencing. Ngardi nominals,\nfree pronouns and demonstratives all pattern according to an ergative-absolutive case alignment.\nThe bound pronouns in contrast index certain event participants by using one of three ‘series’: a\nsubject series, an object/oblique series and a locational series. The locational series constitutes a\ndistinctive feature of Western Ngumpin languages, and serves to cross-reference locative and\nallative case-marked NPs under certain conditions. A typologically unusual feature of Ngardi is the\nhighly variable positioning of the clitic complex. Bound pronouns are found attached in second\nposition, but also in other positions in the clause. They may appear following an auxiliary base, or\nfollowing other parts of speech. An analysis of the formation of pronominal clitic sequences is\nprovided.\nThis thesis forms a robust basis on which to pursue future research with Ngardi speakers and has\nbroader implications for our understanding of the internal structure of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup.\nThe brief overview of the verbal system within the Appendix provides compelling evidence for the\ncurrent genetic grouping of Ngardi with the other Western Ngumpin languages, with close ties to\nEastern Walmajarri and Nyininy. The fact that the nominal morphosyntax of Ngardi resembles\nWarlpiri and that the pronominal and verbal system shares significant similarities with Western\nNgumpin languages poses an interesting avenue for further research.","internal_url":"https://www.academia.edu/37496984/Nominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Ngardi_A_Ngumpin_Yapa_language_of_Western_Australia","translated_internal_url":"","created_at":"2018-09-28T22:05:24.880-07:00","preview_url":null,"current_user_can_edit":null,"current_user_is_owner":null,"owner_id":3782164,"coauthors_can_edit":true,"document_type":"paper","co_author_tags":[],"downloadable_attachments":[{"id":57467948,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/57467948/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"Ennever_2018.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/57467948/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"Nominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Nga.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/57467948/Ennever_2018-libre.pdf?1538197788=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DNominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Nga.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367069\u0026Signature=LRY0jzZcsXPbiJr~njzjmAjvCRB3mcjLOq9mTcQvkysWzy2TXGBk870BPOEtl5JZpmBass3RtTnnp6R2p4iX60e1dFmDondBdit83cgmzBqEH1M9AAN-69fPGUrWcPVoODPLrtYKPfnl5lKIugNfmk9rQHLkMxMBhz00-gMRkL6dHfFRhoGrJZErUTlI4imOMfbazK2gPSqJlL7kBLKtpD-5gCM6hU1XCqY3uFZ5br91R1PuLp5hi3LmAVcbGNsRu4Y5BT~jXnPG4dlPTnG9FLgVZaJ1PP~2dTl4amwrl2XsnKsHJbD8hwXoQgS9esAeZ5ye04-wsc6wNG9V6OWfOg__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"slug":"Nominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Ngardi_A_Ngumpin_Yapa_language_of_Western_Australia","translated_slug":"","page_count":322,"language":"en","content_type":"Work","summary":"This thesis is a comprehensive analysis of the nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi, an\nendangered Pama-Nyungan language of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup spoken in the western regions\nof the Tanami Desert in Western Australia. On the basis of the author’s 2016–2017 recordings of\ngrammatical elicitation and narratives and pre-existing legacy materials of Lee Cataldi, Tom Green\nand Tasaku Tsunoda; this thesis provides a detailed analysis of two core aspects of the Ngardi\ngrammatical system: nominal case morphology and subclasses (Chapters 2 and 3); and the complex\nsystem of pronominal clitics (Chapter 4). The culmination of these three chapters is a unified\nanalysis of the interaction of the nominal and pronominal systems and their role in Ngardi\nmorphosyntax. Throughout this thesis, comparisons with data analyses of other Ngumpin-Yapa\nlanguages are made, revealing a number of similarities and differences among the Ngumpin\nlanguages to the west and north and among the Yapa languages to the east.\nChapter 2 begins by examining the internal structure of nominals and how this structure relates to\nthe clausal and inter-clausal syntax. Derivational reduplication and suffixation are then described,\nas well as morphological number. Case in Ngardi is introduced in Chapter 2 as a highly\npolyfunctional component of Ngardi morphosyntax. Case suffixes can be found functioning (a)\nderivationally, (b) adnominally, (c) relationally and (d) as subordinators in non-finite (reduced)\nclauses. A subset of ‘derivational cases’ are shown to share a set of distributional and functional\nproperties, in contrast to grammatical and semantic ‘non-derivational cases’. The Ngardi case\nsystem also relates to the complex system of non-finite subordination. Cases in subordinating\nfunction are categorised in terms of their relative tense and control features with respect to a finite\nmain clause. Furthermore, Ngardi makes notable use of ‘subject-orientation’, recruiting the ergative\ncase in a referential function to relate various secondary predicates and adverbial modifiers to\ntransitive subjects. The wide functional range of case also gives rise to the possibility of multiple\nlayered case marking (‘case stacking’) which is discussed in detail. Taken together, the\ninvestigation of nominals and nominal morphology reveals a number of structural parallels between\nNgardi and its eastern neighbour Warlpiri, a Yapa language.\nChapter 3 explores the nominal subclasses in Ngardi. These show idiosyncratic properties with\nrespect to (a) their selection of only a reduced set of case morphology, and (b) the idiosyncratic\nsemantic interpretation of these case suffixes. Nominal subclasses examined include: quantifiers\n(including numerals), demonstratives, ignoratives, free pronouns, directionals, locational and\ntemporal nominals, action nominals and kin terms. This chapter concludes with an analysis of\niii\npossessive structures in Ngardi. Three morphosyntactically distinct types of possessive structures\nare described: internal, external and prominent internal possession.\nChapter 4 introduces the system of pronominal clitics. This chapter presents a unified account of the\nrelationship between nominal case marking and pronominal cross-referencing. Ngardi nominals,\nfree pronouns and demonstratives all pattern according to an ergative-absolutive case alignment.\nThe bound pronouns in contrast index certain event participants by using one of three ‘series’: a\nsubject series, an object/oblique series and a locational series. The locational series constitutes a\ndistinctive feature of Western Ngumpin languages, and serves to cross-reference locative and\nallative case-marked NPs under certain conditions. A typologically unusual feature of Ngardi is the\nhighly variable positioning of the clitic complex. Bound pronouns are found attached in second\nposition, but also in other positions in the clause. They may appear following an auxiliary base, or\nfollowing other parts of speech. An analysis of the formation of pronominal clitic sequences is\nprovided.\nThis thesis forms a robust basis on which to pursue future research with Ngardi speakers and has\nbroader implications for our understanding of the internal structure of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup.\nThe brief overview of the verbal system within the Appendix provides compelling evidence for the\ncurrent genetic grouping of Ngardi with the other Western Ngumpin languages, with close ties to\nEastern Walmajarri and Nyininy. The fact that the nominal morphosyntax of Ngardi resembles\nWarlpiri and that the pronominal and verbal system shares significant similarities with Western\nNgumpin languages poses an interesting avenue for further research.","owner":{"id":3782164,"first_name":"Thomas","middle_initials":null,"last_name":"Ennever","page_name":"ThomasEnnever","domain_name":"surrey","created_at":"2013-04-13T11:52:11.756-07:00","display_name":"Thomas Ennever","url":"https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever"},"attachments":[{"id":57467948,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/57467948/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"Ennever_2018.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/57467948/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"Nominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Nga.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/57467948/Ennever_2018-libre.pdf?1538197788=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DNominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Nga.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367069\u0026Signature=LRY0jzZcsXPbiJr~njzjmAjvCRB3mcjLOq9mTcQvkysWzy2TXGBk870BPOEtl5JZpmBass3RtTnnp6R2p4iX60e1dFmDondBdit83cgmzBqEH1M9AAN-69fPGUrWcPVoODPLrtYKPfnl5lKIugNfmk9rQHLkMxMBhz00-gMRkL6dHfFRhoGrJZErUTlI4imOMfbazK2gPSqJlL7kBLKtpD-5gCM6hU1XCqY3uFZ5br91R1PuLp5hi3LmAVcbGNsRu4Y5BT~jXnPG4dlPTnG9FLgVZaJ1PP~2dTl4amwrl2XsnKsHJbD8hwXoQgS9esAeZ5ye04-wsc6wNG9V6OWfOg__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"research_interests":[{"id":777,"name":"Synchronic Linguistics (Or Descriptive Linguistics)","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Synchronic_Linguistics_Or_Descriptive_Linguistics_"},{"id":10757,"name":"Morphosyntax","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Morphosyntax"},{"id":279173,"name":"Australian Aboriginal Languages","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Australian_Aboriginal_Languages"},{"id":506713,"name":"Pronominal Clitics","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Pronominal_Clitics"},{"id":550182,"name":"Nominals","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Nominals"},{"id":2296291,"name":"Ngumpin-Yapa languages","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Ngumpin-Yapa_languages"}],"urls":[]}, dispatcherData: dispatcherData }); $(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (false) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-37496984-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="36095491"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/36095491/Stop_Lenition_in_Gurindji_An_Acoustic_Phonetic_Study"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Stop Lenition in Gurindji: An Acoustic Phonetic Study" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/55985647/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/36095491/Stop_Lenition_in_Gurindji_An_Acoustic_Phonetic_Study">Stop Lenition in Gurindji: An Acoustic Phonetic Study</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">An extensive body of literature now exists regarding the phonological process of lenition. Despit...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">An extensive body of literature now exists regarding the phonological process of lenition. Despite receiving different treatments in numerous theoretical frameworks, lenition is commonly assumed to be a phonetically-driven process (Donegan & Stampe, 1979). It is therefore somewhat surprising that many works on lenition have not always paid much attention to phonetic studies. Similarly, typologies of Australian sound systems have much to benefit from more careful examination of the full range of possible phonetic variation. An overlapping area of interest is phonetic stop variation in Australian languages, as it concerns both theories of lenition and typologies of Australian obstruent systems.<br /><br />The present study makes two contributions. It describes a greater range of phonetic variation in one Australian obstruent inventory, and it serves to expand the range of phonetic data that theories of lenition need account for. The focus of the thesis is an investigation of phonetic realisations of phonemic stops in Gurindji (Ngumpin-Yapa, Pama-Nyungan). In Australian languages, stop phonemes are reported to commonly lenite to fricative and approximant allophones in intervocalic positions (Dixon, 2002), however, the question remains whether this is the full extent of variation. I investigate the realisations of intervocalic stops in word medial and initial positions as well as post-nasal stops. I present intensity and spectrographic evidence for a range of obstruent types that are neither fully closed (true stops) nor identifiable as familiar allophonic variants (fricatives and approximants). I propose the terms ‘quasi stops’, ‘sonorous strictures’ and ‘weak fricatives’ to categorise the variation found intervocalically. Post-nasally, stops are found to be reduced and even elided, a phenomenon unreported in the lenition literature, but present in some Australian languages.<br /><br />I argue that the variation found in Gurindji stops is clearly leniting in behaviour, and this has ramifications for theoretical debates regarding lenition. In terms of current theory, intervocalic lenition, as found in Gurindji, is unremarkable. However, word initial lenition, while not unusual in Australian languages, is unaccounted for by current theories (Kingston, 2008; Kirchner, 1998). In contrast, post-nasal lenition is theoretically expected (Kingston, 2008) but rarely attested. This study brings new data and insight to these topical areas of the<br />literature.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="29d554337f6f0e4f24c338948d2c8205" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":55985647,"asset_id":36095491,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/55985647/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="36095491"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="36095491"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 36095491; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=36095491]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=36095491]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 36095491; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='36095491']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "29d554337f6f0e4f24c338948d2c8205" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=36095491]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":36095491,"title":"Stop Lenition in Gurindji: An Acoustic Phonetic Study","translated_title":"","metadata":{"abstract":"An extensive body of literature now exists regarding the phonological process of lenition. Despite receiving different treatments in numerous theoretical frameworks, lenition is commonly assumed to be a phonetically-driven process (Donegan \u0026 Stampe, 1979). It is therefore somewhat surprising that many works on lenition have not always paid much attention to phonetic studies. Similarly, typologies of Australian sound systems have much to benefit from more careful examination of the full range of possible phonetic variation. An overlapping area of interest is phonetic stop variation in Australian languages, as it concerns both theories of lenition and typologies of Australian obstruent systems.\n\nThe present study makes two contributions. It describes a greater range of phonetic variation in one Australian obstruent inventory, and it serves to expand the range of phonetic data that theories of lenition need account for. The focus of the thesis is an investigation of phonetic realisations of phonemic stops in Gurindji (Ngumpin-Yapa, Pama-Nyungan). In Australian languages, stop phonemes are reported to commonly lenite to fricative and approximant allophones in intervocalic positions (Dixon, 2002), however, the question remains whether this is the full extent of variation. I investigate the realisations of intervocalic stops in word medial and initial positions as well as post-nasal stops. I present intensity and spectrographic evidence for a range of obstruent types that are neither fully closed (true stops) nor identifiable as familiar allophonic variants (fricatives and approximants). I propose the terms ‘quasi stops’, ‘sonorous strictures’ and ‘weak fricatives’ to categorise the variation found intervocalically. Post-nasally, stops are found to be reduced and even elided, a phenomenon unreported in the lenition literature, but present in some Australian languages.\n\nI argue that the variation found in Gurindji stops is clearly leniting in behaviour, and this has ramifications for theoretical debates regarding lenition. In terms of current theory, intervocalic lenition, as found in Gurindji, is unremarkable. However, word initial lenition, while not unusual in Australian languages, is unaccounted for by current theories (Kingston, 2008; Kirchner, 1998). In contrast, post-nasal lenition is theoretically expected (Kingston, 2008) but rarely attested. This study brings new data and insight to these topical areas of the\nliterature.","more_info":"MPhil thesis, University of Queensland","ai_title_tag":"Phonetic Variations of Stops in Gurindji Lenition","publication_date":{"day":null,"month":null,"year":2014,"errors":{}}},"translated_abstract":"An extensive body of literature now exists regarding the phonological process of lenition. Despite receiving different treatments in numerous theoretical frameworks, lenition is commonly assumed to be a phonetically-driven process (Donegan \u0026 Stampe, 1979). 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This study brings new data and insight to these topical areas of the\nliterature.","owner":{"id":3782164,"first_name":"Thomas","middle_initials":null,"last_name":"Ennever","page_name":"ThomasEnnever","domain_name":"surrey","created_at":"2013-04-13T11:52:11.756-07:00","display_name":"Thomas Ennever","url":"https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever"},"attachments":[{"id":55985647,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/55985647/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"Ennever_2014.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/55985647/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"Stop_Lenition_in_Gurindji_An_Acoustic_Ph.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/55985647/Ennever_2014-libre.pdf?1520395186=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DStop_Lenition_in_Gurindji_An_Acoustic_Ph.