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data-v-3692cf84><span data-v-63dfaf6e>Volume 58 Issue 4</span> </a></li><li class="page-breadcrumbs__item" data-v-3692cf84><span aria-hidden="true" class="breadcrumbs-wrapper__arrow" data-v-3692cf84>></span><span data-v-3692cf84>Supporters of India's BJP: Distinctly Populist and...</span></li></ul></div></div> <div class="language" data-v-3692cf84><ul class="language-switch" data-v-6b1118dd data-v-3692cf84><li aria-label="English" data-v-6b1118dd><span class="language-option current divider" data-v-6b1118dd>English</span></li><li aria-label="Français" data-v-6b1118dd><span role="button" tabindex="0" href="#" lang="fr" class="language-option" data-v-6b1118dd> Français </span></li></ul></div></div></div></div> <div class="container container__modified" data-v-01274b1d>  <div class="row" data-v-01274b1d><div role="complementary" aria-label="table of content" class="column__left" data-v-01274b1d><div class="col journal-container row" data-v-146270e8 data-v-01274b1d><img src="https://static.cambridge.org/covers/GOV_0_0_0/government-and-opposition.jpg" alt="" class="journal__image" data-v-146270e8> <a href="/core/journals/government-and-opposition" class="app-link journal__title app-link__text app-link--underlined" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-146270e8><span class="text" data-v-63dfaf6e>Government and Opposition </span> </a> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator default" data-v-7036083a data-v-146270e8></div>  <div id="toc" class="table-of-content" data-v-01274b1d><h2>Article contents</h2> <div id="toc-list-wrapper" class="table-of-content__wrapper"><ul id="toc-list" class="list"><li class="list__item"><a href="#sec0" class="list__item__link"><span class="toc-title">Abstract</span></a></li> <li class="list__item"><a href="#sec1" class="list__item__link"> <span><div class="toc-title">Radical right populism and supporter attitudes</div></span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#sec2" class="list__item__link"> <span><div class="toc-title">Data and method</div></span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#sec3" class="list__item__link"> <span><div class="toc-title">BJP supporter attitudes</div></span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#sec4" class="list__item__link"> <span><div class="toc-title">Discussion and conclusion</div></span></a></li> <li class="list__item"><a href="#footnotes-list" class="list__item__link"><span class="toc-title">Footnotes</span></a></li> <li class="list__item"><a href="#references-list" class="list__item__link"><span class="toc-title">References</span></a></li></ul></div></div></div> <div class="column__main" data-v-01274b1d><div class="row" data-v-01274b1d><div class="column__main__left" data-v-01274b1d><div id="maincontent" class="col" data-v-862424e6 data-v-01274b1d> <hgroup data-v-862424e6><h1 data-v-862424e6>Supporters of India's BJP: Distinctly Populist and Nativist</h1> </hgroup>     <div class="row published-date" data-v-862424e6><p data-v-862424e6> Published online by Cambridge University Press: <strong data-v-862424e6>07 June 2022</strong></p></div>   <div class="contributors-details" data-v-99f6eb26 data-v-862424e6><div class="row contributors" data-v-99f6eb26><div class="col" data-v-99f6eb26><div class="row contributor-type" data-v-792406ce data-v-99f6eb26> <div class="contributor-type__contributor" data-v-792406ce><a href="/core/search?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Sofia%20Ammassari&eventCode=SE-AU" class="app-link app-link__text app-link--accent" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-792406ce><span data-v-63dfaf6e>Sofia Ammassari</span> </a> <a target="_blank" href="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6788-8791" data-test-orcid="Sofia Ammassari" class="app-link contributor-type__contributor__orcid app-link__icon app-link--" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-792406ce><img 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alt="Open the ORCID record for Sofia Ammassari" class="app-icon icon orcid" data-v-d2c09870 data-v-63dfaf6e> <span class="sr-only" data-v-63dfaf6e>[Opens in a new window]</span></a> <span data-v-792406ce>,</span></div><div class="contributor-type__contributor" data-v-792406ce><a href="/core/search?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Diego%20Fossati&eventCode=SE-AU" class="app-link app-link__text app-link--accent" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-792406ce><span data-v-63dfaf6e>Diego Fossati</span> </a> <a target="_blank" href="https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2493-6834" data-test-orcid="Diego Fossati" class="app-link contributor-type__contributor__orcid app-link__icon app-link--" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-792406ce><img src="data:image/svg+xml;base64,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" alt="Open the ORCID record for Diego Fossati" class="app-icon icon orcid" data-v-d2c09870 data-v-63dfaf6e> <span class="sr-only" data-v-63dfaf6e>[Opens in a new window]</span></a> <span data-v-792406ce> and</span></div><div class="contributor-type__contributor" data-v-792406ce><a href="/core/search?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Duncan%20McDonnell&eventCode=SE-AU" class="app-link app-link__text app-link--accent" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-792406ce><span data-v-63dfaf6e>Duncan McDonnell</span> </a>  <span data-v-792406ce></span></div> </div> </div> <div class="col-2 collapse-link" data-v-99f6eb26><a href="#authors-details" data-toggle="collapse" aria-expanded="false" aria-controls="authors-details" class="app-link collapsed app-link__text-icon app-link--secondary reverse" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-99f6eb26><img 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id="authors-details" class="authors-details collapse" data-v-2edb8da6 data-v-99f6eb26><div data-test-author="Sofia Ammassari" class="row author" data-v-2edb8da6><dt class="col-12 col-sm-2 title" data-v-2edb8da6>Sofia Ammassari</dt> <dd class="col content d-inline d-sm-flex" data-v-2edb8da6><span class="content__title" data-v-2edb8da6>Affiliation:</span> <div class="d-sm-flex flex-column flex-sm-1 d-inline" data-v-2edb8da6><span data-v-2edb8da6><span data-v-2edb8da6>School of Government and International Relations at Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia</span> </span></div></dd></div><div data-test-author="Diego Fossati" class="row author" data-v-2edb8da6><dt class="col-12 col-sm-2 title" data-v-2edb8da6>Diego Fossati*</dt> <dd class="col content d-inline d-sm-flex" data-v-2edb8da6><span class="content__title" data-v-2edb8da6>Affiliation:</span> <div class="d-sm-flex flex-column flex-sm-1 d-inline" data-v-2edb8da6><span data-v-2edb8da6><span data-v-2edb8da6>Department of Asian and International Studies at City University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China</span> </span></div></dd></div><div data-test-author="Duncan McDonnell" class="row author" data-v-2edb8da6><dt class="col-12 col-sm-2 title" data-v-2edb8da6>Duncan McDonnell</dt> <dd class="col content d-inline d-sm-flex" data-v-2edb8da6><span class="content__title" data-v-2edb8da6>Affiliation:</span> <div class="d-sm-flex flex-column flex-sm-1 d-inline" data-v-2edb8da6><span data-v-2edb8da6><span data-v-2edb8da6>School of Government and International Relations at Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia</span> </span></div></dd></div> <div class="row" data-v-2edb8da6><dt class="col-sm-2 col-12 title" data-v-2edb8da6> * </dt> <dd class="col content" data-v-2edb8da6><div class="row" data-v-2edb8da6><div class="d-sm-flex d-inline flex-sm-1 flex-sm-wrap" data-v-2edb8da6><div class="d-inline" data-v-2edb8da6><span data-v-2edb8da6><div class="corresp"><span class="label">*</span>Corresponding author. Email: <a href="mailto:dfossati@cityu.edu.hk">dfossati@cityu.edu.hk</a></div></span></div></div></div></dd></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator default" data-v-7036083a data-v-2edb8da6></dl></div></div> <div id="app-tabs" class="tabs" data-v-1d90c6ce data-v-01274b1d><div id="app-tabs-wrapper" class="tabs__wrapper" data-v-1d90c6ce><div role="navigation" aria-label="tab navigation" class="container" data-v-1d90c6ce><a data-toggle="collapse" href="#appTabs" role="button" aria-expanded="false" aria-controls="appTabs" class="tabs__collapse collapsed d-sm-none d-print-none" data-v-1d90c6ce><span data-v-1d90c6ce></span> <span class="tabs-arrow-up" data-v-1d90c6ce></span> <span class="tabs-arrow-down" data-v-1d90c6ce></span></a> <ul id="appTabs" role="tablist" class="nav nav-tabs tabs__list collapse show" data-v-1d90c6ce><li role="none" class="tabs__tab" data-v-1d90c6ce><a aria-selected="true" href="#article-tab" role="tab" aria-controls="article-tab" tabindex="-1" class="active" data-v-1d90c6ce>Article </a></li><li role="none" class="tabs__tab" data-v-1d90c6ce><a href="#figures-tab" role="tab" aria-controls="figures-tab" tabindex="-1" data-v-1d90c6ce>Figures </a></li><li role="none" class="tabs__tab" data-v-1d90c6ce><a href="#supplementary-materials-tab" role="tab" aria-controls="supplementary-materials-tab" tabindex="-1" data-v-1d90c6ce>Supplementary materials </a></li><li role="none" class="tabs__tab" data-v-1d90c6ce><a href="#metrics-tab" role="tab" aria-controls="metrics-tab" tabindex="-1" data-v-1d90c6ce>Metrics </a></li></ul></div></div> <div tabindex="0" role="region" aria-label="Tab content" class="tab-content" data-v-1d90c6ce><div id="article-tab" class="tab-pane active" data-v-43a4d572><div id="toc-mobile" class="table-of-content-mobile d-sm-none" data-v-43a4d572><a data-toggle="collapse" href="#toc-list-mobile" role="button" aria-expanded="false" class="toc-collapse-switch collapsed"><span class="default-heading">Article contents</span>  <span class="toc-arrow-up"></span> <span class="toc-arrow-down"></span></a> <ul id="toc-list-mobile" class="list collapse"><li class="list__item"><a href="#sec0" class="list__item__link"><span class="toc-title">Abstract</span></a></li> <li class="list__item"><a href="#sec1" class="list__item__link"> <span>Radical right populism and supporter attitudes</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#sec2" class="list__item__link"> <span>Data and method</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#sec3" class="list__item__link"> <span>BJP supporter attitudes</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#sec4" class="list__item__link"> <span>Discussion and conclusion</span></a></li> <li class="list__item"><a href="#footnotes-list" class="list__item__link"><span class="toc-title">Footnotes</span></a></li> <li class="list__item"><a href="#references-list" class="list__item__link"><span class="toc-title">References</span></a></li></ul></div> <div class="action-bar" data-v-43a4d572><div 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target="_blank" href="https://s100.copyright.com/AppDispatchServlet?publisherName=CUP&publication=GOV&title=Supporters%20of%20India's%20BJP%3A%20Distinctly%20Populist%20and%20Nativist&publicationDate=07%20June%202022&author=Sofia%20Ammassari%2C%20Diego%20Fossati%2C%20Duncan%20McDonnell©right=Copyright%20%C2%A9%20The%20Author(s)%2C%202022.%20Published%20by%20Cambridge%20University%20Press%20on%20behalf%20of%20Government%20and%20Opposition%20Limited&contentID=10.1017%2Fgov.2022.18&startPage=807&endPage=823&orderBeanReset=True&volumeNum=58&issueNum=4&oa=" data-test-id="buttonRightLink" class="app-link rights-link d-print-none app-link__text-icon app-link--accent" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-92ee52a2 data-v-43a4d572><img src="/core/page-component/img/rights-icon.d4a677c.svg" alt="" class="app-icon icon rights" data-v-d2c09870 data-v-63dfaf6e><span class="text" data-v-63dfaf6e>Rights & Permissions </span> <span class="sr-only" data-v-63dfaf6e>[Opens in a new window]</span></a></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator default" data-v-7036083a></div> <div class="share-modal-overlay" style="display:none;" data-v-43a4d572></div> <div data-spy="scroll" data-target="#toc" class="scrollspy-content" data-v-43a4d572> <div id="sec0" class="col article-abstract sec" data-v-2fa8b348 data-v-43a4d572><div class="abstract-text-container" data-v-2fa8b348><div lang="en"><h2>Abstract</h2>  <div class="abstract-content"><div class="abstract" data-abstract-type="normal"><p>While India's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has become recognized as a populist radical right (PRR) party under the leadership of Narendra Modi, we do not know whether this PRR supply is matched yet by PRR attitudes among its supporters. Using an original survey, we therefore investigate: Do BJP supporters display PRR attitudes? We find that those who feel close to the BJP have stronger populist and nativist attitudes than other Indian citizens. However, authoritarianism is not a distinguishing feature of BJP supporters. We argue that the similarities between the drivers of support for European PRR parties and for the BJP reinforce the idea that radical right populism is a coherent global phenomenon both in terms of supply and demand. Finally, we discuss how our study shows that party support in India is more ideologically rooted than has previously been thought.</p></div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="abstract-divider separator default" data-v-7036083a></div></div>   </div>  <div class="keywords" data-v-86c27100 data-v-43a4d572><h2 data-v-86c27100>Keywords</h2> <div class="row keywords__pills" data-v-86c27100><a href="/core/search?filters[keywords]=populism" data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100><span data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100>populism</span></a><a href="/core/search?filters[keywords]=nativism" data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100><span data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100>nativism</span></a><a href="/core/search?filters[keywords]=authoritarianism" data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100><span data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100>authoritarianism</span></a><a href="/core/search?filters[keywords]=public opinion" data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100><span data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100>public opinion</span></a><a href="/core/search?filters[keywords]=India" data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100><span data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100>India</span></a></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator default" data-v-7036083a data-v-86c27100></div>  <dl class="article-details" data-v-6e32a161 data-v-43a4d572><div class="row" data-v-6e32a161><dt class="col-12 col-sm-3 col-md-2_5 title" data-v-6e32a161> Type </dt> <dd class="col content" data-v-6e32a161>Article</dd></div> <div class="row" data-v-6e32a161><dt class="col-12 col-sm-3 col-md-2_5 title" data-v-6e32a161> Information </dt> <dd class="col content" data-v-6e32a161><div class="content__journal" data-v-6e32a161><a href="/core/journals/government-and-opposition" class="app-link app-link__text app-link--underlined" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-6e32a161><span class="text" data-v-63dfaf6e>Government and Opposition </span> </a> <span data-v-6e32a161> , <a href="/core/journals/government-and-opposition/volume/AF0FC997645B7AF63AB5125D1BBB157A" class="app-link app-link__text app-link--underlined" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-6e32a161><span class="text" data-v-63dfaf6e>Volume 58 </span> </a></span> <span data-v-6e32a161> , <a href="/core/journals/government-and-opposition/issue/F4742C5F735C66F417C68D089A6C5A6D" class="app-link app-link__text app-link--underlined" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-6e32a161><span class="text" data-v-63dfaf6e>Issue 4 </span> </a></span> <span data-v-6e32a161>, October 2023</span>  <span data-v-6e32a161>, pp. 807 - 823</span> </div> <div class="doi-data" data-v-6e32a161><div data-v-6e32a161>DOI: <a target="_blank" href="https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.18" class="app-link app-link__text app-link--accent" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-6e32a161><span class="text" data-v-63dfaf6e>https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.18 </span> <span class="sr-only" data-v-63dfaf6e>[Opens in a new window]</span></a></div> </div>  </dd></div>   <div class="row" data-v-6e32a161><dt class="col-12 col-sm-3 col-md-2_5 title" data-v-6e32a161> Copyright </dt> <dd class="col content" data-v-6e32a161><div data-v-6e32a161> Copyright © The Author(s), 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Government and Opposition Limited </div></dd></div></dl>  <div id="content-container" class="content-container" data-v-43a4d572><div class="content-box"><div class="article research-article NLM"> <div class="body"> <p class="p"> Populist radical right (PRR) parties and leaders have been on the rise in recent decades, achieving record electoral results in countries such as France and Chile, and even entering government in others such as Italy and the United States. This growth has led to increasing concerns about the health of liberal democracy across the globe, including in the world's largest democracy, India (Mudde <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref43"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mudde</span>2019</a>; Varshney <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref60"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Varshney and Jayal</span>2019</a>). Under the leadership of Narendra Modi since 2013, India's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP – Indian People's Party) has enjoyed unprecedented success, winning general elections in 2014 and 2019. Along with guiding the BJP into its longest period of unbroken government, Modi has also added a clear populist dimension, and radicalized further to the right, what was previously seen primarily as a Hindu nationalist party (Chatterjee <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref18"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chatterjee</span>2019</a>). Consequently, while the BJP had not been included among cases of PRR parties before Modi, scholars in recent years have increasingly treated it as such, due to its embrace of all three PRR pillars: nativism, authoritarianism and populism (Chacko and Jayasuriya <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref14"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chacko and Jayasuriya</span>2018</a>; Chatterji et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref20"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chatterji, Hansen, Jaffrelot, Chatterji, Hansen and Jaffrelot</span>2019</a>; McDonnell and Cabrera <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref41"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference McDonnell and Cabrera</span>2019</a>).