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367069\u0026Signature=BoZQ-qHlAVjisShKVBmDTwOWhZtPwmnU1UNI2LvRbnE7ZbM386A3RzOIktDmjBNHl7RTbQYefk~hSfgZ9aHM5RaIun22ZjyMlN9DD~9fhQTp-gyCRSqNA~YrL6KtGcfpMGBUl0XsGnoER~BTqNlvZ98WuoO32DgrrmTGQKv5VReQXV-TfE7XFxUlU5-4HpxM7wlfOiquTzc3EVz7JtDVjTGCtfYQ6Y~PZxMVQt9TT3jSbT~MMfdcet69A3GSt5VQd~Q0ssyAdVt2stof8S82HqgBADNgvZpp39T~fr2H0-xoTyrqzbnCpbCzFpo~UCxiz3~4os7YWmjmfD8aOr2egw__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"research_interests":[{"id":2139,"name":"Phonetics","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Phonetics"},{"id":21025,"name":"Acoustic Phonetics","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Acoustic_Phonetics"},{"id":60338,"name":"Phonetics and Phonology","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Phonetics_and_Phonology"},{"id":209097,"name":"Lenition","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Lenition"},{"id":809736,"name":"Pama Nyungan Languages","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Pama_Nyungan_Languages"},{"id":2296291,"name":"Ngumpin-Yapa languages","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Ngumpin-Yapa_languages"},{"id":2492780,"name":"gurindji","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/gurindji"}],"urls":[]}, dispatcherData: dispatcherData }); $(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (false) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-36095491-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="profile--tab_heading_container js-section-heading" data-section="Presentations and posters" id="Presentations and posters"><h3 class="profile--tab_heading_container">Presentations and posters by Thomas Ennever</h3></div><div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="45351535"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/45351535/Comparing_form_ordering_and_neutralisations_of_complex_bound_pronouns_in_Ngumpin_Yapa_languages"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Comparing form, ordering and neutralisations of complex bound pronouns in Ngumpin-Yapa languages" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/65887135/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/45351535/Comparing_form_ordering_and_neutralisations_of_complex_bound_pronouns_in_Ngumpin_Yapa_languages">Comparing form, ordering and neutralisations of complex bound pronouns in Ngumpin-Yapa languages</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--coauthors"><span>by </span><span><a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://mq.academia.edu/MitchellBrowne">Mitchell Browne</a> and <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever">Thomas Ennever</a></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><div class="carousel-container carousel-container--sm" id="profile-work-45351535-figures"><div class="prev-slide-container js-prev-button-container"><button aria-label="Previous" class="carousel-navigation-button js-profile-work-45351535-figures-prev"><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 24px" translate="no">arrow_back_ios</span></button></div><div class="slides-container js-slides-container"><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/16802509/figure-1-comparing-form-ordering-and-neutralisations-of"><img alt="" class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/65887135/figure_001.jpg" /></a></figure></div><div class="next-slide-container js-next-button-container"><button aria-label="Next" class="carousel-navigation-button js-profile-work-45351535-figures-next"><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 24px" translate="no">arrow_forward_ios</span></button></div></div></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="ff24f31673b5ff6affbe739a761044b8" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":65887135,"asset_id":45351535,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/65887135/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="45351535"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="45351535"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 45351535; 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$(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (true) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-45351535-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="profile--tab_heading_container js-section-heading" data-section="Books" id="Books"><h3 class="profile--tab_heading_container">Books by Thomas Ennever</h3></div><div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="53675415"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/53675415/A_Grammar_of_Ngardi"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of A Grammar of Ngardi" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/70408374/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/53675415/A_Grammar_of_Ngardi">A Grammar of Ngardi</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">This book is a comprehensive linguistic description of Ngardi, a Pama-Nyungan language of Austral...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">This book is a comprehensive linguistic description of Ngardi, a Pama-Nyungan language of Australia. Ngardi is a member of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup, traditionally spoken in Western Australia on the fringes of the Tanami and Great Sandy deserts. Today, this language is currently spoken by less than twenty individuals. This work primarily draws on narrative and elicitation materials compiled by Lee Cataldi in the 1990s as well as more recent recordings by the author between 2016-2020.The grammatical analysis strikes a balance between being informed by descriptions of closely related languages, linguistic typology as well as providing clear and data-focused descriptions of linguistic phenomena.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="e44b411bb48c97987bd3e26d9fccad3e" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":70408374,"asset_id":53675415,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/70408374/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="53675415"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="53675415"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 53675415; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=53675415]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=53675415]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 53675415; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='53675415']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "e44b411bb48c97987bd3e26d9fccad3e" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=53675415]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":53675415,"title":"A Grammar of Ngardi","translated_title":"","metadata":{"volume":"92","abstract":"This book is a comprehensive linguistic description of Ngardi, a Pama-Nyungan language of Australia. 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This paper defines various types of small-scale multilingual settings in Vanuatu and explores what sociohistorical factors have led to them. This paper is based on first-hand observations and primary data collected by the authors in four locations in the Pacific Island nation of Vanuatu since 2016: two neighboring villages of Emae Island (Makatu and Tongamea), North Malekula, and on Maewo Island. The assessments of multilingualism in these examples from Vanuatu were qualitative, based on observations of sociolinguistic practices in each of these areas, as well as data from language history and language use surveys carried out in each place. Through defining and comparing the types of multilingualism present in the four case studies, we identify patterns in the social and historical processes that lead to various kinds of multilingualism: (a) ...</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="104532194"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="104532194"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 104532194; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=104532194]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=104532194]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 104532194; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='104532194']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (false){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "-1" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=104532194]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":104532194,"title":"Multilingualism in Vanuatu: Four case studies","translated_title":"","metadata":{"abstract":"Each of the 65 inhabited islands of Vanuatu hosts its own unique linguistic environment in which varying degrees of multilingualism are found. 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Through defining and comparing the types of multilingualism present in the four case studies, we identify patterns in the social and historical processes that lead to various kinds of multilingualism: (a) ...","internal_url":"https://www.academia.edu/104532194/Multilingualism_in_Vanuatu_Four_case_studies","translated_internal_url":"","created_at":"2023-07-13T06:16:42.546-07:00","preview_url":null,"current_user_can_edit":null,"current_user_is_owner":null,"owner_id":3782164,"coauthors_can_edit":true,"document_type":"paper","co_author_tags":[],"downloadable_attachments":[],"slug":"Multilingualism_in_Vanuatu_Four_case_studies","translated_slug":"","page_count":null,"language":"en","content_type":"Work","summary":"Each of the 65 inhabited islands of Vanuatu hosts its own unique linguistic environment in which varying degrees of multilingualism are found. This paper defines various types of small-scale multilingual settings in Vanuatu and explores what sociohistorical factors have led to them. This paper is based on first-hand observations and primary data collected by the authors in four locations in the Pacific Island nation of Vanuatu since 2016: two neighboring villages of Emae Island (Makatu and Tongamea), North Malekula, and on Maewo Island. The assessments of multilingualism in these examples from Vanuatu were qualitative, based on observations of sociolinguistic practices in each of these areas, as well as data from language history and language use surveys carried out in each place. Through defining and comparing the types of multilingualism present in the four case studies, we identify patterns in the social and historical processes that lead to various kinds of multilingualism: (a) ...","owner":{"id":3782164,"first_name":"Thomas","middle_initials":null,"last_name":"Ennever","page_name":"ThomasEnnever","domain_name":"surrey","created_at":"2013-04-13T11:52:11.756-07:00","display_name":"Thomas Ennever","url":"https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever"},"attachments":[],"research_interests":[{"id":237,"name":"Cognitive Science","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Cognitive_Science"},{"id":261,"name":"Geography","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Geography"},{"id":2308,"name":"Multilingualism","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Multilingualism"},{"id":15674,"name":"Linguistics","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Linguistics"},{"id":47268,"name":"Bilingualism","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Bilingualism"},{"id":50220,"name":"Sociocultural Evolution","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Sociocultural_Evolution"},{"id":123744,"name":"Language Studies","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Language_Studies"}],"urls":[{"id":32870523,"url":"http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/13670069211023132"}]}, dispatcherData: dispatcherData }); $(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (false) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-104532194-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="104532193"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/104532193/Fickle_fricatives_Fricative_and_stop_perception_in_Gurindji_Kriol_Roper_Kriol_and_Standard_Australian_English"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Fickle fricatives: Fricative and stop perception in Gurindji Kriol, Roper Kriol, and Standard Australian English" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/104236088/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/104532193/Fickle_fricatives_Fricative_and_stop_perception_in_Gurindji_Kriol_Roper_Kriol_and_Standard_Australian_English">Fickle fricatives: Fricative and stop perception in Gurindji Kriol, Roper Kriol, and Standard Australian English</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span>The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America</span><span>, 2020</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">This paper uses a 2AFC identification task experiment to test listener perception of voiceless fr...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">This paper uses a 2AFC identification task experiment to test listener perception of voiceless fricative-stop contrasts with minimal pairs modified along a 10-step continuum. Here, the authors focus on the uniqueness and nearuniformity of the phonological systems found in Australia. The languages involved in this study include Roper Kriol (an English-lexifier creole language), Gurindji Kriol (a mixed language derived from Gurindji and Kriol), with Standard Australian English (Indo-European) used as a baseline. Results reveal that just over 50% of the Roper Kriol and Gurindji Kriol listeners identified differences in the stop-fricative pairs with a high degree of consistency while nearly a quarter consistently identified the fricative-like stimuli as such, but showed random responses to the stop-like stimuli. The remaining participants showed a preference toward the fricatives across the entire continuum. The authors conclude that the fricative-stop contrast is not critical to the functionality of the phonologies in Roper Kriol or Gurindji Kriol, which could explain the high degree of variability. In addition, there is some evidence that the degree of exposure to English may have an effect on the degree of contrastability.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="77f8652b9ccaac23a0496c09ba1c629f" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":104236088,"asset_id":104532193,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/104236088/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="104532193"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="104532193"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 104532193; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=104532193]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=104532193]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 104532193; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='104532193']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "77f8652b9ccaac23a0496c09ba1c629f" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=104532193]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":104532193,"title":"Fickle fricatives: Fricative and stop perception in Gurindji Kriol, Roper Kriol, and Standard Australian English","translated_title":"","metadata":{"publisher":"Acoustical Society of America (ASA)","ai_title_tag":"Fricative-Stop Perception in Kriol Languages","grobid_abstract":"This paper uses a 2AFC identification task experiment to test listener perception of voiceless fricative-stop contrasts with minimal pairs modified along a 10-step continuum. Here, the authors focus on the uniqueness and nearuniformity of the phonological systems found in Australia. The languages involved in this study include Roper Kriol (an English-lexifier creole language), Gurindji Kriol (a mixed language derived from Gurindji and Kriol), with Standard Australian English (Indo-European) used as a baseline. Results reveal that just over 50% of the Roper Kriol and Gurindji Kriol listeners identified differences in the stop-fricative pairs with a high degree of consistency while nearly a quarter consistently identified the fricative-like stimuli as such, but showed random responses to the stop-like stimuli. The remaining participants showed a preference toward the fricatives across the entire continuum. The authors conclude that the fricative-stop contrast is not critical to the functionality of the phonologies in Roper Kriol or Gurindji Kriol, which could explain the high degree of variability. 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Here, the authors focus on the uniqueness and nearuniformity of the phonological systems found in Australia. The languages involved in this study include Roper Kriol (an English-lexifier creole language), Gurindji Kriol (a mixed language derived from Gurindji and Kriol), with Standard Australian English (Indo-European) used as a baseline. Results reveal that just over 50% of the Roper Kriol and Gurindji Kriol listeners identified differences in the stop-fricative pairs with a high degree of consistency while nearly a quarter consistently identified the fricative-like stimuli as such, but showed random responses to the stop-like stimuli. The remaining participants showed a preference toward the fricatives across the entire continuum. The authors conclude that the fricative-stop contrast is not critical to the functionality of the phonologies in Roper Kriol or Gurindji Kriol, which could explain the high degree of variability. 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$(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (false) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-104532193-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="104524486"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/104524486/A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenition_and_the_nature_of_variability_in_Gurindji_stops"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/104230370/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/104524486/A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenition_and_the_nature_of_variability_in_Gurindji_stops">A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span>Laboratory Phonology: Journal of the Association for Laboratory Phonology</span><span>, 2017</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and ...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and lenition of segment types ranging from fully occluded stops to highly lenited variants, in acoustic data. The method is motivated with respect to the relationship between acoustic and articulatory phonetics and, through subsequent evaluation, is argued to correspond well to articulation. It is then applied to the phonemic stops of casual speech in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, Australia) to investigate the nature of their articulatory targets. The degree of stop lenition is found to vary widely. Contrary to expectations, no evidence is found of a positive effect on lenition due to word-medial (relative to word-initial) position, beyond that attributable to duration; nor do non-coronals lenite more than their apical counterparts, which freely lenite along a continuum towards taps. No significant effect is found of preceding or following vocalic environment. Taken together, the observed lenition, duration, and peak intensity velocities are argued to be inconsistent with a single, fully-occluded articulatory 'stop' target which is undershot at short durations, rather targets can be understood to span a range or 'window' of values in the sense of Keating (1990), from fully-occluded stop-like targets to more approximantlike targets. It is an open question to what degree the patterns found in Gurindji are language particular, or can be related to the organization of obstruent systems in Australian languages more broadly. Precisely comparable studies of additional languages will be especially valuable in addressing these questions and others, and are possible using the method we introduce.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="e5b82d702fd02636d99f16d92364b731" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":104230370,"asset_id":104524486,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/104230370/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="104524486"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="104524486"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 104524486; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=104524486]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=104524486]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 104524486; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='104524486']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "e5b82d702fd02636d99f16d92364b731" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=104524486]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":104524486,"title":"A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops","translated_title":"","metadata":{"publisher":"Open Library of the Humanities","grobid_abstract":"An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and lenition of segment types ranging from fully occluded stops to highly lenited variants, in acoustic data. The method is motivated with respect to the relationship between acoustic and articulatory phonetics and, through subsequent evaluation, is argued to correspond well to articulation. It is then applied to the phonemic stops of casual speech in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, Australia) to investigate the nature of their articulatory targets. The degree of stop lenition is found to vary widely. Contrary to expectations, no evidence is found of a positive effect on lenition due to word-medial (relative to word-initial) position, beyond that attributable to duration; nor do non-coronals lenite more than their apical counterparts, which freely lenite along a continuum towards taps. No significant effect is found of preceding or following vocalic environment. Taken together, the observed lenition, duration, and peak intensity velocities are argued to be inconsistent with a single, fully-occluded articulatory 'stop' target which is undershot at short durations, rather targets can be understood to span a range or 'window' of values in the sense of Keating (1990), from fully-occluded stop-like targets to more approximantlike targets. It is an open question to what degree the patterns found in Gurindji are language particular, or can be related to the organization of obstruent systems in Australian languages more broadly. Precisely comparable studies of additional languages will be especially valuable in addressing these questions and others, and are possible using the method we introduce.","publication_date":{"day":null,"month":null,"year":2017,"errors":{}},"publication_name":"Laboratory Phonology: Journal of the Association for Laboratory Phonology","grobid_abstract_attachment_id":104230370},"translated_abstract":null,"internal_url":"https://www.academia.edu/104524486/A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenition_and_the_nature_of_variability_in_Gurindji_stops","translated_internal_url":"","created_at":"2023-07-13T01:42:27.231-07:00","preview_url":null,"current_user_can_edit":null,"current_user_is_owner":null,"owner_id":3782164,"coauthors_can_edit":true,"document_type":"paper","co_author_tags":[],"downloadable_attachments":[{"id":104230370,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/104230370/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"c8ba59c5536ee63cd04f8c927f06e556edeb.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/104230370/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenitio.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/104230370/c8ba59c5536ee63cd04f8c927f06e556edeb-libre.pdf?1689239926=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DA_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenitio.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=WiFcSfoA8-cUYWs9kE7-l~Xo~5srTaAfr61G8B42Yv1dHQTYA58Uw5wbnrCNeHcB5-cAn1eA47RB45qLVTb3Yq0j2~a0YmsA5DVpOL-b5sErZ6UdSQ0f1tbDNcpSU4q36MHWPqytHhispOOOUd9Lbk3pIcGhP9HjpI-EGSXDWJNtoHbKSoKZ0o4nL-HvDcDJW5kF8jIZY44MJijvlKIggeCNimBg~q~RiyrPhiu2W8~Jy0e2DEW5c8hR8cOU6bkRLZTjk~0xW0To6ApJp0jl5zQwjFHcJ0StM9IvBABfK8br~A5DBdJ~R-CiXE4K3If5x~SJF1GjCwtoeYFipzYTyg__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"slug":"A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenition_and_the_nature_of_variability_in_Gurindji_stops","translated_slug":"","page_count":32,"language":"en","content_type":"Work","summary":"An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and lenition of segment types ranging from fully occluded stops to highly lenited variants, in acoustic data. The method is motivated with respect to the relationship between acoustic and articulatory phonetics and, through subsequent evaluation, is argued to correspond well to articulation. It is then applied to the phonemic stops of casual speech in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, Australia) to investigate the nature of their articulatory targets. The degree of stop lenition is found to vary widely. Contrary to expectations, no evidence is found of a positive effect on lenition due to word-medial (relative to word-initial) position, beyond that attributable to duration; nor do non-coronals lenite more than their apical counterparts, which freely lenite along a continuum towards taps. No significant effect is found of preceding or following vocalic environment. Taken together, the observed lenition, duration, and peak intensity velocities are argued to be inconsistent with a single, fully-occluded articulatory 'stop' target which is undershot at short durations, rather targets can be understood to span a range or 'window' of values in the sense of Keating (1990), from fully-occluded stop-like targets to more approximantlike targets. It is an open question to what degree the patterns found in Gurindji are language particular, or can be related to the organization of obstruent systems in Australian languages more broadly. Precisely comparable studies of additional languages will be especially valuable in addressing these questions and others, and are possible using the method we introduce.","owner":{"id":3782164,"first_name":"Thomas","middle_initials":null,"last_name":"Ennever","page_name":"ThomasEnnever","domain_name":"surrey","created_at":"2013-04-13T11:52:11.756-07:00","display_name":"Thomas Ennever","url":"https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever"},"attachments":[{"id":104230370,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/104230370/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"c8ba59c5536ee63cd04f8c927f06e556edeb.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/104230370/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenitio.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/104230370/c8ba59c5536ee63cd04f8c927f06e556edeb-libre.pdf?1689239926=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DA_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenitio.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=WiFcSfoA8-cUYWs9kE7-l~Xo~5srTaAfr61G8B42Yv1dHQTYA58Uw5wbnrCNeHcB5-cAn1eA47RB45qLVTb3Yq0j2~a0YmsA5DVpOL-b5sErZ6UdSQ0f1tbDNcpSU4q36MHWPqytHhispOOOUd9Lbk3pIcGhP9HjpI-EGSXDWJNtoHbKSoKZ0o4nL-HvDcDJW5kF8jIZY44MJijvlKIggeCNimBg~q~RiyrPhiu2W8~Jy0e2DEW5c8hR8cOU6bkRLZTjk~0xW0To6ApJp0jl5zQwjFHcJ0StM9IvBABfK8br~A5DBdJ~R-CiXE4K3If5x~SJF1GjCwtoeYFipzYTyg__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"research_interests":[{"id":221,"name":"Psychology","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Psychology"},{"id":21025,"name":"Acoustic Phonetics","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Acoustic_Phonetics"},{"id":32757,"name":"Australian Languages","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Australian_Languages"},{"id":209097,"name":"Lenition","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Lenition"},{"id":384736,"name":"Articulatory Phonology","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Articulatory_Phonology"},{"id":409626,"name":"Intensity","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Intensity"},{"id":897363,"name":"Laboratory Phonology","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Laboratory_Phonology"},{"id":1292738,"name":"Stops","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Stops"},{"id":2492780,"name":"gurindji","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/gurindji"}],"urls":[]}, dispatcherData: dispatcherData }); $(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (false) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-104524486-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="102139755"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/102139755/Lexical_Stress"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Lexical Stress" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/102482604/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/102139755/Lexical_Stress">Lexical Stress</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--coauthors"><span>by </span><span><a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://uq.academia.edu/KathleenJepson">Kathleen Jepson</a> and <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever">Thomas Ennever</a></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span>Handbook of Australian languages, ed. by C. Bowern. Oxford: Oxford University Press.</span><span>, 2023</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">Australian languages have been drawn upon extensively to exemplify aspects of the design space of...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">Australian languages have been drawn upon extensively to exemplify aspects of the design space of metrical structure, including rhythmical patterns, foot structure, and other stress-related phonological features. While some auditory properties have emerged in descriptions (e.g., duration, loudness, pitch, vowel quality), we are only beginning to examine what the acoustic correlates are that underlie these rhythmic structures. In this chapter, we proffer a broad overview of stress in Australian languages, highlighting some of the under-reviewed phonological and phonetic aspects of stress, along with a summary of the ranges of metrical structures found across the continent. Looking to the future, we see great value in the re-examination of primary data (where possible) and the acoustic properties underlying reported stress patterns. We also view ongoing work in the relationship between morphological and prosodic structure and the unpicking of the relationship between lexical stress and prosody above the word as areas which promise to yield many exciting insights.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="5015ee6377f8a31b163aebde114a6d4c" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":102482604,"asset_id":102139755,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/102482604/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="102139755"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="102139755"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 102139755; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=102139755]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=102139755]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 102139755; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='102139755']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "5015ee6377f8a31b163aebde114a6d4c" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=102139755]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":102139755,"title":"Lexical Stress","translated_title":"","metadata":{"abstract":"Australian languages have been drawn upon extensively to exemplify aspects of the design space of metrical structure, including rhythmical patterns, foot structure, and other stress-related phonological features. While some auditory properties have emerged in descriptions (e.g., duration, loudness, pitch, vowel quality), we are only beginning to examine what the acoustic correlates are that underlie these rhythmic structures. In this chapter, we proffer a broad overview of stress in Australian languages, highlighting some of the under-reviewed phonological and phonetic aspects of stress, along with a summary of the ranges of metrical structures found across the continent. Looking to the future, we see great value in the re-examination of primary data (where possible) and the acoustic properties underlying reported stress patterns. We also view ongoing work in the relationship between morphological and prosodic structure and the unpicking of the relationship between lexical stress and prosody above the word as areas which promise to yield many exciting insights.","ai_title_tag":"Stress Patterns and Acoustic Features in Australian Languages","page_numbers":"145–158","publication_date":{"day":null,"month":null,"year":2023,"errors":{}},"publication_name":"Handbook of Australian languages, ed. by C. Bowern. Oxford: Oxford University Press."},"translated_abstract":"Australian languages have been drawn upon extensively to exemplify aspects of the design space of metrical structure, including rhythmical patterns, foot structure, and other stress-related phonological features. While some auditory properties have emerged in descriptions (e.g., duration, loudness, pitch, vowel quality), we are only beginning to examine what the acoustic correlates are that underlie these rhythmic structures. In this chapter, we proffer a broad overview of stress in Australian languages, highlighting some of the under-reviewed phonological and phonetic aspects of stress, along with a summary of the ranges of metrical structures found across the continent. Looking to the future, we see great value in the re-examination of primary data (where possible) and the acoustic properties underlying reported stress patterns. We also view ongoing work in the relationship between morphological and prosodic structure and the unpicking of the relationship between lexical stress and prosody above the word as areas which promise to yield many exciting insights.","internal_url":"https://www.academia.edu/102139755/Lexical_Stress","translated_internal_url":"","created_at":"2023-05-21T17:12:44.984-07:00","preview_url":null,"current_user_can_edit":null,"current_user_is_owner":null,"owner_id":3782164,"coauthors_can_edit":true,"document_type":"paper","co_author_tags":[{"id":39888087,"work_id":102139755,"tagging_user_id":3782164,"tagged_user_id":27164134,"co_author_invite_id":null,"email":"k***n@uq.edu.au","affiliation":"The University of Queensland, Australia","display_order":-1,"name":"Kathleen Jepson","title":"Lexical Stress"}],"downloadable_attachments":[{"id":102482604,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/102482604/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"Jepson_Ennever_2023.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/102482604/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"Lexical_Stress.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/102482604/Jepson_Ennever_2023-libre.pdf?1684716449=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DLexical_Stress.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=BvlUEZVFgMk4GKW57xgvHgWhdrZ1PQvdxHD2BsC7jUbx0OpgDuDyKXOw9IX2LTSv7uRpq~LSVTZR214Y~rxF3-ZaXOcER8NXR2cLtmOsgrbjvn2PqQJ6-DU6wXcWUx7-uqdoiFSHQkLi3BHYhOHDlXJMnLRsF2pAlMQW48Ey76AXACHX5vf9Niymb2mcQYe6SirM7Ckh1qpAAlNc6BCxSvqOTZneZI18g-zJI~4PDy3tzxx~UfADw3rwYsYIzf9FHw0-~ukv2vDYLj105UVbUf4akMqykqkeRgeAV6DKcrrHgqWHSw6~sLP6OQ4OtglwbuRBdFi4631g4xbrP5PV4A__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"slug":"Lexical_Stress","translated_slug":"","page_count":19,"language":"en","content_type":"Work","summary":"Australian languages have been drawn upon extensively to exemplify aspects of the design space of metrical structure, including rhythmical patterns, foot structure, and other stress-related phonological features. While some auditory properties have emerged in descriptions (e.g., duration, loudness, pitch, vowel quality), we are only beginning to examine what the acoustic correlates are that underlie these rhythmic structures. In this chapter, we proffer a broad overview of stress in Australian languages, highlighting some of the under-reviewed phonological and phonetic aspects of stress, along with a summary of the ranges of metrical structures found across the continent. Looking to the future, we see great value in the re-examination of primary data (where possible) and the acoustic properties underlying reported stress patterns. We also view ongoing work in the relationship between morphological and prosodic structure and the unpicking of the relationship between lexical stress and prosody above the word as areas which promise to yield many exciting insights.","owner":{"id":3782164,"first_name":"Thomas","middle_initials":null,"last_name":"Ennever","page_name":"ThomasEnnever","domain_name":"surrey","created_at":"2013-04-13T11:52:11.756-07:00","display_name":"Thomas Ennever","url":"https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever"},"attachments":[{"id":102482604,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/102482604/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"Jepson_Ennever_2023.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/102482604/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"Lexical_Stress.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/102482604/Jepson_Ennever_2023-libre.pdf?1684716449=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DLexical_Stress.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=BvlUEZVFgMk4GKW57xgvHgWhdrZ1PQvdxHD2BsC7jUbx0OpgDuDyKXOw9IX2LTSv7uRpq~LSVTZR214Y~rxF3-ZaXOcER8NXR2cLtmOsgrbjvn2PqQJ6-DU6wXcWUx7-uqdoiFSHQkLi3BHYhOHDlXJMnLRsF2pAlMQW48Ey76AXACHX5vf9Niymb2mcQYe6SirM7Ckh1qpAAlNc6BCxSvqOTZneZI18g-zJI~4PDy3tzxx~UfADw3rwYsYIzf9FHw0-~ukv2vDYLj105UVbUf4akMqykqkeRgeAV6DKcrrHgqWHSw6~sLP6OQ4OtglwbuRBdFi4631g4xbrP5PV4A__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"research_interests":[{"id":1239,"name":"Phonology","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Phonology"},{"id":279173,"name":"Australian Aboriginal Languages","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Australian_Aboriginal_Languages"},{"id":294760,"name":"Lexical stress","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Lexical_stress"}],"urls":[]}, dispatcherData: dispatcherData }); $(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (false) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-102139755-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="101965806"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/101965806/Cross_referencing_of_non_subject_arguments_in_Pama_Nyungan_languages"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Cross-referencing of non-subject arguments in Pama-Nyungan languages" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/102359108/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/101965806/Cross_referencing_of_non_subject_arguments_in_Pama_Nyungan_languages">Cross-referencing of non-subject arguments in Pama-Nyungan languages</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--coauthors"><span>by </span><span><a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever">Thomas Ennever</a> and <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://mq.academia.edu/MitchellBrowne">Mitchell Browne</a></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span>Australian Journal of Linguistics</span><span>, 2023</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">About one third of Pama-Nyungan languages of Australia employ pronominal crossreferencing, yet sy...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">About one third of Pama-Nyungan languages of Australia employ pronominal crossreferencing, yet systematic typological patterns of non-subject argument registration remain unexamined. We analyze this variation from two perspectives by surveying 22 Pama-Nyungan languages. Firstly, we survey which kinds of case-marked arguments can be crossreferenced by these pronominal systems. From this perspective, we find that a number of nominal expressions marked with so-called 'local' cases (e.g. locative, allative, ablative, etc.) can be cross-referenced when instantiating certain argument relations. Secondly, we find striking cross-linguistic predictability in how such relations-which we descriptively group as 'locational'-are morphologically integrated into the pronominal paradigms. We show that the variation can be captured by two major parameters: firstly, whether locational crossreferencing utilises the same form as another non-subject series, or whether locational crossreferencing is serviced by a unique series formally built off another non-subject series. In this latter case there is further variation as to which other non-subject series provides the base for the dedicated locational series. These parameters result in six surface pattern types, and we show that each of the patterns is instantiated in languages of the survey.