</p> <p class="p"> However, if the supply side of the BJP is now firmly PRR, we do not know if this also holds true for the party's supporters. It might appear at first glance obvious that those who support a PRR party will hold PRR attitudes, as research has shown occurs in Europe (Rooduijn <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref49"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Rooduijn</span>2014</a>; Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref58"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel</span>2018</a>). However, there is reason to believe this may not work in the same way in India. Given there are long-standing claims that political participation in India is driven by patron–client relationships, vote banks and personalism rather than ideological concerns (Chatterjee <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref17"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chatterjee</span>2004</a>; Hasan <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref30"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hasan, Jayal and Mehta</span>2010</a>; Suri <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref55"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Suri, Suri and Vanaik</span>2013</a>), BJP support may be less rooted in the combination of nativism, authoritarianism and populism than is the case for European PRR support. Considering that what we know about the PRR, and especially PRR attitudes, is overwhelmingly based on European cases (in particular Western European ones), the BJP thus offers us an opportunity to investigate whether existing theory about PRR attitudes applies to supporters of what is arguably the most significant PRR party outside Europe, if not in the world, and whether PRR supporters display a distinctive and coherent set of attitudes regardless of the sociopolitical context in which they are embedded.<a class="xref fn" href="#en1"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">1</sup></a> In this article, we therefore use an original survey fielded in 2018, four years after Modi and his party took power, to investigate the following question: Do BJP supporters display PRR attitudes?</p> <p class="p"> The article proceeds as follows. In the next section, we explain the theoretical background to our study, discussing the core PRR ideas and how they are manifested in the BJP. We then use existing work on PRR support to formulate our hypotheses. Thereafter, we set out our approach and methods, before presenting the results of our online survey conducted with 1,526 respondents. We find, firstly, that – as is the case for PRR supporters in Europe – those who feel close to the BJP have stronger populist and, in particular, nativist attitudes than other Indian citizens. However, authoritarian attitudes are not a distinguishing feature of BJP supporters given that these are widespread among all respondents, irrespective of their partisan attachments. In the concluding section, we argue that the similarities between the drivers of support for European PRR parties and for the BJP reinforce the idea that radical right populism is a coherent global phenomenon both in terms of supply and demand. Finally, we discuss how our study shows that party support in India is more ideologically rooted than has previously been thought. Like in many other democracies, there is a distinct demand among the Indian public for a nativist and populist offer, which the BJP has been able to deliver since Modi took over in 2013.</p> <div class="sec" data-magellan-destination="sec1" id="sec1"><h2 class="A"> Radical right populism and supporter attitudes</h2> <p class="p"> PRR parties like the French Rassemblement National (RN – National Rally) and the Lega (League) in Italy are said to share a fundamental set of ideas, namely nativism, authoritarianism and populism (Mudde <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref43"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mudde</span>2019</a>). As Cas Mudde (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref43"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mudde</span>2019</a>: 22) explains, nativism ‘holds that states should be inhabited exclusively by members of the native group (the nation) and that non-native (or alien) elements are fundamentally threatening to the homogeneous nation-state’. In Europe, non-natives for the PRR tend to be immigrants, especially in recent decades those from Muslim countries; but they can also include minority groups of different ethnicities that have been long present within a country, such as Romany communities in the case of Hungary (Pirro <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref47"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Pirro</span>2015</a>). The nativism of the PRR is thus a combination of anti-immigrant attitudes and ethnocentrism. Regarding authoritarianism, we follow Bart Bonikowski (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref10"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Bonikowski</span>2017</a>: 189–190), who characterizes it as a ‘style of governance that attempts to circumvent the rule of law and democratic norms in favour of centralized authority and limited political freedom’. Nativism and authoritarianism are complemented in the PRR by a populist worldview that considers the beliefs, prosperity and sovereignty of a ‘virtuous’ and ‘homogenous’ people to be under attack from ‘bad’ elites, with the latter usually including a mixture of other political forces, the media, big business, the judiciary, bureaucrats, international organizations, academics and so on (Albertazzi and McDonnell <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref4"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Albertazzi and McDonnell</span>2015</a>: 4–6). Invoking a sense of imminent crisis, radical right populists present themselves as the sole defenders of a sole true people and, indeed, of national democracy itself. However, while populism is not anti-democratic per se, it is at odds with the principles of liberal democracy (Albertazzi and McDonnell <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref4"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Albertazzi and McDonnell</span>2015</a>; Mudde <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref43"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mudde</span>2019</a>).