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><div class="carousel-container carousel-container--sm" id="profile-work-101965806-figures"><div class="prev-slide-container js-prev-button-container"><button aria-label="Previous" class="carousel-navigation-button js-profile-work-101965806-figures-prev"><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 24px" translate="no">arrow_back_ios</span></button></div><div class="slides-container js-slides-container"><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152640/figure-1-approximate-locations-of-the-pama-nyungan-languages"><img alt="Figure 1: Approximate locations of the Pama-Nyungan languages surveyed in this paper which can cross-reference at least one type of nominal expression marked with local case (e.g. locative, allative, elative, etc.). " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/figure_001.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152645/figure-2-surveyed-languages-categorized-by-their-cross"><img alt="Figure 2: Surveyed languages categorized by their cross-referencing pattern(s). Languages which do not cross-reference locationals are excluded from this figure. 5. Reflexivization " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/figure_002.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152651/table-1-grammatical-relations-of-ngardi-ennever-in-the"><img alt="Table 1: Grammatical relations of Ngardi (Ennever, 2021, p. 502) In (5), the indirect object ‘dog’ has an overt nominal kunyarr marked with dative case, and is cross-referenced by the oblique series bound pronoun =r/a. However, there are (language specific) conditions on the occurrence of these bound pronouns and nominals within a given clause. As noted earlier, overt nominals are optional, as in (6) where there are no overt nominals. For the pronominal enclitics, generally only animate participants are registered by he bound pronouns (though there are a number of other constraints which vary across the particular languages). In (7), the object ‘two coolamons’ is not cross-referenced—in part because the referent is not animate. As such, the treatment of grammatical relations in these anguages utilises a combination of these criteria, rather than a single criterion. Finally, some anguages have further syntactic tests which can be used to independently motivate grammatical relations. These are typically language-specific tests relating to control properties of various types of relativized or subordinate clauses (see, for example Simpson, 1991, pp. 314-317 on tests for “objecthood” in Warlpiri). " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_001.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152656/table-2-western-mudburra-bound-pronominal-paradigm-osgarby"><img alt="Table 2: Western Mudburra bound pronominal paradigm (Osgarby, 2018, p. 122). In the Western Mudburra bound pronoun paradigm, there is a primary distinction between subject and non-subject. The grammatical relations subsumed by the ‘non-subject’ series in Mudburra include not just the ‘object’, but indirect objects (marked by dative case); ‘inherent location’ (marked by locative case) and ‘inherent destination’ (marked by allative case) relations (Osgarby, 2018, p. 141). The DM languages surveyed in this paper are similar to Mudburra in that they allow cross-referencing of NPs in a select number of local cases (e.g. locative and allative cases) by the bound pronouns. The cross-referencing of the allative case marking of the second singular free pronoun nyuntu in Manyjilyjarra in (8) is illustrative: The number of bound pronominal series varies across languages, however all languages in this survey minimally have a subject and non-subject series (with many languages distinguishing different types of non-subjects, commonly a distinction between an object and a dative/oblique series). The pronominals distinguish person (1, 2, 3), number (typically singular, dual, plural), and clusivity of non-singular first-person referents (for some languages, the system is analyzed as minimal, unit augmented, augmented). An example paradigm, from Western Mudburra (Ngumpin-Yapa) is given in Table 2, which demonstrates typical distinctions made in these paradigms. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_002.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152659/table-3-possibility-for-cross-referencing-of-local-case"><img alt="Table 3: Possibility for cross-referencing of local case marked NPs in surveyed languages (a dash indicates there is no distinct case form). This case hierarchy can also be extended to the grammatical productivity of these case suffixes: a given case has a more semantically diverse array of functions to those lower on the hierarchy. For example, cross-referenced locatives occur with a greater number of predicates and encode arguments which occupy a semantically more diverse array of functions than cases to the right on the hierarchy. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_003.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152664/table-4-sample-verbs-from-warburton-ranges-variety-of"><img alt="Table 4: Sample verbs from Warburton Ranges variety of Western Desert (data adapted from Koch, 2014, p. 155) The second axis relates to the function of this other (non-locational) series: specifically, whether it is used for cross-referencing ‘objects’, ‘indirect objects’ or a single ‘non-subject’ series. The intersection of these two axes results in six distinct pattern types; each of which is attested by at least one language in the survey, as shown in Table 5 and discussed in the following subsections. verbs—and is relatively widespread in Australia (Koch, 2014, p. 158). For example, consider the present and future inflectional forms in the Warburton Ranges variety of Western Desert, shown in Table 4. For these verbs, the present inflection form is transparently built off the future inflection form, i.e. the form of the present for these conjugations is FUT + Ja. Morphologically analogous formations in nominal case in Australian languages have typically been referred to as “compound case’ (Schweiger, 2000) while here we extend the analogy of ‘parasitism’ to bound pronominal forms.'® " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_004.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152668/table-5-pattern-types-of-local-case-cross-referencing-in"><img alt="Table 5: Pattern types of local case cross-referencing in relation to other non-subject series " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_005.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152676/table-6-non-subject-bound-pronouns-in-kukatja-valiquette-pp"><img alt="Table 6: Non-subject bound pronouns in Kukatja (Valiquette, 1993, pp. 453-454) In this paradigm type, unmarked (absolutive) NPs in object functions as well as certain locative NPs (namely those with animate referents) are registered in the bound pronoun by a single set of forms, barring the third singular.'’ For example, the Kukatja first singular bound pronoun =rni can cross-reference absolutive NPs with the role of direct object as in (17)a., and absolutive NPs with the role of primary object in a double object construction as in (17)b.!8 " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_006.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152679/table-7-non-subject-bound-pronouns-in-nyangumarta-marrngu"><img alt="Table 7: Non-subject bound pronouns in Nyangumarta (Marrngu) (Sharp, 2004, p. 91). Forms with ‘=’ are phonologicall bound to a verbal host, and forms with ‘#’ are phonologically independent pronouns, but still syntactically bound to the post-verbal position. these languages, the locational and dative arguments are cross-referenced identically for all persons and numbers, except for the third singular where there is a contrast between the two. Other languages exhibiting this pattern of syncretism include the Marrngu languages as well as Nyiyaparli (Battin, 2019, p. 18) within the Ngayarda subgroup—a neighbouring subgroup which by and large lacks bound pronouns. ngaju-ku! " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_007.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152684/table-8-non-subject-bound-pronouns-in-mudburra-osgarby"><img alt="Table 8: Non-subject bound pronouns in Mudburra (Osgarby, 2018, p. 118)?? " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_008.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152688/table-9-non-subject-bound-pronouns-in-yulparija-wangka-maya"><img alt="Table 9: Non-subject bound pronouns in Yulparija (Wangka Maya Pilbara Aboriginal Language Centre, 2008 " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_009.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152691/table-11-two-series-of-bound-pronouns-for-locational-case"><img alt="Table 11: Two series of bound pronouns for locational case cross-referencing in Wangkajunga (Jones, 2011, pp. 140-141) " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_010.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152692/table-12-non-subject-bound-pronouns-in-walmajarri-hudson-pp"><img alt="Table 12: Non-subject bound pronouns in Walmajarri (Hudson, 1978, pp. 60-62) The variability in selection of LOCATIONAL I or LOCATIONAL II in the pronominal complex in Walmajarri is illustrated in (34), where a—b. exhibit the series incremental to the dative series (Pattern 2b), and c-d exhibit the series incremental to the object series (Pattern 2a). Note that in a. and c. we have clear evidence of the same case-marked (free) pronoun (ngau-nga) being cross-referenced by bound pronouns from the two different series (LCTI and LCTII). " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_011.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152694/table-13-surveyed-languages-categorized-by-pattern-type"><img alt="Table 13: Surveyed languages categorized by pattern type. Having introduced the types of patterns found in the surveyed languages, as well as languages which exhibit hybrid patterns, we now turn to the distribution of the patterns found. These are overviewed in Table 13 and Table 14. 4. Distribution of pattern types " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_012.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152695/table-14-these-are-suggestive-that-there-may-be-weak-genetic"><img alt="These tables are suggestive that there may be a weak genetic component to the distributic pattern types. Broadly speaking, Ngumpin-Yapa languages exhibit pattern 1c or 2c; Mart 1b; and Western Desert 1a. What is particularly striking, however, is that even within a closely related language grouping there is nevertheless considerable—and structurally diverse—variation. Within Ngumpin-Yapa, for example, only patterns 1a and 1b are unattested. While a range of patterns are attested for the cross-referencing of locational arguments in the subgroup, it is notable that just one language in Ngumpin-Y apa— Warlpiri—eschews all and any forms of cross-referencing of local case-marked expressions.*! Table 14: Surveyed languages categorized into genetic subgroup with corresponding pattern type. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/102359108/table_013.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/15152698/table-15-comparison-of-object-dative-and-locational"><img alt="Table 15: Comparison of object/dative and locational reflexive pronominal forms The morphological composition of the reflexive bound pronoun followed by an increment r/a is consistent with the formation of locational bound pronouns in each language. For the Ngumpin-Yapa languages, this is Pattern 2-—the addition of an increment to a syncretic object/dative case form. For Yulparija, the locational is an increment to the object form (which is distinct from a dative form), i.e. Pattern 2a. Note that the -ngku- component in the formation of the locational reflexive is widely treated as an ‘epenthetic’ in addition to -r/a but its obligatoriness differs across languages (Tsunoda, 1981, p. 152; Senge, 2015, p. 330; Meakins & McConvell, 2021, p. 355; Ennever, 2021, p. 309). A less well-known type of reflexivisation is found in some Ngumpin languages and the northern Western Desert languages Yulparija. For these languages there is a discrete locational reflexive clitic which must be used if a locational bound pronoun is co-referent with the clausal subject. The form of the locational reflexive/reciprocal is clearly compositional, comprising the simple reflexive and the increment -r/a with the variable presence of a linking element -ngku-, shown in Table 15. 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We analyze this variation from two perspectives by surveying 22 Pama-Nyungan languages. Firstly, we survey which kinds of case-marked arguments can be crossreferenced by these pronominal systems. From this perspective, we find that a number of nominal expressions marked with so-called 'local' cases (e.g. locative, allative, ablative, etc.) can be cross-referenced when instantiating certain argument relations. Secondly, we find striking cross-linguistic predictability in how such relations-which we descriptively group as 'locational'-are morphologically integrated into the pronominal paradigms. We show that the variation can be captured by two major parameters: firstly, whether locational crossreferencing utilises the same form as another non-subject series, or whether locational crossreferencing is serviced by a unique series formally built off another non-subject series. In this latter case there is further variation as to which other non-subject series provides the base for the dedicated locational series. These parameters result in six surface pattern types, and we show that each of the patterns is instantiated in languages of the survey.","publication_date":{"day":null,"month":null,"year":2023,"errors":{}},"publication_name":"Australian Journal of Linguistics"},"translated_abstract":"About one third of Pama-Nyungan languages of Australia employ pronominal crossreferencing, yet systematic typological patterns of non-subject argument registration remain unexamined. We analyze this variation from two perspectives by surveying 22 Pama-Nyungan languages. Firstly, we survey which kinds of case-marked arguments can be crossreferenced by these pronominal systems. From this perspective, we find that a number of nominal expressions marked with so-called 'local' cases (e.g. locative, allative, ablative, etc.) can be cross-referenced when instantiating certain argument relations. Secondly, we find striking cross-linguistic predictability in how such relations-which we descriptively group as 'locational'-are morphologically integrated into the pronominal paradigms. We show that the variation can be captured by two major parameters: firstly, whether locational crossreferencing utilises the same form as another non-subject series, or whether locational crossreferencing is serviced by a unique series formally built off another non-subject series. In this latter case there is further variation as to which other non-subject series provides the base for the dedicated locational series. These parameters result in six surface pattern types, and we show that each of the patterns is instantiated in languages of the survey.","internal_url":"https://www.academia.edu/101965806/Cross_referencing_of_non_subject_arguments_in_Pama_Nyungan_languages","translated_internal_url":"","created_at":"2023-05-18T02:57:14.787-07:00","preview_url":null,"current_user_can_edit":null,"current_user_is_owner":null,"owner_id":6122336,"coauthors_can_edit":true,"document_type":"paper","co_author_tags":[{"id":39878830,"work_id":101965806,"tagging_user_id":6122336,"tagged_user_id":3782164,"co_author_invite_id":null,"email":"t***r@monash.edu","affiliation":"University of Surrey","display_order":-1,"name":"Thomas Ennever","title":"Cross-referencing of non-subject arguments in Pama-Nyungan languages"}],"downloadable_attachments":[{"id":102359108,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/102359108/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"Ennever_Browne_2023_postprint.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/102359108/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"Cross_referencing_of_non_subject_argumen.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/102359108/Ennever_Browne_2023_postprint-libre.pdf?1684404995=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DCross_referencing_of_non_subject_argumen.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=Beg1pAmk70n3PnXitK7QEQhoP4lHaG~zKUmlmw~vQXtNp2X3HhhA~yYDfqyeUfYDUAQBSC68W26qpBBsQ7MkLqjY9PdRp7yv-BAzdgSvmcLLCD2R6IC~IQuyWAe--EapflNzhUl1xzl7wvQFLgpxN-ZJwJuUL-L84-lMAIJYGs50wZNYFZVknC~1d5CwYYT7DdYhr-D029V13bX8A8gct0JXkAPFEloJpzBX8uLbICBnnLjColNn0z1aVNsovpzrap58oIZkEIAtRBbFyqyFJ8dpjwDHea7NkucZ9gmWXR4k-KlCzQXDLZ~ZpqQUkqUoepZ2kUGi7bM3CTc2hfBnDg__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"slug":"Cross_referencing_of_non_subject_arguments_in_Pama_Nyungan_languages","translated_slug":"","page_count":42,"language":"en","content_type":"Work","summary":"About one third of Pama-Nyungan languages of Australia employ pronominal crossreferencing, yet systematic typological patterns of non-subject argument registration remain unexamined. We analyze this variation from two perspectives by surveying 22 Pama-Nyungan languages. Firstly, we survey which kinds of case-marked arguments can be crossreferenced by these pronominal systems. From this perspective, we find that a number of nominal expressions marked with so-called 'local' cases (e.g. locative, allative, ablative, etc.) can be cross-referenced when instantiating certain argument relations. Secondly, we find striking cross-linguistic predictability in how such relations-which we descriptively group as 'locational'-are morphologically integrated into the pronominal paradigms. We show that the variation can be captured by two major parameters: firstly, whether locational crossreferencing utilises the same form as another non-subject series, or whether locational crossreferencing is serviced by a unique series formally built off another non-subject series. In this latter case there is further variation as to which other non-subject series provides the base for the dedicated locational series. These parameters result in six surface pattern types, and we show that each of the patterns is instantiated in languages of the survey.","owner":{"id":6122336,"first_name":"Mitchell","middle_initials":null,"last_name":"Browne","page_name":"MitchellBrowne","domain_name":"mq","created_at":"2013-10-13T18:36:06.786-07:00","display_name":"Mitchell 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Nyungan Languages","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Pama_Nyungan_Languages"}],"urls":[]}, dispatcherData: dispatcherData }); $(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (true) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-101965806-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="62298263"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" rel="nofollow" href="https://www.academia.edu/62298263/A_Grammar_of_Ngardi"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of A Grammar of Ngardi" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://a.academia-assets.com/images/blank-paper.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title">A Grammar of Ngardi</div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span 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(Australia</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--coauthors"><span>by </span><span><a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://mq.academia.edu/MitchellBrowne">Mitchell Browne</a> and <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever">Thomas Ennever</a></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span>Apprehensional constructions in a cross-linguistic perspective</span><span>, 2022</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">In this chapter we survey and compare apprehensional constructions found in languages of the Ngum...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">In this chapter we survey and compare apprehensional constructions found in languages of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup of the Pama-Nyungan family (Australia).</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="669a4415013aa35c9452f2fec3842fe9" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":72143377,"asset_id":57064852,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/72143377/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="57064852"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div 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hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/40085486/Fickle_fricatives_Fricative_and_stop_perception_in_Gurindji_Kriol_Roper_Kriol_and_Standard_Australian_English"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Fickle fricatives: Fricative and stop perception in Gurindji Kriol, Roper Kriol, and Standard Australian English" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/60292878/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/40085486/Fickle_fricatives_Fricative_and_stop_perception_in_Gurindji_Kriol_Roper_Kriol_and_Standard_Australian_English">Fickle fricatives: Fricative and stop perception in Gurindji Kriol, Roper Kriol, and Standard Australian English</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--coauthors"><span>by </span><span><a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://usask.academia.edu/JesseStewart">Jesse Stewart</a>, <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://uq.academia.edu/FelicityMeakins">Felicity Meakins</a>, and <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever">Thomas Ennever</a></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span>Journal of the Acoustical Society of America</span><span>, 2020</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">This paper uses a 2AFC identification task experiment to test listener perception of voiceless fr...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">This paper uses a 2AFC identification task experiment to test listener perception of voiceless fricative-stop contrasts with minimal pairs modified along a 10-step continuum. Here, we focus on the uniqueness and near-uniformity of the phonological systems found in Australia. The languages involved in this study include: Roper Kriol (an English-lexifier creole language), Gurindji Kriol (a mixed language derived from Gurindji and Kriol); with Standard Australian English (Indo-European) used as a baseline. Results reveal that just over 50% of the Roper Kriol and Gurindji Kriol listeners identified differences in the stop-fricative pairs with a high degree of consistency while nearly a quarter consistently identified the fricative-like stimuli as such, but showed random responses to the stop-like stimuli. The remaining participants showed a preference towards the fricatives across the entire continuum. We conclude that the fricative-stop contrast is not critical to the functionality of the phonologies in Roper Kriol or Gurindji Kriol, which could explain the high degree of variability. In addition, there is some evidence that degree of exposure to English may have an effect on the degree of contrastability.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><div class="carousel-container carousel-container--sm" id="profile-work-40085486-figures"><div class="prev-slide-container js-prev-button-container"><button aria-label="Previous" class="carousel-navigation-button js-profile-work-40085486-figures-prev"><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 24px" translate="no">arrow_back_ios</span></button></div><div class="slides-container js-slides-container"><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374849/figure-1-wave-and-spectrogram-illustrations-of-each-stop"><img alt="Figure 1: Wave and spectrogram illustrations of each stop along the seil-teil ‘sail-tail’ continuum. The differences in duration between the steps for each minimal pair in the KGK experiment are the same for the cognate minimal pairs in the SAE experiment to maintain similar experimental conditions. As the modified values become more distant from their prototypical forms, responses are predicted to become more random, if any degree of contrasts indeed exists. Alternatively, if a participant perceives the stimuli as the same, we would expect random responses throughout the continua or a listener may choose to assign anything that does not sound like a prototypical X to the Y category. However, if only one token appears phonemically in a participant's inventory, we expect they will consistently select the token at one end of the continuum while responses at the other end will be more random. If there is indeed a contrast found, using the 10-step continua allowed us to home in on the categorical boundaries of each minimal pair based on the 50% crossing point between the canonical forms. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/figure_001.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374858/figure-2-three-slides-from-the-gurindji-kriol-kriol-afc"><img alt="Figure 2: Three slides from the Gurindji Kriol/ Kriol 2AFC identification task. The top left slide shows the minimal pairs fok 'fork' and pok ‘pork’. The middle slide shows the minimal pairs fut 'foot' and but 'boot'. The bottom right slide shows the minimal pairs feil 'tail' and seil ‘sail’. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/figure_002.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374865/figure-3-the-top-image-represents-the-mean-average-of-the"><img alt="Figure 3: The top image represents the mean average of the responses to the [f-p" (solid blue) and [s-t" (dotted red) stimuli across the continua. The canonical fricative token is on the left (step 0) while the canonical stop token is on the right (step 9). The lower images represent the mean average of the responses to each one of the individual words across the continuum (from left to right, feel-peel, fork-pork, sick-tick, & sail-tail). [he results found in this section detail the participant responses to the SAE experiment. This section contains line plots for both the [f-p"] and [s-t"] minimal pair. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/figure_003.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374873/figure-4-the-top-image-represents-the-mean-average-of-the"><img alt="Figure 4: The top image represents the mean average of the responses to the [f-p"] stimuli across the continua. The canonical fricative token is on the left (step 0) while the canonical stop token is on the right (step 9). The lower images represent the mean average of the responses to each one of the individual words across the continuum (from left to right, fut-but 'foot-boot’, filim-pilim 'feel-peel’, fok-pok 'fork-pork’, and fobala-pobala ‘four-poor'). step) with a high degree of consistency while responses to canonical [p"] were more random. Interestingly, participants from both the Gurindji Kriol and Kriol groups had very similar responses to the individual words. Moreover, the unaspirated VOT of the stop in the fut-but 'foot- boot’ does not appear to increase or decrease the ability to identify minimal pairs contrasting by word-initial fricative and stops. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/figure_004.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374877/figure-5-the-top-image-represents-the-mean-average-of-the"><img alt="Figure 5: The top image represents the mean average of the responses to the [s-t"] stimuli across the continua. The canonical fricative token is on the left (step 0) while the canonical stop token is on the right (step 9). The lower images represent the mean average of the responses to each of the individual words across each continuum (from left to right, saun-taun 'sound-town', sik-tik 'sick-tick', seil-teil 'sail-tail', sedul-tedul 'saddle-turtle'). " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/figure_005.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374883/figure-6-it-is-important-to-note-that-when-combining-all-of"><img alt="It is important to note that when combining all of the minimal pairs into a single average, there was a relatively high degree of variation in the participant results for both groups. Some speakers were able to distinguish both series ([f-p"] and [s-t"]) with a high degree of consistency. Others showed more consistent responses to the fricative series but had random responses for the stop series. Several others preferred the fricative series across the continuum while a limited few actually showed a reverse trend; choosing the fricative token towards the end of the continua and vice versa. Figure 6 shows four individual listener responses that match these patterns and provides numbers of how many participants displayed each trend. These results will be further discussed in $4. Overall, fricatives appear to be the preferred series during the identification task, with the majority of speakers showing a clear contrast between the fricative and stop pairs. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/figure_006.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374892/figure-7-differences-in-response-patterns-based-on-exposure"><img alt="Figure 7: Differences in response patterns based on exposure to SAE. Listeners with low exposure to SAE (dashed, green) show more varied response patterns compared to those with high exposure to SAE (solid, blue). To appear in The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America. This version may differ slightly from the published article. Please cite the published version. " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/figure_007.jpg" /></a></figure><figure class="figure-slide-container"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/figures/32374900/table-1-the-intercept-with-base-value-of-log-odds-suggests"><img alt="The intercept, with a 'base' value’ of 1.1 log-odds, suggests that the probability of Gurindji Kriol participants, with high/mid exposure to English, selecting the image containing the word- initial [s], upon hearing its canonical token at the beginning of the continua was 75%. This probability decreased by, on average, -0.24 log-odds per step along the continua. By the final step, the probability of selecting the image containing word-initial [s] upon hearing the stimuli containing the word-initial canonical stop token ({t"]) was 25%. The probability of Kriol participants selecting the image when hearing the canonical [s] fricative token significantly decreased to 69%. By the final step, the probability of selecting the image with word-initial [s] image upon hearing the stimuli containing the word-initial canonical stop [t"] token was 20%. Bor the lahial ceries the nrohahilitv of Gurindi Kriol narticinante with hicgh/mid exnocure " class="figure-slide-image" src="https://figures.academia-assets.com/60292878/table_001.jpg" /></a></figure></div><div class="next-slide-container js-next-button-container"><button aria-label="Next" class="carousel-navigation-button js-profile-work-40085486-figures-next"><span class="material-symbols-outlined" style="font-size: 24px" translate="no">arrow_forward_ios</span></button></div></div></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="dbd7ccce6df25237bb49120799d15d95" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":60292878,"asset_id":40085486,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/60292878/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="40085486"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="40085486"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 40085486; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=40085486]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=40085486]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 40085486; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='40085486']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "dbd7ccce6df25237bb49120799d15d95" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=40085486]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":40085486,"title":"Fickle fricatives: Fricative and stop perception in Gurindji Kriol, Roper Kriol, and Standard Australian English","translated_title":"","metadata":{"doi":"10.1121/10.0000991","issue":"4","volume":"147","abstract":"This paper uses a 2AFC identification task experiment to test listener perception of voiceless fricative-stop contrasts with minimal pairs modified along a 10-step continuum. 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A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/54227942/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/34332078/2017_A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenition_and_the_nature_of_variability_in_Gurindji_stops">2017. A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--coauthors"><span>by </span><span><a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever">Thomas Ennever</a>, <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://uq.academia.edu/FelicityMeakins">Felicity Meakins</a>, and <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ErichRound">Erich R Round</a></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span>Laboratory Phonology</span><span>, 2017</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and ...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and lenition of segment types ranging from fully occluded stops to highly lenited variants, in acoustic data. The method is motivated with respect to the relationship between acoustic and articulatory phonetics and, through subsequent evaluation, is argued to correspond well to articulation. It is then applied to the phonemic stops of casual speech in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, Australia) to investigate the nature of their articulatory targets. The degree of stop lenition is found to vary widely. Contrary to expectations, no evidence is found of a positive effect on lenition due to word-medial (relative to word-initial) position, beyond that attributable to duration; nor do non-coronals lenite more than their apical counterparts, which freely lenite along a continuum towards taps. No signi cant effect is found of preceding or following vocalic environment. Taken together, the observed lenition, duration, and peak intensity velocities are argued to be inconsistent with a single, fully-occluded articulatory ‘stop’ target which is undershot at short durations, rather targets can be understood to span a range or ‘window’ of values in the sense of Keating (1990), from fully-occluded stop-like targets to more approximant- like targets. It is an open question to what degree the patterns found in Gurindji are language particular, or can be related to the organization of obstruent systems in Australian languages more broadly. Precisely comparable studies of additional languages will be especially valuable in addressing these questions and others, and are possible using the method we introduce.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="8c2565298e007333d7ba47745a647051" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":54227942,"asset_id":34332078,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/54227942/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="34332078"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="34332078"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 34332078; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=34332078]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=34332078]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 34332078; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='34332078']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "8c2565298e007333d7ba47745a647051" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=34332078]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":34332078,"title":"2017. A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops","translated_title":"","metadata":{"doi":"10.5334/labphon.18","issue":"1","volume":"8","abstract":"An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and lenition of segment types ranging from fully occluded stops to highly lenited variants, in acoustic data. The method is motivated with respect to the relationship between acoustic and articulatory phonetics and, through subsequent evaluation, is argued to correspond well to articulation. It is then applied to the phonemic stops of casual speech in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, Australia) to investigate the nature of their articulatory targets. The degree of stop lenition is found to vary widely. Contrary to expectations, no evidence is found of a positive effect on lenition due to word-medial (relative to word-initial) position, beyond that attributable to duration; nor do non-coronals lenite more than their apical counterparts, which freely lenite along a continuum towards taps. No signi cant effect is found of preceding or following vocalic environment. Taken together, the observed lenition, duration, and peak intensity velocities are argued to be inconsistent with a single, fully-occluded articulatory ‘stop’ target which is undershot at short durations, rather targets can be understood to span a range or ‘window’ of values in the sense of Keating (1990), from fully-occluded stop-like targets to more approximant- like targets. It is an open question to what degree the patterns found in Gurindji are language particular, or can be related to the organization of obstruent systems in Australian languages more broadly. Precisely comparable studies of additional languages will be especially valuable in addressing these questions and others, and are possible using the method we introduce.","ai_title_tag":"Measuring Lenition in Gurindji Stops","page_numbers":"1-32","publication_date":{"day":null,"month":null,"year":2017,"errors":{}},"publication_name":"Laboratory Phonology"},"translated_abstract":"An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and lenition of segment types ranging from fully occluded stops to highly lenited variants, in acoustic data. The method is motivated with respect to the relationship between acoustic and articulatory phonetics and, through subsequent evaluation, is argued to correspond well to articulation. It is then applied to the phonemic stops of casual speech in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, Australia) to investigate the nature of their articulatory targets. The degree of stop lenition is found to vary widely. Contrary to expectations, no evidence is found of a positive effect on lenition due to word-medial (relative to word-initial) position, beyond that attributable to duration; nor do non-coronals lenite more than their apical counterparts, which freely lenite along a continuum towards taps. No signi cant effect is found of preceding or following vocalic environment. Taken together, the observed lenition, duration, and peak intensity velocities are argued to be inconsistent with a single, fully-occluded articulatory ‘stop’ target which is undershot at short durations, rather targets can be understood to span a range or ‘window’ of values in the sense of Keating (1990), from fully-occluded stop-like targets to more approximant- like targets. It is an open question to what degree the patterns found in Gurindji are language particular, or can be related to the organization of obstruent systems in Australian languages more broadly. Precisely comparable studies of additional languages will be especially valuable in addressing these questions and others, and are possible using the method we introduce.","internal_url":"https://www.academia.edu/34332078/2017_A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenition_and_the_nature_of_variability_in_Gurindji_stops","translated_internal_url":"","created_at":"2017-08-23T19:26:38.296-07:00","preview_url":null,"current_user_can_edit":null,"current_user_is_owner":null,"owner_id":7745547,"coauthors_can_edit":true,"document_type":"paper","co_author_tags":[{"id":30094132,"work_id":34332078,"tagging_user_id":7745547,"tagged_user_id":3782164,"co_author_invite_id":null,"email":"t***r@monash.edu","affiliation":"University of Surrey","display_order":-1,"name":"Thomas Ennever","title":"2017. A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops"},{"id":30094133,"work_id":34332078,"tagging_user_id":7745547,"tagged_user_id":57518,"co_author_invite_id":null,"email":"e***d@uq.edu.au","affiliation":"University of Surrey","display_order":1,"name":"Erich R Round","title":"2017. A replicable acoustic measure of lenition and the nature of variability in Gurindji stops"}],"downloadable_attachments":[{"id":54227942,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/54227942/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"EnneverMeakinsRound2017.