</p> <p class="p"> Since Narendra Modi became party leader, the BJP has increasingly been seen not only as a Hindu nationalist party, but as a PRR one (McDonnell and Cabrera <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref41"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference McDonnell and Cabrera</span>2019</a>; Varshney <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref60"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Varshney and Jayal</span>2019</a>). The BJP was founded in 1980 as the political arm of the Sangh Parivar, an umbrella of organizations committed to Hindu nationalism, or Hindutva, which are active in a wide range of sectors, from education to social welfare (Andersen and Damle <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref5"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Andersen and Damle</span>2019</a>; Sarkar <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref51"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Sarkar</span>2021</a>). The most prominent of these organizations, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS – National Volunteer Organization), can be considered not only the ideological parent of the BJP, but an essential source of the party's personnel, since almost the entire leadership and cadre base of the BJP come from the RSS (Jha <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref35"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Jha</span>2017</a>: 131). Until the 1980s, the Hindu nationalist project was rooted in an elitist philosophy, and this was reflected in the fact that both leaders and members of the Sangh Parivar were predominantly from upper-caste backgrounds (Thachil <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref56"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Thachil</span>2014</a>: 41). With the increasing mobilization of lower castes by regional caste-based parties like the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), however, the BJP realized the need to expand its electoral base beyond its traditional core of supporters, and to mobilize the Hindu population on the basis of a pan-Hindu identity (Thachil <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref56"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Thachil</span>2014</a>). This strategy of electoral expansion began in the 1980s, but under Modi reached unprecedented success, with the BJP making substantial gains among Other Backward Classes (OBCs), Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) at the 2014 and 2019 national elections (Chhibber and Verma <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref23"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chhibber and Verma</span>2019</a>).<a class="xref fn" href="#en2"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">2</sup></a> The triumph of the BJP under Modi's leadership has been marked by the party's radicalization further to the right, and its embrace of the three core pillars of PRR ideology: populism, nativism and authoritarianism (Chatterji et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref20"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chatterji, Hansen, Jaffrelot, Chatterji, Hansen and Jaffrelot</span>2019</a>; McDonnell and Cabrera <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref41"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference McDonnell and Cabrera</span>2019</a>).<a class="xref fn" href="#en3"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">3</sup></a></p> <p class="p"> Initially, scholars associated populism specifically with Modi rather than with the party, by focusing on his campaigning style (Chakravartty and Roy <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref15"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chakravartty and Roy</span>2016</a>; Jaffrelot <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref34"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Jaffrelot</span>2015</a>) and mobilization strategies (Kenny <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref37"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Kenny</span>2017</a>). However, there is now widespread recognition that the BJP under Modi promotes a set of ideas that must be understood within the context of the global right-wing populist wave (Chacko and Jayasuriya <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref14"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chacko and Jayasuriya</span>2018</a>; McDonnell and Cabrera <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref41"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference McDonnell and Cabrera</span>2019</a>; Sircar <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref53"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Sircar</span>2020</a>). The party conceives of ‘the people’ in cultural terms as the Hindu community (the nation's religious majority) and it highlights the differences between Hindus and Muslims while underplaying caste divisions within Hindu society (Varshney <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref60"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Varshney and Jayal</span>2019</a>). This framing has helped the BJP to de-emphasize its previous image as an upper-caste party mainly confined to northern India and appeal to a much wider social base (Chhibber and Verma <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref23"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chhibber and Verma</span>2019</a>; Jha <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref35"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Jha</span>2017</a>; Kumar <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref38"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Kumar</span>2020</a>).</p> <p class="p"> In the BJP's worldview, Hindus are portrayed as being oppressed by the presence of ‘dangerous others’ within Indian society, especially Muslims. It claims that the latter not only espouse values that are incompatible with those of the true Indian people, but also pose a series of threats to the Indian nation, ranging from demographic ones concerning their increasing population to sexual ones, with Muslim men depicted as predatory and violent figures (Chatterji <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref19"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chatterji, Chatterji, Hansen and Jaffrelot</span>2019</a>). In addition to being menaced from below, the people are cast as under siege from above by political, cultural, media and financial elites, culpable of being self-interested and detached from Hindu identity and traditions (McDonnell and Cabrera <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref41"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference McDonnell and Cabrera</span>2019</a>). Moreover, the elites from the BJP's main opponent, the Indian National Congress (traditionally India's dominant party), are accused of favouring Muslims over Hindus by providing special benefits in exchange for electoral support. In order to counter these threats to the people and the expression of their will, the BJP has adopted authoritarian measures since taking power in 2014 that have weakened the pillars of India's liberal democracy, for instance by labelling protests as ‘anti-national’ and violently suppressing them, imposing new restrictions on NGOs, and interfering with the independence of the judiciary and the media (Gudavarthy <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref29"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Gudavarthy</span>2018</a>; Varshney <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref60"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Varshney and Jayal</span>2019</a>).</p> <p class="p"> In this study we investigate whether the distinct PRR supply of the BJP is matched by a similarly distinct PRR demand among its electorate. Demand and supply of course interact in determining support for PRR parties. As Frank Mols and Jolanda Jetten (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref42"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mols and Jetten</span>2020</a>) show, the latter supply a series of frames and narratives that derive from, and further fuel, a range of grievances already present within society. This loop mechanism is often enhanced by a leader who can create ‘a sense of shared victimhood’ among the people (Mols and Jetten <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref42"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mols and Jetten</span>2020</a>: 9). In the case of the BJP, as Nitasha Kaul (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref36"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Kaul</span>2017</a>) writes, Modi presented himself as a national leader who could take the Hindu people back to a glorious past. Furthermore, his popularity is also a product of the proselytizing work of the RSS, and the unprecedented amount of campaign spending that the BJP invested in vote mobilizers and media to promote his image (Chhibber and Ostermann <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref21"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chhibber and Ostermann</span>2014</a>; Jaffrelot <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref34"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Jaffrelot</span>2015</a>; Kaul <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref36"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Kaul</span>2017</a>). While we recognize the importance that such a solid PRR supply can have in determining support for the BJP, in this article we focus on a more overlooked, demand-side, aspect of the BJP's success, namely the prevalence of PRR attitudes in India and their role in determining support for the party. In other words, we ask: Are BJP supporters characterized by populist, nativist and authoritarian attitudes that distinguish them from supporters of other Indian parties?