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/54227942/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"2017_A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_le.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/54227942/EnneverMeakinsRound2017-libre.pdf?1503541960=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3D2017_A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_le.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=b7DqvJtamXNxrAf9gWLcdetlxn12Fa8YsmR2ZYU9MNo9fnaG4quDNb7kA3teD2~yTk5r78WMsS2aDm27gejNFPG5qO0XPMVK0a6BLtGqxq6HwwS~pLq6A~TE6j3TOQqC5cAd9oEnT-~g1KSFDjt7PBGo5FBx10LxjTwhw-5A-Ya9trzr4RgzrywRhsVPPuGGLRGpZe7U0qIV1moCITzHbvkWXauU2pk9Ima3gySphF8injqzl4xRG0eooT2cJSg~XYAPti3WAJBFNEQLno6LCVkWqkoBKDonrvM1dKnnBE-4W70JZRxD4n0N~d2hhiIFDdLOr8kXWOQP1RULAfp5Vw__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"slug":"2017_A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_lenition_and_the_nature_of_variability_in_Gurindji_stops","translated_slug":"","page_count":32,"language":"en","content_type":"Work","summary":"An automated method is presented for the commensurable, reproducible measurement of duration and lenition of segment types ranging from fully occluded stops to highly lenited variants, in acoustic data. The method is motivated with respect to the relationship between acoustic and articulatory phonetics and, through subsequent evaluation, is argued to correspond well to articulation. It is then applied to the phonemic stops of casual speech in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, Australia) to investigate the nature of their articulatory targets. The degree of stop lenition is found to vary widely. Contrary to expectations, no evidence is found of a positive effect on lenition due to word-medial (relative to word-initial) position, beyond that attributable to duration; nor do non-coronals lenite more than their apical counterparts, which freely lenite along a continuum towards taps. No signi cant effect is found of preceding or following vocalic environment. Taken together, the observed lenition, duration, and peak intensity velocities are argued to be inconsistent with a single, fully-occluded articulatory ‘stop’ target which is undershot at short durations, rather targets can be understood to span a range or ‘window’ of values in the sense of Keating (1990), from fully-occluded stop-like targets to more approximant- like targets. It is an open question to what degree the patterns found in Gurindji are language particular, or can be related to the organization of obstruent systems in Australian languages more broadly. Precisely comparable studies of additional languages will be especially valuable in addressing these questions and others, and are possible using the method we introduce.","owner":{"id":7745547,"first_name":"Felicity","middle_initials":null,"last_name":"Meakins","page_name":"FelicityMeakins","domain_name":"uq","created_at":"2013-12-21T06:51:33.944-08:00","display_name":"Felicity Meakins","url":"https://uq.academia.edu/FelicityMeakins"},"attachments":[{"id":54227942,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/54227942/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"EnneverMeakinsRound2017.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/54227942/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"2017_A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_le.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/54227942/EnneverMeakinsRound2017-libre.pdf?1503541960=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3D2017_A_replicable_acoustic_measure_of_le.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=b7DqvJtamXNxrAf9gWLcdetlxn12Fa8YsmR2ZYU9MNo9fnaG4quDNb7kA3teD2~yTk5r78WMsS2aDm27gejNFPG5qO0XPMVK0a6BLtGqxq6HwwS~pLq6A~TE6j3TOQqC5cAd9oEnT-~g1KSFDjt7PBGo5FBx10LxjTwhw-5A-Ya9trzr4RgzrywRhsVPPuGGLRGpZe7U0qIV1moCITzHbvkWXauU2pk9Ima3gySphF8injqzl4xRG0eooT2cJSg~XYAPti3WAJBFNEQLno6LCVkWqkoBKDonrvM1dKnnBE-4W70JZRxD4n0N~d2hhiIFDdLOr8kXWOQP1RULAfp5Vw__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"research_interests":[{"id":2139,"name":"Phonetics","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Phonetics"},{"id":21025,"name":"Acoustic Phonetics","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Acoustic_Phonetics"},{"id":279173,"name":"Australian Aboriginal Languages","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Australian_Aboriginal_Languages"},{"id":897363,"name":"Laboratory Phonology","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Laboratory_Phonology"}],"urls":[]}, dispatcherData: dispatcherData }); $(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (false) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-34332078-figures'); } }); </script> </div><div class="profile--tab_content_container js-tab-pane tab-pane" data-section-id="6368679" id="conferencepresentations"><div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="4780541"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/4780541/Insights_from_multiple_analyses_The_complexity_of_phonology_in_Heaths_Ngandi_1978_"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Insights from multiple analyses: The complexity of phonology in Heath's Ngandi (1978)" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/32086094/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/4780541/Insights_from_multiple_analyses_The_complexity_of_phonology_in_Heaths_Ngandi_1978_">Insights from multiple analyses: The complexity of phonology in Heath's Ngandi (1978)</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--coauthors"><span>by </span><span><a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ErichRound">Erich R Round</a> and <a class="" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-authors" href="https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever">Thomas Ennever</a></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">"Human languages can differ remarkably in the complexity of their morphophonology, and Australian...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">"Human languages can differ remarkably in the complexity of their morphophonology, and Australian languages are no exception. However, since the complexity of a linguistic analysis can also be due to the methods and assumptions of the analyst, when we are faced with a particularly complex analysis, it is informative for our understanding of both typology and linguistic practice to evaluate what complexity derives from the language itself, and what from the analyst's choices. We demonstrate the utility of this kind of enquiry by considering the morphophonology of Ngandi (Heath 1978). <br /> <br />Ngandi is an East Arnhem language, formerly spoken by at least five clans in the Rose River area, and one of five languages whose morphophonology was accorded a relatively complex analysis by Heath in a series of grammars written around 1980: Ngandi (1978); Ritharngu (1980); Warndarang (1980); Mara (1981) and Nunggubuyu (1984). Remaining within a rule-based paradigm, we demonstrate that some complexity is due to Heath's analytic choices and therefore can be reduced, though the language is undeniably rather complex itself. In particular, a more perspicuous analysis emerges when morphological conditioning is clearly partitioned from phonological conditioning. This is a practice which we strongly endorse when one's aim is to describe a language's morphophonology as perspicuously as possible. In addition, some complexity is reduced by reordering automatic, feature filling rules to a position late, rather than early, in the derivation, a principle which in various guises has been recognised by phonological theorists since pre-generative times. <br /> <br />Some specifics are as follows. Heath (1978) proposes (P-a) '[tense] feature filling', (Pb) 'morphologically conditioned hardening' and (P-c) 'lenition', which requires complex conditioning on (P-a) to derive a form like (1) where fG/ is underspecified for [tense]. <br /> <br />(1) /yaŋ-Garu/ –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-c)→ yaŋ-garu <br /> <br />By noticing that (P-c) serves to re-lenite those stops hardened by (P-b) in the same environment stated in the feature-filling rule (P-a), the analysis can be simplified by eliminating (P-c) and reformulating the 'feature filling rule' (P-a), now at the end of the derivation, as in (2): <br /> <br />(2) /yan-Garu/ –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu <br /> <br />In addition, there is no need to characterise occlusive-final prefixes as conditioning hardening rule (P-b), since they are subsumed by the environment of (P-a) which always (re-)produces lenis morpheme-initial stops anyhow. The prefixes and stems which do trigger (P-b) are idiosyncratic and thus in any account of Ngandi, they will need to be specified lexically. Accordingly, following theories such as Lexical Phonology (Kiparsky (1982), Mohanan (1986)), we accord them a separate, morphologically determined stratum in which the hardening of (P-b) would apply; in other morphological contexts this stratum does not apply, and thus the final derivation can be simplified as in (3): <br /> <br />(3) /yan-Garu/ -(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu <br /> <br />Beyond the specifics of Ngandi, our results underscore the value in examining languages from multiple viewpoints. As with other, very well-studied languages, if our aim is to tease out the breadth and true nature of what is happening in the phonologies of human languages, then we will benefit from the availability of multiple analyses. By doing so, we can begin to clarify the impact of linguistic-analytic practice on our understanding of linguistic typology. "</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="e358b5b48c17f9e5c6ec4532f34e0287" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":32086094,"asset_id":4780541,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/32086094/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="4780541"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="4780541"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 4780541; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=4780541]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=4780541]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 4780541; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='4780541']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "e358b5b48c17f9e5c6ec4532f34e0287" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=4780541]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":4780541,"title":"Insights from multiple analyses: The complexity of phonology in Heath's Ngandi (1978)","translated_title":"","metadata":{"abstract":"\"Human languages can differ remarkably in the complexity of their morphophonology, and Australian languages are no exception. However, since the complexity of a linguistic analysis can also be due to the methods and assumptions of the analyst, when we are faced with a particularly complex analysis, it is informative for our understanding of both typology and linguistic practice to evaluate what complexity derives from the language itself, and what from the analyst's choices. We demonstrate the utility of this kind of enquiry by considering the morphophonology of Ngandi (Heath 1978). \r\n\r\nNgandi is an East Arnhem language, formerly spoken by at least five clans in the Rose River area, and one of five languages whose morphophonology was accorded a relatively complex analysis by Heath in a series of grammars written around 1980: Ngandi (1978); Ritharngu (1980); Warndarang (1980); Mara (1981) and Nunggubuyu (1984). Remaining within a rule-based paradigm, we demonstrate that some complexity is due to Heath's analytic choices and therefore can be reduced, though the language is undeniably rather complex itself. In particular, a more perspicuous analysis emerges when morphological conditioning is clearly partitioned from phonological conditioning. This is a practice which we strongly endorse when one's aim is to describe a language's morphophonology as perspicuously as possible. In addition, some complexity is reduced by reordering automatic, feature filling rules to a position late, rather than early, in the derivation, a principle which in various guises has been recognised by phonological theorists since pre-generative times. \r\n\r\nSome specifics are as follows. Heath (1978) proposes (P-a) '[tense] feature filling', (Pb) 'morphologically conditioned hardening' and (P-c) 'lenition', which requires complex conditioning on (P-a) to derive a form like (1) where fG/ is underspecified for [tense]. \r\n\r\n(1) /yaŋ-Garu/ –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-c)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nBy noticing that (P-c) serves to re-lenite those stops hardened by (P-b) in the same environment stated in the feature-filling rule (P-a), the analysis can be simplified by eliminating (P-c) and reformulating the 'feature filling rule' (P-a), now at the end of the derivation, as in (2): \r\n\r\n(2) /yan-Garu/ –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nIn addition, there is no need to characterise occlusive-final prefixes as conditioning hardening rule (P-b), since they are subsumed by the environment of (P-a) which always (re-)produces lenis morpheme-initial stops anyhow. The prefixes and stems which do trigger (P-b) are idiosyncratic and thus in any account of Ngandi, they will need to be specified lexically. Accordingly, following theories such as Lexical Phonology (Kiparsky (1982), Mohanan (1986)), we accord them a separate, morphologically determined stratum in which the hardening of (P-b) would apply; in other morphological contexts this stratum does not apply, and thus the final derivation can be simplified as in (3): \r\n\r\n(3) /yan-Garu/ -(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nBeyond the specifics of Ngandi, our results underscore the value in examining languages from multiple viewpoints. As with other, very well-studied languages, if our aim is to tease out the breadth and true nature of what is happening in the phonologies of human languages, then we will benefit from the availability of multiple analyses. By doing so, we can begin to clarify the impact of linguistic-analytic practice on our understanding of linguistic typology. \"","location":"Melbourne","more_info":"Co-authored with Tom Ennenver","event_date":{"day":3,"month":10,"year":2013,"errors":{}},"organization":"44th annual conference of the Australian Linguistics Society"},"translated_abstract":"\"Human languages can differ remarkably in the complexity of their morphophonology, and Australian languages are no exception. However, since the complexity of a linguistic analysis can also be due to the methods and assumptions of the analyst, when we are faced with a particularly complex analysis, it is informative for our understanding of both typology and linguistic practice to evaluate what complexity derives from the language itself, and what from the analyst's choices. We demonstrate the utility of this kind of enquiry by considering the morphophonology of Ngandi (Heath 1978). \r\n\r\nNgandi is an East Arnhem language, formerly spoken by at least five clans in the Rose River area, and one of five languages whose morphophonology was accorded a relatively complex analysis by Heath in a series of grammars written around 1980: Ngandi (1978); Ritharngu (1980); Warndarang (1980); Mara (1981) and Nunggubuyu (1984). Remaining within a rule-based paradigm, we demonstrate that some complexity is due to Heath's analytic choices and therefore can be reduced, though the language is undeniably rather complex itself. In particular, a more perspicuous analysis emerges when morphological conditioning is clearly partitioned from phonological conditioning. This is a practice which we strongly endorse when one's aim is to describe a language's morphophonology as perspicuously as possible. In addition, some complexity is reduced by reordering automatic, feature filling rules to a position late, rather than early, in the derivation, a principle which in various guises has been recognised by phonological theorists since pre-generative times. \r\n\r\nSome specifics are as follows. Heath (1978) proposes (P-a) '[tense] feature filling', (Pb) 'morphologically conditioned hardening' and (P-c) 'lenition', which requires complex conditioning on (P-a) to derive a form like (1) where fG/ is underspecified for [tense]. \r\n\r\n(1) /yaŋ-Garu/ –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-c)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nBy noticing that (P-c) serves to re-lenite those stops hardened by (P-b) in the same environment stated in the feature-filling rule (P-a), the analysis can be simplified by eliminating (P-c) and reformulating the 'feature filling rule' (P-a), now at the end of the derivation, as in (2): \r\n\r\n(2) /yan-Garu/ –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nIn addition, there is no need to characterise occlusive-final prefixes as conditioning hardening rule (P-b), since they are subsumed by the environment of (P-a) which always (re-)produces lenis morpheme-initial stops anyhow. The prefixes and stems which do trigger (P-b) are idiosyncratic and thus in any account of Ngandi, they will need to be specified lexically. Accordingly, following theories such as Lexical Phonology (Kiparsky (1982), Mohanan (1986)), we accord them a separate, morphologically determined stratum in which the hardening of (P-b) would apply; in other morphological contexts this stratum does not apply, and thus the final derivation can be simplified as in (3): \r\n\r\n(3) /yan-Garu/ -(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nBeyond the specifics of Ngandi, our results underscore the value in examining languages from multiple viewpoints. As with other, very well-studied languages, if our aim is to tease out the breadth and true nature of what is happening in the phonologies of human languages, then we will benefit from the availability of multiple analyses. By doing so, we can begin to clarify the impact of linguistic-analytic practice on our understanding of linguistic typology. \"","internal_url":"https://www.academia.edu/4780541/Insights_from_multiple_analyses_The_complexity_of_phonology_in_Heaths_Ngandi_1978_","translated_internal_url":"","created_at":"2013-10-15T14:25:32.411-07:00","preview_url":null,"current_user_can_edit":null,"current_user_is_owner":null,"owner_id":57518,"coauthors_can_edit":true,"document_type":"conference_presentation","co_author_tags":[{"id":93487,"work_id":4780541,"tagging_user_id":57518,"tagged_user_id":3782164,"co_author_invite_id":null,"email":"t***r@monash.edu","affiliation":"University of Surrey","display_order":null,"name":"Thomas Ennever","title":"Insights from multiple analyses: The complexity of phonology in Heath's Ngandi (1978)"}],"downloadable_attachments":[{"id":32086094,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/32086094/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"EnneverRound_101.