</p> <p class="p"> Research in Europe and elsewhere has shown that support for PRR parties and leaders is underpinned by populist and nativist attitudes among the citizenry, but less so by authoritarian attitudes. While the recent study by Bruno Castanho Silva et al. (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref11"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Castanho Silva, Fuks and Ryô Tamaki</span>2022</a>) found that populist attitudes do not drive support for Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, this is very much an exception. In fact, populist attitudes characterize supporters of populist parties and leaders in an array of countries, such as the Netherlands, the US, Greece and Chile (Akkerman et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref2"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Akkerman, Mudde and Zaslove</span>2014</a>; Hawkins et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref31"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hawkins, Rovira Kaltwasser and Andreadis</span>2020</a>; Oliver and Rahn <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref44"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Oliver and Rahn</span>2016</a>). As regards nativism, scholars have focused mostly on anti-immigration feelings among PRR supporters rather than a wider range of nativist positions, thus overlooking the dimension of ethnocentrism. This likely reflects the fact that the main ‘other’ for most European PRR parties are immigrants (particularly from Muslim countries) rather than long-standing ethnic minorities within countries. That aside, comparative studies across several European countries have shown that anti-immigration attitudes are systematically associated with support for a PRR party (Arzheimer and Carter <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref6"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Arzheimer and Carter</span>2009</a>; Lubbers et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref40"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Lubbers, Gijsberts and Scheepers</span>2002</a>; Werts et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref61"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Werts, Scheepers and Lubbers</span>2012</a>). The evidence for authoritarianism, however, is not as straightforward, with studies coming to different conclusions about the role of these attitudes in explaining PRR support (Donovan <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref25"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Donovan</span>2019</a>; Dunn <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref26"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Dunn</span>2015</a>; Lubbers and Coenders <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref39"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Lubbers and Coenders</span>2016</a>; Werts et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref61"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Werts, Scheepers and Lubbers</span>2012</a>). While most analyses have addressed only one or two sets of PRR attitudes, we follow the approach of Agnes Akkerman et al. (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref3"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Akkerman, Zaslove and Spruyt</span>2017</a>) and Steven van Hauwaert and Stijn van Kessel (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref58"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel</span>2018</a>) by looking at the combination of all three ideological pillars. This is also because, as Matthijs Rooduijn (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref49"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Rooduijn</span>2014</a>) shows in the case of the Netherlands, the three key ideological features of PRR parties – populism, nativism and authoritarianism – can form a coherent set of attitudes among the public. He concludes therefore that populist, nativist and authoritarian attitudes ‘should be studied in conjunction with each other in order to explain PRR voting behaviour’ rather than separately, as had been done until then (Rooduijn <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref49"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Rooduijn</span>2014</a>: 81).</p> <p class="p"> As noted in the introduction, there is reason to think there may be differences between the mostly European cases studied to date and the BJP. Researchers have shown that support for PRR parties is as motivated by ideological concerns as support for any other party (Van Der Brug et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref57"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Van der Brug, Fennema and Tillie</span>2000</a>). However, the characterization of India as a ‘patronage democracy’ (Chandra <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref16"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chandra</span>2004</a>; Kenny <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref37"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Kenny</span>2017</a>) has translated into the prevailing wisdom that contemporary Indian politics is primarily non-ideological and is instead dominated by pragmatism, clientelism and personalism (Chhibber and Verma <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref22"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chhibber and Verma</span>2018</a>). Scholars have warned that we should ‘not overemphasize the role of ideology in India's party politics’ (Suri <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref55"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Suri, Suri and Vanaik</span>2013</a>: 240) because even if parties ‘do profess to stick to their party ideology … in their actual support they seem to be more pragmatic’ (Hasan <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref30"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hasan, Jayal and Mehta</span>2010</a>: 248). For these reasons, the political behaviour of Indian citizens is rarely described as being guided by ideological and programmatic motivations; rather, it is seen as the outcome of religious and caste considerations (Chandra <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref16"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chandra</span>2004</a>; Heath and Yadav <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref32"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Heath, Yadav, Heath and Jeffery</span>2010</a>; Shah <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref52"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Shah</span>2004</a>), aimed at accessing state and private resources through clientelist networks (Chatterjee <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref17"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chatterjee</span>2004</a>; Piliavsky <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref46"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Piliavsky</span>2014</a>; Ziegfeld <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref63"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ziegfeld</span>2016</a>), and rooted in trust and feelings of reverence for a strong leader (Sircar <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref53"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Sircar</span>2020</a>). Despite recent studies challenging this (for a review, see Auerbach et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref7"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Auerbach, Bussell and Chauchard</span>2021</a>), the dominant view remains that ‘far less “ideology” is observed in India than in consolidated Western democracies’ (Sircar <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref53"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Sircar</span>2020</a>: 15).