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/32086094/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"Insights_from_multiple_analyses_The_comp.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/32086094/EnneverRound_101-libre.pdf?1391088496=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DInsights_from_multiple_analyses_The_comp.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367068\u0026Signature=c~-ZsG2w3gYSeYo9mbq7tFpff5ug3TnKyK07ZYg7rhz2WAZuuDoeWY7DzYMSyilLiRElsFAxQXtvZ6YqLLML3AdbHgtF-jZYPIq7T9uPoTksgUAx0ZuYUjjAQ03Cj5uSQxUBiNfJ8VMnecmphHqsacsgZFdbhUGsFu7MLqYf6S6EpCbfNhVduA9U~9j3BiWrlG0x4grUEN8mA-51-dwaUx0Zz~yOmS2P2L2bSCOuAXLZh1WLkrM8NDQcK7y~HTnImxOF7knUjfPX6s7pbBG957qdQAzqnJ7fpyVZRxk7mQzJo-F2ql6PnVrJNAHi5b94V1QNBB~K~g62ZTDd5STBGg__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"slug":"Insights_from_multiple_analyses_The_complexity_of_phonology_in_Heaths_Ngandi_1978_","translated_slug":"","page_count":2,"language":"en","content_type":"Work","summary":"\"Human languages can differ remarkably in the complexity of their morphophonology, and Australian languages are no exception. However, since the complexity of a linguistic analysis can also be due to the methods and assumptions of the analyst, when we are faced with a particularly complex analysis, it is informative for our understanding of both typology and linguistic practice to evaluate what complexity derives from the language itself, and what from the analyst's choices. We demonstrate the utility of this kind of enquiry by considering the morphophonology of Ngandi (Heath 1978). \r\n\r\nNgandi is an East Arnhem language, formerly spoken by at least five clans in the Rose River area, and one of five languages whose morphophonology was accorded a relatively complex analysis by Heath in a series of grammars written around 1980: Ngandi (1978); Ritharngu (1980); Warndarang (1980); Mara (1981) and Nunggubuyu (1984). Remaining within a rule-based paradigm, we demonstrate that some complexity is due to Heath's analytic choices and therefore can be reduced, though the language is undeniably rather complex itself. In particular, a more perspicuous analysis emerges when morphological conditioning is clearly partitioned from phonological conditioning. This is a practice which we strongly endorse when one's aim is to describe a language's morphophonology as perspicuously as possible. In addition, some complexity is reduced by reordering automatic, feature filling rules to a position late, rather than early, in the derivation, a principle which in various guises has been recognised by phonological theorists since pre-generative times. \r\n\r\nSome specifics are as follows. Heath (1978) proposes (P-a) '[tense] feature filling', (Pb) 'morphologically conditioned hardening' and (P-c) 'lenition', which requires complex conditioning on (P-a) to derive a form like (1) where fG/ is underspecified for [tense]. \r\n\r\n(1) /yaŋ-Garu/ –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-c)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nBy noticing that (P-c) serves to re-lenite those stops hardened by (P-b) in the same environment stated in the feature-filling rule (P-a), the analysis can be simplified by eliminating (P-c) and reformulating the 'feature filling rule' (P-a), now at the end of the derivation, as in (2): \r\n\r\n(2) /yan-Garu/ –(P-b)→ yaŋ-karu –(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nIn addition, there is no need to characterise occlusive-final prefixes as conditioning hardening rule (P-b), since they are subsumed by the environment of (P-a) which always (re-)produces lenis morpheme-initial stops anyhow. The prefixes and stems which do trigger (P-b) are idiosyncratic and thus in any account of Ngandi, they will need to be specified lexically. Accordingly, following theories such as Lexical Phonology (Kiparsky (1982), Mohanan (1986)), we accord them a separate, morphologically determined stratum in which the hardening of (P-b) would apply; in other morphological contexts this stratum does not apply, and thus the final derivation can be simplified as in (3): \r\n\r\n(3) /yan-Garu/ -(P-a)→ yaŋ-garu\r\n\r\nBeyond the specifics of Ngandi, our results underscore the value in examining languages from multiple viewpoints. As with other, very well-studied languages, if our aim is to tease out the breadth and true nature of what is happening in the phonologies of human languages, then we will benefit from the availability of multiple analyses. 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It provides a typological analysis of how these languages incorporate Kriol predicates into their structure, detailing specific examples and quantitative measures of IV and VBLZ usage. 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$(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (false) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-31725959-figures'); } }); </script> </div><div class="profile--tab_content_container js-tab-pane tab-pane" data-section-id="8076902" id="theses"><div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="37496984"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/37496984/Nominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Ngardi_A_Ngumpin_Yapa_language_of_Western_Australia"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi: A Ngumpin-Yapa language of Western Australia" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/57467948/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/37496984/Nominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Ngardi_A_Ngumpin_Yapa_language_of_Western_Australia">Nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi: A Ngumpin-Yapa language of Western Australia</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">This thesis is a comprehensive analysis of the nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi, an en...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">This thesis is a comprehensive analysis of the nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi, an<br />endangered Pama-Nyungan language of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup spoken in the western regions<br />of the Tanami Desert in Western Australia. On the basis of the author’s 2016–2017 recordings of<br />grammatical elicitation and narratives and pre-existing legacy materials of Lee Cataldi, Tom Green<br />and Tasaku Tsunoda; this thesis provides a detailed analysis of two core aspects of the Ngardi<br />grammatical system: nominal case morphology and subclasses (Chapters 2 and 3); and the complex<br />system of pronominal clitics (Chapter 4). The culmination of these three chapters is a unified<br />analysis of the interaction of the nominal and pronominal systems and their role in Ngardi<br />morphosyntax. Throughout this thesis, comparisons with data analyses of other Ngumpin-Yapa<br />languages are made, revealing a number of similarities and differences among the Ngumpin<br />languages to the west and north and among the Yapa languages to the east.<br />Chapter 2 begins by examining the internal structure of nominals and how this structure relates to<br />the clausal and inter-clausal syntax. Derivational reduplication and suffixation are then described,<br />as well as morphological number. Case in Ngardi is introduced in Chapter 2 as a highly<br />polyfunctional component of Ngardi morphosyntax. Case suffixes can be found functioning (a)<br />derivationally, (b) adnominally, (c) relationally and (d) as subordinators in non-finite (reduced)<br />clauses. A subset of ‘derivational cases’ are shown to share a set of distributional and functional<br />properties, in contrast to grammatical and semantic ‘non-derivational cases’. The Ngardi case<br />system also relates to the complex system of non-finite subordination. Cases in subordinating<br />function are categorised in terms of their relative tense and control features with respect to a finite<br />main clause. Furthermore, Ngardi makes notable use of ‘subject-orientation’, recruiting the ergative<br />case in a referential function to relate various secondary predicates and adverbial modifiers to<br />transitive subjects. The wide functional range of case also gives rise to the possibility of multiple<br />layered case marking (‘case stacking’) which is discussed in detail. Taken together, the<br />investigation of nominals and nominal morphology reveals a number of structural parallels between<br />Ngardi and its eastern neighbour Warlpiri, a Yapa language.<br />Chapter 3 explores the nominal subclasses in Ngardi. These show idiosyncratic properties with<br />respect to (a) their selection of only a reduced set of case morphology, and (b) the idiosyncratic<br />semantic interpretation of these case suffixes. Nominal subclasses examined include: quantifiers<br />(including numerals), demonstratives, ignoratives, free pronouns, directionals, locational and<br />temporal nominals, action nominals and kin terms. This chapter concludes with an analysis of<br />iii<br />possessive structures in Ngardi. Three morphosyntactically distinct types of possessive structures<br />are described: internal, external and prominent internal possession.<br />Chapter 4 introduces the system of pronominal clitics. This chapter presents a unified account of the<br />relationship between nominal case marking and pronominal cross-referencing. Ngardi nominals,<br />free pronouns and demonstratives all pattern according to an ergative-absolutive case alignment.<br />The bound pronouns in contrast index certain event participants by using one of three ‘series’: a<br />subject series, an object/oblique series and a locational series. The locational series constitutes a<br />distinctive feature of Western Ngumpin languages, and serves to cross-reference locative and<br />allative case-marked NPs under certain conditions. A typologically unusual feature of Ngardi is the<br />highly variable positioning of the clitic complex. Bound pronouns are found attached in second<br />position, but also in other positions in the clause. They may appear following an auxiliary base, or<br />following other parts of speech. An analysis of the formation of pronominal clitic sequences is<br />provided.<br />This thesis forms a robust basis on which to pursue future research with Ngardi speakers and has<br />broader implications for our understanding of the internal structure of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup.<br />The brief overview of the verbal system within the Appendix provides compelling evidence for the<br />current genetic grouping of Ngardi with the other Western Ngumpin languages, with close ties to<br />Eastern Walmajarri and Nyininy. The fact that the nominal morphosyntax of Ngardi resembles<br />Warlpiri and that the pronominal and verbal system shares significant similarities with Western<br />Ngumpin languages poses an interesting avenue for further research.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="2618e5db2826e872a6ba52c47039055f" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":57467948,"asset_id":37496984,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/57467948/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="37496984"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="37496984"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 37496984; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=37496984]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=37496984]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 37496984; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='37496984']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "2618e5db2826e872a6ba52c47039055f" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=37496984]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":37496984,"title":"Nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi: A Ngumpin-Yapa language of Western Australia","translated_title":"","metadata":{"abstract":"This thesis is a comprehensive analysis of the nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi, an\nendangered Pama-Nyungan language of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup spoken in the western regions\nof the Tanami Desert in Western Australia. On the basis of the author’s 2016–2017 recordings of\ngrammatical elicitation and narratives and pre-existing legacy materials of Lee Cataldi, Tom Green\nand Tasaku Tsunoda; this thesis provides a detailed analysis of two core aspects of the Ngardi\ngrammatical system: nominal case morphology and subclasses (Chapters 2 and 3); and the complex\nsystem of pronominal clitics (Chapter 4). The culmination of these three chapters is a unified\nanalysis of the interaction of the nominal and pronominal systems and their role in Ngardi\nmorphosyntax. Throughout this thesis, comparisons with data analyses of other Ngumpin-Yapa\nlanguages are made, revealing a number of similarities and differences among the Ngumpin\nlanguages to the west and north and among the Yapa languages to the east.\nChapter 2 begins by examining the internal structure of nominals and how this structure relates to\nthe clausal and inter-clausal syntax. Derivational reduplication and suffixation are then described,\nas well as morphological number. Case in Ngardi is introduced in Chapter 2 as a highly\npolyfunctional component of Ngardi morphosyntax. Case suffixes can be found functioning (a)\nderivationally, (b) adnominally, (c) relationally and (d) as subordinators in non-finite (reduced)\nclauses. A subset of ‘derivational cases’ are shown to share a set of distributional and functional\nproperties, in contrast to grammatical and semantic ‘non-derivational cases’. The Ngardi case\nsystem also relates to the complex system of non-finite subordination. Cases in subordinating\nfunction are categorised in terms of their relative tense and control features with respect to a finite\nmain clause. Furthermore, Ngardi makes notable use of ‘subject-orientation’, recruiting the ergative\ncase in a referential function to relate various secondary predicates and adverbial modifiers to\ntransitive subjects. The wide functional range of case also gives rise to the possibility of multiple\nlayered case marking (‘case stacking’) which is discussed in detail. Taken together, the\ninvestigation of nominals and nominal morphology reveals a number of structural parallels between\nNgardi and its eastern neighbour Warlpiri, a Yapa language.\nChapter 3 explores the nominal subclasses in Ngardi. These show idiosyncratic properties with\nrespect to (a) their selection of only a reduced set of case morphology, and (b) the idiosyncratic\nsemantic interpretation of these case suffixes. Nominal subclasses examined include: quantifiers\n(including numerals), demonstratives, ignoratives, free pronouns, directionals, locational and\ntemporal nominals, action nominals and kin terms. This chapter concludes with an analysis of\niii\npossessive structures in Ngardi. Three morphosyntactically distinct types of possessive structures\nare described: internal, external and prominent internal possession.\nChapter 4 introduces the system of pronominal clitics. This chapter presents a unified account of the\nrelationship between nominal case marking and pronominal cross-referencing. Ngardi nominals,\nfree pronouns and demonstratives all pattern according to an ergative-absolutive case alignment.\nThe bound pronouns in contrast index certain event participants by using one of three ‘series’: a\nsubject series, an object/oblique series and a locational series. The locational series constitutes a\ndistinctive feature of Western Ngumpin languages, and serves to cross-reference locative and\nallative case-marked NPs under certain conditions. A typologically unusual feature of Ngardi is the\nhighly variable positioning of the clitic complex. Bound pronouns are found attached in second\nposition, but also in other positions in the clause. They may appear following an auxiliary base, or\nfollowing other parts of speech. An analysis of the formation of pronominal clitic sequences is\nprovided.\nThis thesis forms a robust basis on which to pursue future research with Ngardi speakers and has\nbroader implications for our understanding of the internal structure of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup.\nThe brief overview of the verbal system within the Appendix provides compelling evidence for the\ncurrent genetic grouping of Ngardi with the other Western Ngumpin languages, with close ties to\nEastern Walmajarri and Nyininy. The fact that the nominal morphosyntax of Ngardi resembles\nWarlpiri and that the pronominal and verbal system shares significant similarities with Western\nNgumpin languages poses an interesting avenue for further research."},"translated_abstract":"This thesis is a comprehensive analysis of the nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi, an\nendangered Pama-Nyungan language of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup spoken in the western regions\nof the Tanami Desert in Western Australia. On the basis of the author’s 2016–2017 recordings of\ngrammatical elicitation and narratives and pre-existing legacy materials of Lee Cataldi, Tom Green\nand Tasaku Tsunoda; this thesis provides a detailed analysis of two core aspects of the Ngardi\ngrammatical system: nominal case morphology and subclasses (Chapters 2 and 3); and the complex\nsystem of pronominal clitics (Chapter 4). The culmination of these three chapters is a unified\nanalysis of the interaction of the nominal and pronominal systems and their role in Ngardi\nmorphosyntax. Throughout this thesis, comparisons with data analyses of other Ngumpin-Yapa\nlanguages are made, revealing a number of similarities and differences among the Ngumpin\nlanguages to the west and north and among the Yapa languages to the east.\nChapter 2 begins by examining the internal structure of nominals and how this structure relates to\nthe clausal and inter-clausal syntax. Derivational reduplication and suffixation are then described,\nas well as morphological number. Case in Ngardi is introduced in Chapter 2 as a highly\npolyfunctional component of Ngardi morphosyntax. Case suffixes can be found functioning (a)\nderivationally, (b) adnominally, (c) relationally and (d) as subordinators in non-finite (reduced)\nclauses. A subset of ‘derivational cases’ are shown to share a set of distributional and functional\nproperties, in contrast to grammatical and semantic ‘non-derivational cases’. The Ngardi case\nsystem also relates to the complex system of non-finite subordination. Cases in subordinating\nfunction are categorised in terms of their relative tense and control features with respect to a finite\nmain clause. Furthermore, Ngardi makes notable use of ‘subject-orientation’, recruiting the ergative\ncase in a referential function to relate various secondary predicates and adverbial modifiers to\ntransitive subjects. The wide functional range of case also gives rise to the possibility of multiple\nlayered case marking (‘case stacking’) which is discussed in detail. Taken together, the\ninvestigation of nominals and nominal morphology reveals a number of structural parallels between\nNgardi and its eastern neighbour Warlpiri, a Yapa language.\nChapter 3 explores the nominal subclasses in Ngardi. These show idiosyncratic properties with\nrespect to (a) their selection of only a reduced set of case morphology, and (b) the idiosyncratic\nsemantic interpretation of these case suffixes. Nominal subclasses examined include: quantifiers\n(including numerals), demonstratives, ignoratives, free pronouns, directionals, locational and\ntemporal nominals, action nominals and kin terms. This chapter concludes with an analysis of\niii\npossessive structures in Ngardi. Three morphosyntactically distinct types of possessive structures\nare described: internal, external and prominent internal possession.