</p> <p class="p"> The BJP thus provides an excellent case to investigate the global reach of PRR attitudes, and to assess whether European-derived theories about the PRR are equally applicable in a very different political and cultural context. Since we know that the three key ideological features of PRR supply are populism, nativism and authoritarianism, these give rise to our three hypotheses about PRR demand. The first concerns populist attitudes. In recent years, researchers have used surveys to investigate the extent to which people hold populist beliefs about political and societal issues. Most notably, Akkerman et al. (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref2"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Akkerman, Mudde and Zaslove</span>2014</a>) devised a scale of items to measure populist attitudes among the public. These items tap into the core dimensions of populism: people's sovereignty, antagonism towards the elites, and the Manichean division between ‘good’ and ‘evil’. Researchers have subsequently refined and tested Akkerman et al.'s scale to improve the measurement of individual populist support (Castanho Silva et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref12"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Castanho Silva, Jungkunz and Helbling</span>2020</a>; Van Hauwaert et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref59"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Van Hauwaert, Schimpf and Azevedo</span>2020</a>; Wuttke et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref62"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wuttke, Schimpf and Schoen</span>2020</a>). Scholars have also focused on assessing whether populist attitudes among citizens translate into support for populist parties. Their findings, which are largely consistent across both single-case (Akkerman et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref2"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Akkerman, Mudde and Zaslove</span>2014</a>, <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref3"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Akkerman, Zaslove and Spruyt</span>2017</a>; Oliver and Rahn 2016; Rooduijn <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref49"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Rooduijn</span>2014</a>) and comparative studies (Hawkins et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref31"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hawkins, Rovira Kaltwasser and Andreadis</span>2020</a>; Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref58"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel</span>2018</a>), show that citizens with stronger populist attitudes are more likely to support populist parties. Based on this research, we expect to find that:</p><div class="statement other" data-magellan-destination="st1" id="st1"><p class="p"><span class="label">Hypothesis 1:</span> <em class="italic">Supporters of the BJP are characterized by stronger populist attitudes than supporters of other Indian parties.</em></p></div> <p class="p"> The second component of the PRR worldview is nativism. This is the central ideological tenet of the PRR party family (Mudde <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref43"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mudde</span>2019</a>), and successful PRR parties are those that are able to mobilize grievances over non-native elements within society (Ivarsflaten <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref33"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ivarsflaten</span>2008</a>). Depending on whether ethnic minorities or immigrants constitute the main ‘non-native’ for a PRR party, nativism can be more driven by ethnocentrism or anti-immigrant attitudes. In Europe, where immigration is a constantly salient issue, negative attitudes towards immigrants are the strongest predictor of PRR support (Lubbers et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref40"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Lubbers, Gijsberts and Scheepers</span>2002</a>; Werts et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref61"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Werts, Scheepers and Lubbers</span>2012</a>). While research to date in Europe has focused on anti-immigration as the key indicator of nativist attitudes, our analysis will comprise both ethnocentrism and anti-immigration. This is especially important in India, given that, more than immigrants and refugees from Muslim-majority neighbouring countries, the principal ‘non-native’ for the BJP is the Muslim minority that has been present for centuries (McDonnell and Cabrera <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref41"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference McDonnell and Cabrera</span>2019</a>). Considering the relevance of nativism to the BJP's ideological platform, and its importance in explaining PRR support elsewhere, our second hypothesis therefore proposes that:</p><div class="statement other" data-magellan-destination="st2" id="st2"><p class="p"><span class="label">Hypothesis 2:</span> <em class="italic">Supporters of the BJP are characterized by stronger nativist attitudes than supporters of other Indian parties.</em></p></div> <p class="p"> The third component of the PRR worldview is authoritarianism. Research to date has shown that authoritarian attitudes are not a consistent predictor of support for the PRR in the same way as nativism and populism are. For example, while Rooduijn (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref49"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Rooduijn</span>2014</a>) demonstrates how authoritarian attitudes in the Netherlands help explain support for the Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV – Party for Freedom), Akkerman et al. (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref3"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Akkerman, Zaslove and Spruyt</span>2017</a>) arrive at the opposite conclusion: that authoritarianism does not distinguish PVV supporters. Likewise, Han Werts et al. (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref61"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Werts, Scheepers and Lubbers</span>2012</a>) find that authoritarianism is not a significant driver of PRR support in their analysis of 18 European countries, but Marcel Lubbers and Marcel Coenders (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref39"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Lubbers and Coenders</span>2016</a>) in their study of almost the same set of countries conclude that authoritarianism is in fact significant. This uncertainty regarding the role of authoritarianism is reinforced by Kris Dunn (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref26"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Dunn</span>2015</a>: 376), who shows that authoritarian attitudes underpin PRR support in only two of the five Western European states he examines (Denmark and Switzerland). In light of these mixed findings, it is hard to make predictions about authoritarian attitudes among BJP supporters with the same confidence as we did for nativism and populism. Moreover, the picture is further complicated by the fact that, according to a 2017 Pew Research Center report, many Indians hold authoritarian views, and support for an autocratic regime is higher there than in any other country that was surveyed (Stokes et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref54"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Stokes, Manevich and Chwe</span>2017</a>: 18).<a class="xref fn" href="#en4"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">4</sup></a> Nonetheless, given that the theoretical literature has long affirmed the presence of authoritarianism in PRR party ideology, we (tentatively) opt for a hypothesis confirming this presence also on the demand side. We thus envisage that, even if authoritarian views are widespread in India, supporters of the BJP should hold even stronger ones.</p><div class="statement other" data-magellan-destination="st3" id="st3"><p class="p"><span class="label">Hypothesis 3:</span> <em class="italic">Supporters of the BJP are characterized by stronger authoritarian attitudes than supporters of other Indian parties.</em></p></div> </div> <div class="sec" data-magellan-destination="sec2" id="sec2"><h2 class="A"> Data and method</h2> <p class="p"> Our empirical analysis is based on an original survey conducted online with a sample of Indian respondents. Participants were recruited using a local contractor, which offered material incentives in exchange for participation.<a class="xref fn" href="#en5"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">5</sup></a> Between August and September 2018, 1,526 respondents took the survey on an online platform that allowed them to access the questionnaire (provided in Hindi, or, on request, in English) through personal computers, tablets or smartphones. Given that less than half of Indians had internet access in 2018,<a class="xref fn" href="#en6"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">6</sup></a> our methodology necessarily excludes an important section of the Indian population. Nevertheless, we are confident in our ability to extrapolate meaningfully from our sample. First, while the use of non-random samples such as samples from online panels is generally discouraged for descriptive inferences about a population, online samples are considered as adequate to study relationships between variables, and to analyse political ideology in particular (Baker et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref8"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Baker and Brick</span>2013</a>; Clifford et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref24"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Clifford, Jewell and Waggoner</span>2015</a>). Second, to ensure the representativeness of the sample, quotas for age, gender, region (rural/urban), education and religion were applied. The resulting sample contained considerable diversity in terms of sociodemographic factors, as shown in Table A1 of the Online Appendix, where we compare the applied population quotas and sample proportions for these five variables. For example, our sample includes substantial numbers of respondents who are typically underrepresented in online samples, such as women (45.3%), individuals with low education (49.5% have attained elementary education or less), and older respondents (15.3% of the sample are at least 55 years old). These figures show that our sample presents sufficient heterogeneity to explore our hypotheses.</p> <p class="p"> To gauge support for the BJP, our dependent variable, we use an indicator of partisanship that captures closeness to the party, for which we ask respondents to say if they feel not close at all, not very close, close, or very close to the BJP. We opted for partisanship rather than vote for the BJP given the increasing tendency among Indian electors to engage in split-ticket voting by favouring the BJP at the national level, but not necessarily at the state one (Aiyar and Sircar <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref1"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Aiyar and Sircar</span>2020</a>). Overall, support for the BJP is quite high in our sample, as 45% of respondents feel very close to the party, 29.3% feel close, 16.3% not very close and the remaining 9.5% not close at all.</p> <p class="p"> To measure populism, we follow Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref58"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel</span>2018</a>) and develop an index of populist attitudes based on seven items designed to measure support for a populist worldview. While some, such as Alexander Wuttke et al. (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref62"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wuttke, Schimpf and Schoen</span>2020</a>), have proposed to conceptualize populism as a non-compensatory, multidimensional construct, we adopted a well-tested approach in which populism can be conceptualized as anti-elitism, combined with a strong preference for popular sovereignty. The statements in our survey items enunciate populist tropes such as the contraposition between a virtuous people and corrupt elites, the idea that decisions should be taken by the people rather than professional politicians, and a distaste for political compromise. Respondents express their agreement or disagreement with each item using a Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree; 2 = disagree; 3 = neither agree nor disagree; 4 = agree; 5 = strongly agree). An index is then built by calculating the mean value of these responses.<a class="xref fn" href="#en7"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">7</sup></a> This scale, which has already been applied in studies of populism in Asia (Fossati and Mietzner <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref28"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Fossati and Mietzner</span>2019</a>), is a reliable indicator of populist attitudes in our sample (α = 0.78). Most respondents could be described as populist in their worldview, as the median value for the index is 4.43 and 77.9% score an index value between 4 and 5.</p> <p class="p"> As discussed in the previous section, we understand nativism as consisting of a combination of ethnocentric attitudes and anti-immigrant sentiments. For ethnocentrism, we ask about agreement with the following statements: ‘Other cultures should be more like my culture’ and ‘I dislike interacting with people from different cultures’ (Bizumic et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref9"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Bizumic, Monaghan and Priest</span>2020</a>). For anti-immigrant attitudes, the statements are: ‘Immigrants increase crime rates’ and ‘Immigrants take jobs away from people who were born in India’ (Lubbers and Coenders <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref39"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Lubbers and Coenders</span>2016</a>). We compute the arithmetic mean of these four items to build an index similar to our indicator of populism, where higher index scores denote a higher level of nativism. This measurement also presents high levels of reliability (α = 0.79), and respondents display overall lower levels of nativism than populism with a median index value of 3.75. Given the BJP's Hindutva ideological platform, we also thought it useful to measure support for Hindu nationalism among respondents. To do so, we use an indicator regularly employed in research on national identity (Reeskens and Hooghe <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref48"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Reeskens and Hooghe</span>2010</a>), which asks how important it is to be a Hindu to be ‘truly Indian’. Of our sample, 70% describes this factor as somewhat or very important to be Indian.<a class="xref fn" href="#en8"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">8</sup></a> Finally, we operationalize authoritarianism with a commonly used question in survey research (Donovan <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref25"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Donovan</span>2019</a>), namely one that asks for agreement or disagreement that ‘India needs a strong leader who can disregard the law for the good of the people.’ In accordance with previous research, which has suggested that authoritarian values are widespread among the Indian public (Stokes et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref54"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Stokes, Manevich and Chwe</span>2017</a>), our respondents largely support this idea, as 55.3% of the sample strongly agree with this statement.</p> <p class="p"> We also include in our models a series of sociodemographic variables that may be associated with political attitudes and behaviour, namely age, gender, religion (Hindu versus minority), place of residence (rural versus urban), education and income (measured with ordinal variables with four education levels and five income brackets). <a class="xref table" href="#tab01">Table 1</a> reports descriptive statistics for all the measures we use, and a correlation matrix is included in the Online Appendix (Table A3). </p><div class="table-wrap" data-magellan-destination="tab01" id="tab01"><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Table 1.</span> Descriptive Statistics</p></div> <span> <div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_tab1.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image" width="629" height="336" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_tab1.png" data-zoomable="true"></div> </span> </div> <p class="p"> In the next section, we estimate a series of ordered logistic models in which closeness to the BJP is a function of the indexes of populist, nativist and authoritarian attitudes. In each model, we investigate how robust the findings are to inclusion or exclusion of the various covariates. Missing values are handled with listwise deletion.</p> </div> <div class="sec" data-magellan-destination="sec3" id="sec3"><h2 class="A"> BJP supporter attitudes</h2> <p class="p"> <a class="xref table" href="#tab02">Table 2</a> reports estimation results for a set of models in which our indicator of ‘closeness’ measures support for the BJP.<a class="xref fn" href="#en9"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">9</sup></a> The four models differ in the covariates they include. All of them are estimated with the sociodemographic variables: the first includes the index of populist attitudes, the second the index of nativism and our measure for Hindu nationalism, the third our measure of authoritarianism, and the fourth estimates coefficients for all the ideological pillars combined. <a class="xref table" href="#tab02">Table 2</a> shows that populist attitudes are estimated to have a positive and significant relationship with identification with the BJP in all models in which the index is included, although the magnitude of the coefficient varies with model specification. Using the full model (Model 4) as a basis for calculation, a respondent with strong populist views has a higher expected probability of feeling very close to the BJP than one scoring lower levels of populist attitudes. For example, a populism score of 4.5 is associated with an expected probability of 45.6%, while a score of 3 has an expected probability of 28.9%. </p><div class="table-wrap" data-magellan-destination="tab02" id="tab02"><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Table 2.</span> Drivers of Closeness to the BJP</p></div> <span> <div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_tab2.