\nChapter 4 introduces the system of pronominal clitics. This chapter presents a unified account of the\nrelationship between nominal case marking and pronominal cross-referencing. Ngardi nominals,\nfree pronouns and demonstratives all pattern according to an ergative-absolutive case alignment.\nThe bound pronouns in contrast index certain event participants by using one of three ‘series’: a\nsubject series, an object/oblique series and a locational series. The locational series constitutes a\ndistinctive feature of Western Ngumpin languages, and serves to cross-reference locative and\nallative case-marked NPs under certain conditions. A typologically unusual feature of Ngardi is the\nhighly variable positioning of the clitic complex. Bound pronouns are found attached in second\nposition, but also in other positions in the clause. They may appear following an auxiliary base, or\nfollowing other parts of speech. An analysis of the formation of pronominal clitic sequences is\nprovided.\nThis thesis forms a robust basis on which to pursue future research with Ngardi speakers and has\nbroader implications for our understanding of the internal structure of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup.\nThe brief overview of the verbal system within the Appendix provides compelling evidence for the\ncurrent genetic grouping of Ngardi with the other Western Ngumpin languages, with close ties to\nEastern Walmajarri and Nyininy. The fact that the nominal morphosyntax of Ngardi resembles\nWarlpiri and that the pronominal and verbal system shares significant similarities with Western\nNgumpin languages poses an interesting avenue for further research.","internal_url":"https://www.academia.edu/37496984/Nominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Ngardi_A_Ngumpin_Yapa_language_of_Western_Australia","translated_internal_url":"","created_at":"2018-09-28T22:05:24.880-07:00","preview_url":null,"current_user_can_edit":null,"current_user_is_owner":null,"owner_id":3782164,"coauthors_can_edit":true,"document_type":"paper","co_author_tags":[],"downloadable_attachments":[{"id":57467948,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/57467948/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"Ennever_2018.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/57467948/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"Nominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Nga.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/57467948/Ennever_2018-libre.pdf?1538197788=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DNominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Nga.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367069\u0026Signature=LRY0jzZcsXPbiJr~njzjmAjvCRB3mcjLOq9mTcQvkysWzy2TXGBk870BPOEtl5JZpmBass3RtTnnp6R2p4iX60e1dFmDondBdit83cgmzBqEH1M9AAN-69fPGUrWcPVoODPLrtYKPfnl5lKIugNfmk9rQHLkMxMBhz00-gMRkL6dHfFRhoGrJZErUTlI4imOMfbazK2gPSqJlL7kBLKtpD-5gCM6hU1XCqY3uFZ5br91R1PuLp5hi3LmAVcbGNsRu4Y5BT~jXnPG4dlPTnG9FLgVZaJ1PP~2dTl4amwrl2XsnKsHJbD8hwXoQgS9esAeZ5ye04-wsc6wNG9V6OWfOg__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"slug":"Nominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Ngardi_A_Ngumpin_Yapa_language_of_Western_Australia","translated_slug":"","page_count":322,"language":"en","content_type":"Work","summary":"This thesis is a comprehensive analysis of the nominal and pronominal morphology of Ngardi, an\nendangered Pama-Nyungan language of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup spoken in the western regions\nof the Tanami Desert in Western Australia. On the basis of the author’s 2016–2017 recordings of\ngrammatical elicitation and narratives and pre-existing legacy materials of Lee Cataldi, Tom Green\nand Tasaku Tsunoda; this thesis provides a detailed analysis of two core aspects of the Ngardi\ngrammatical system: nominal case morphology and subclasses (Chapters 2 and 3); and the complex\nsystem of pronominal clitics (Chapter 4). The culmination of these three chapters is a unified\nanalysis of the interaction of the nominal and pronominal systems and their role in Ngardi\nmorphosyntax. Throughout this thesis, comparisons with data analyses of other Ngumpin-Yapa\nlanguages are made, revealing a number of similarities and differences among the Ngumpin\nlanguages to the west and north and among the Yapa languages to the east.\nChapter 2 begins by examining the internal structure of nominals and how this structure relates to\nthe clausal and inter-clausal syntax. Derivational reduplication and suffixation are then described,\nas well as morphological number. Case in Ngardi is introduced in Chapter 2 as a highly\npolyfunctional component of Ngardi morphosyntax. Case suffixes can be found functioning (a)\nderivationally, (b) adnominally, (c) relationally and (d) as subordinators in non-finite (reduced)\nclauses. A subset of ‘derivational cases’ are shown to share a set of distributional and functional\nproperties, in contrast to grammatical and semantic ‘non-derivational cases’. The Ngardi case\nsystem also relates to the complex system of non-finite subordination. Cases in subordinating\nfunction are categorised in terms of their relative tense and control features with respect to a finite\nmain clause. Furthermore, Ngardi makes notable use of ‘subject-orientation’, recruiting the ergative\ncase in a referential function to relate various secondary predicates and adverbial modifiers to\ntransitive subjects. The wide functional range of case also gives rise to the possibility of multiple\nlayered case marking (‘case stacking’) which is discussed in detail. Taken together, the\ninvestigation of nominals and nominal morphology reveals a number of structural parallels between\nNgardi and its eastern neighbour Warlpiri, a Yapa language.\nChapter 3 explores the nominal subclasses in Ngardi. These show idiosyncratic properties with\nrespect to (a) their selection of only a reduced set of case morphology, and (b) the idiosyncratic\nsemantic interpretation of these case suffixes. Nominal subclasses examined include: quantifiers\n(including numerals), demonstratives, ignoratives, free pronouns, directionals, locational and\ntemporal nominals, action nominals and kin terms. This chapter concludes with an analysis of\niii\npossessive structures in Ngardi. Three morphosyntactically distinct types of possessive structures\nare described: internal, external and prominent internal possession.\nChapter 4 introduces the system of pronominal clitics. This chapter presents a unified account of the\nrelationship between nominal case marking and pronominal cross-referencing. Ngardi nominals,\nfree pronouns and demonstratives all pattern according to an ergative-absolutive case alignment.\nThe bound pronouns in contrast index certain event participants by using one of three ‘series’: a\nsubject series, an object/oblique series and a locational series. The locational series constitutes a\ndistinctive feature of Western Ngumpin languages, and serves to cross-reference locative and\nallative case-marked NPs under certain conditions. A typologically unusual feature of Ngardi is the\nhighly variable positioning of the clitic complex. Bound pronouns are found attached in second\nposition, but also in other positions in the clause. They may appear following an auxiliary base, or\nfollowing other parts of speech. An analysis of the formation of pronominal clitic sequences is\nprovided.\nThis thesis forms a robust basis on which to pursue future research with Ngardi speakers and has\nbroader implications for our understanding of the internal structure of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup.\nThe brief overview of the verbal system within the Appendix provides compelling evidence for the\ncurrent genetic grouping of Ngardi with the other Western Ngumpin languages, with close ties to\nEastern Walmajarri and Nyininy. The fact that the nominal morphosyntax of Ngardi resembles\nWarlpiri and that the pronominal and verbal system shares significant similarities with Western\nNgumpin languages poses an interesting avenue for further research.","owner":{"id":3782164,"first_name":"Thomas","middle_initials":null,"last_name":"Ennever","page_name":"ThomasEnnever","domain_name":"surrey","created_at":"2013-04-13T11:52:11.756-07:00","display_name":"Thomas Ennever","url":"https://surrey.academia.edu/ThomasEnnever"},"attachments":[{"id":57467948,"title":"","file_type":"pdf","scribd_thumbnail_url":"https://attachments.academia-assets.com/57467948/thumbnails/1.jpg","file_name":"Ennever_2018.pdf","download_url":"https://www.academia.edu/attachments/57467948/download_file","bulk_download_file_name":"Nominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Nga.pdf","bulk_download_url":"https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/57467948/Ennever_2018-libre.pdf?1538197788=\u0026response-content-disposition=attachment%3B+filename%3DNominal_and_pronominal_morphology_of_Nga.pdf\u0026Expires=1743367069\u0026Signature=LRY0jzZcsXPbiJr~njzjmAjvCRB3mcjLOq9mTcQvkysWzy2TXGBk870BPOEtl5JZpmBass3RtTnnp6R2p4iX60e1dFmDondBdit83cgmzBqEH1M9AAN-69fPGUrWcPVoODPLrtYKPfnl5lKIugNfmk9rQHLkMxMBhz00-gMRkL6dHfFRhoGrJZErUTlI4imOMfbazK2gPSqJlL7kBLKtpD-5gCM6hU1XCqY3uFZ5br91R1PuLp5hi3LmAVcbGNsRu4Y5BT~jXnPG4dlPTnG9FLgVZaJ1PP~2dTl4amwrl2XsnKsHJbD8hwXoQgS9esAeZ5ye04-wsc6wNG9V6OWfOg__\u0026Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA"}],"research_interests":[{"id":777,"name":"Synchronic Linguistics (Or Descriptive Linguistics)","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Synchronic_Linguistics_Or_Descriptive_Linguistics_"},{"id":10757,"name":"Morphosyntax","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Morphosyntax"},{"id":279173,"name":"Australian Aboriginal Languages","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Australian_Aboriginal_Languages"},{"id":506713,"name":"Pronominal Clitics","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Pronominal_Clitics"},{"id":550182,"name":"Nominals","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Nominals"},{"id":2296291,"name":"Ngumpin-Yapa languages","url":"https://www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Ngumpin-Yapa_languages"}],"urls":[]}, dispatcherData: dispatcherData }); $(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") if (false) { Aedu.setUpFigureCarousel('profile-work-37496984-figures'); } }); </script> <div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="36095491"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/36095491/Stop_Lenition_in_Gurindji_An_Acoustic_Phonetic_Study"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Stop Lenition in Gurindji: An Acoustic Phonetic Study" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/55985647/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/36095491/Stop_Lenition_in_Gurindji_An_Acoustic_Phonetic_Study">Stop Lenition in Gurindji: An Acoustic Phonetic Study</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">An extensive body of literature now exists regarding the phonological process of lenition. Despit...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">An extensive body of literature now exists regarding the phonological process of lenition. Despite receiving different treatments in numerous theoretical frameworks, lenition is commonly assumed to be a phonetically-driven process (Donegan & Stampe, 1979). It is therefore somewhat surprising that many works on lenition have not always paid much attention to phonetic studies. Similarly, typologies of Australian sound systems have much to benefit from more careful examination of the full range of possible phonetic variation. An overlapping area of interest is phonetic stop variation in Australian languages, as it concerns both theories of lenition and typologies of Australian obstruent systems.<br /><br />The present study makes two contributions. It describes a greater range of phonetic variation in one Australian obstruent inventory, and it serves to expand the range of phonetic data that theories of lenition need account for. The focus of the thesis is an investigation of phonetic realisations of phonemic stops in Gurindji (Ngumpin-Yapa, Pama-Nyungan). In Australian languages, stop phonemes are reported to commonly lenite to fricative and approximant allophones in intervocalic positions (Dixon, 2002), however, the question remains whether this is the full extent of variation. I investigate the realisations of intervocalic stops in word medial and initial positions as well as post-nasal stops. I present intensity and spectrographic evidence for a range of obstruent types that are neither fully closed (true stops) nor identifiable as familiar allophonic variants (fricatives and approximants). I propose the terms ‘quasi stops’, ‘sonorous strictures’ and ‘weak fricatives’ to categorise the variation found intervocalically. Post-nasally, stops are found to be reduced and even elided, a phenomenon unreported in the lenition literature, but present in some Australian languages.<br /><br />I argue that the variation found in Gurindji stops is clearly leniting in behaviour, and this has ramifications for theoretical debates regarding lenition. In terms of current theory, intervocalic lenition, as found in Gurindji, is unremarkable. However, word initial lenition, while not unusual in Australian languages, is unaccounted for by current theories (Kingston, 2008; Kirchner, 1998). In contrast, post-nasal lenition is theoretically expected (Kingston, 2008) but rarely attested. This study brings new data and insight to these topical areas of the<br />literature.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="29d554337f6f0e4f24c338948d2c8205" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":55985647,"asset_id":36095491,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/55985647/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="36095491"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="36095491"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 36095491; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=36095491]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=36095491]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 36095491; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='36095491']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "29d554337f6f0e4f24c338948d2c8205" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=36095491]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":36095491,"title":"Stop Lenition in Gurindji: An Acoustic Phonetic Study","translated_title":"","metadata":{"abstract":"An extensive body of literature now exists regarding the phonological process of lenition. Despite receiving different treatments in numerous theoretical frameworks, lenition is commonly assumed to be a phonetically-driven process (Donegan \u0026 Stampe, 1979). It is therefore somewhat surprising that many works on lenition have not always paid much attention to phonetic studies. Similarly, typologies of Australian sound systems have much to benefit from more careful examination of the full range of possible phonetic variation. An overlapping area of interest is phonetic stop variation in Australian languages, as it concerns both theories of lenition and typologies of Australian obstruent systems.\n\nThe present study makes two contributions. It describes a greater range of phonetic variation in one Australian obstruent inventory, and it serves to expand the range of phonetic data that theories of lenition need account for. The focus of the thesis is an investigation of phonetic realisations of phonemic stops in Gurindji (Ngumpin-Yapa, Pama-Nyungan). In Australian languages, stop phonemes are reported to commonly lenite to fricative and approximant allophones in intervocalic positions (Dixon, 2002), however, the question remains whether this is the full extent of variation. I investigate the realisations of intervocalic stops in word medial and initial positions as well as post-nasal stops. I present intensity and spectrographic evidence for a range of obstruent types that are neither fully closed (true stops) nor identifiable as familiar allophonic variants (fricatives and approximants). I propose the terms ‘quasi stops’, ‘sonorous strictures’ and ‘weak fricatives’ to categorise the variation found intervocalically. Post-nasally, stops are found to be reduced and even elided, a phenomenon unreported in the lenition literature, but present in some Australian languages.\n\nI argue that the variation found in Gurindji stops is clearly leniting in behaviour, and this has ramifications for theoretical debates regarding lenition. 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Ngardi is a member of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup, traditionally spoken in Western Australia on the fringes of the Tanami and Great Sandy deserts. Today, this language is currently spoken by less than twenty individuals. This work primarily draws on narrative and elicitation materials compiled by Lee Cataldi in the 1990s as well as more recent recordings by the author between 2016-2020.The grammatical analysis strikes a balance between being informed by descriptions of closely related languages, linguistic typology as well as providing clear and data-focused descriptions of linguistic phenomena.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="e44b411bb48c97987bd3e26d9fccad3e" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":70408374,"asset_id":53675415,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/70408374/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="53675415"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="53675415"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 53675415; window.Academia.workViewCountsFetcher.queue(workId, function (count) { var description = window.$h.commaizeInt(count) + " " + window.$h.pluralize(count, 'View'); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=53675415]").text(description); $(".js-view-count[data-work-id=53675415]").attr('title', description).tooltip(); }); });</script></span></span><span><span class="percentile-widget hidden"><span class="u-mr2x work-percentile"></span></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 53675415; window.Academia.workPercentilesFetcher.queue(workId, function (percentileText) { var container = $(".js-work-strip[data-work-id='53675415']"); container.find('.work-percentile').text(percentileText.charAt(0).toUpperCase() + percentileText.slice(1)); container.find('.percentile-widget').show(); container.find('.percentile-widget').removeClass('hidden'); }); });</script></span></div><div id="work-strip-premium-row-container"></div></div></div><script> require.config({ waitSeconds: 90 })(["https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/wow_profile-a9bf3a2bc8c89fa2a77156577594264ee8a0f214d74241bc0fcd3f69f8d107ac.js","https://a.academia-assets.com/assets/work_edit-ad038b8c047c1a8d4fa01b402d530ff93c45fee2137a149a4a5398bc8ad67560.js"], function() { // from javascript_helper.rb var dispatcherData = {} if (true){ window.WowProfile.dispatcher = window.WowProfile.dispatcher || _.clone(Backbone.Events); dispatcherData = { dispatcher: window.WowProfile.dispatcher, downloadLinkId: "e44b411bb48c97987bd3e26d9fccad3e" } } $('.js-work-strip[data-work-id=53675415]').each(function() { if (!$(this).data('initialized')) { new WowProfile.WorkStripView({ el: this, workJSON: {"id":53675415,"title":"A Grammar of Ngardi","translated_title":"","metadata":{"volume":"92","abstract":"This book is a comprehensive linguistic description of Ngardi, a Pama-Nyungan language of Australia. 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