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image" width="1014" height="581" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_tab2.png" data-zoomable="true"></div> </span> <div class="table-wrap-foot"> <div class="fn-group footnotes"> <div class="fn" data-magellan-destination="tfn2_1" id="tfn2_1"><p class="p"> <em class="italic">Notes</em>: Standard errors in parentheses. *** <em class="italic">p</em> < 0.001, ** <em class="italic">p</em> < 0.01, * <em class="italic">p</em> < 0.05.</p></div> </div> </div> </div> <p class="p"> A similar pattern can be identified with respect to nativism, also a strong driver of closeness to the BJP in all models. Using again the illustration of how different index values are associated with identification with this party, the expected probability of feeling very close to the BJP rises from 34.6% in a respondent with a nativism index score of 3 to 53.5% for an index value of 4.5. Nativism thus appears to be a slightly more powerful driver of BJP support than populism. Our results are similar for Hindu nationalism. For instance, a respondent who believes Hinduism is not at all important for being Indian has an estimated probability of feeling very close to the BJP of 25.1%, but this figure rises to 53.1% among those who say being Hindu is very important to being Indian. Individuals who feel close to the BJP can therefore be described as significantly more nativist, more populist and more Hindu nationalist than those who do not feel close to the party. The fact that Hindu respondents are also substantially more likely to report feeling close to this party (more precisely, their estimated probability of feeling very close to the BJP is 11.6% higher than for non-Hindus) is related to the high levels of nativism in the BJP support base, and resonates with the polarization patterns between Hindus and religious minorities discussed above.</p> <p class="p"> A different picture, however, emerges for authoritarian values, which do not appear to be systematically and consistently linked with closeness to the BJP. In Model 3, which only includes demographic covariates and the authoritarianism measure, the latter is significant and positively signed, suggesting that higher levels of authoritarian attitudes are indeed more likely among those who feel close or very close to the BJP. Nevertheless, the estimated coefficient in Model 4, where all PRR attitudes are included, is much more modest in magnitude and not significant at conventional levels. Based on this evidence, we can conclude that BJP supporters are no more likely to present strong authoritarian attitudes than those who do not report feeling close to the party. In short, they are distinctly nativist and populist, endorsing two of the three ideological orientations that are typically associated with PRR parties. At the same time, however, authoritarianism does not seem to be an exclusive feature of BJP supporters, but is instead more widely distributed among Indian citizens.</p> <p class="p"> The coefficient plot reported in <a class="xref fig" href="#fig01">Figure 1</a>, based on the full model, summarizes the estimation results and displays the substantial difference between the effect of nativist and populist attitudes and that of authoritarianism. The plotted coefficients also show the estimated association between BJP support and the various demographic indicators we have included in the model. In addition to religion, the only other covariate that displays a significant association with the dependent variable is education, as its estimated coefficients indicate that respondents with higher educational levels are systematically less likely to feel close to the BJP. The probability of feeling very close to the BJP is estimated at 56.1% among respondents who have attained primary education or less, 32.2% for those with middle-school education, 30.2% among respondents who have finished high school and 26.5% for college-educated respondents. BJP supporters are therefore more likely to be individuals with lower educational attainment, which reflects the party's expansion of its social base under Modi's leadership (Chhibber and Verma <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref23"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chhibber and Verma</span>2019</a>). The negative relationship between education levels and BJP support does not, however, contradict the fact that the BJP is popular among upper-middle and upper classes (Fernandes <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref27"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Fernandes and Jacobsen</span>2015</a>). On the contrary, and together with the finding that income does not appear to have a linear relationship with support for the party, our results reinforce the idea that the Modi-led BJP's narrative appeals both to those who directly benefit from economic liberalization, and to those who struggle with it (Fernandes <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref27"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Fernandes and Jacobsen</span>2015</a>: 239). This is at least partially thanks to Modi's ability to speak to different constituencies (Jha <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref35"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Jha</span>2017</a>; Kaul <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref36"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Kaul</span>2017</a>). </p><section><div class="fig fig" data-magellan-destination="fig01" id="fig01"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_fig1.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image" width="1373" height="899" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_fig1.png" data-zoomable="true"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"> </p><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 1.</span> Coefficient Plot of Factors Associated with BJP Support</p></div></div></section> <p class="p"> As for the other covariates, age and gender are not associated with BJP closeness and are not significant drivers of support for the BJP. These findings are not overly surprising given that an increasing number of women have voted for the BJP since Modi took over, as have young people. Or, as Pradeep Chhibber and Rahul Verma (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref23"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chhibber and Verma</span>2019</a>: 139) put it, ‘the traditional BJP voter was more likely to be male and older, whereas the newer BJP voter is equally likely to be female and young’.</p> <p class="p"> To probe the robustness of our findings, in the Online Appendix we have re-estimated the models reported in <a class="xref table" href="#tab02">Table 2</a> with a measure of support for Narendra Modi, who has led the BJP's full embrace of radical right populism and guided the party to unprecedented levels of success. Specifically, we have used a five-point Likert scale to measure if respondents strongly disagree, somewhat disagree, neither agree nor disagree, somewhat agree, or strongly agree that Modi is the right person to lead India. When the models are estimated with this dependent variable, all of the substantive results reported above hold (see Online Appendix, Table A4). This test reassures us that our findings are not sensitive to specific operationalizations of the dependent variable.</p> </div> <div class="sec discussion" data-magellan-destination="sec4" id="sec4"><h2 class="A"> Discussion and conclusion</h2> <p class="p"> The BJP is one of the most successful PRR parties in the world. It has governed India since 2014, winning two consecutive general elections and establishing itself as the dominant force in India's political system (Chhibber and Verma <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref23"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chhibber and Verma</span>2019</a>). During its time in power, the party has introduced numerous policy measures that have undermined liberal democracy, particularly as regards minority rights, the independence of the judiciary and the media, and repression of dissent (Gudavarthy <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref29"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Gudavarthy</span>2018</a>; McDonnell and Cabrera <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref41"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference McDonnell and Cabrera</span>2019</a>). While scholarship in recent years has detailed how the BJP now espouses a PRR ideological platform, researchers have not yet established whether this PRR supply is matched by a similar PRR demand. In this study, we therefore investigated whether supporters of India's ruling BJP display stronger PRR attitudes than other citizens, as is the case in Europe, where almost all relevant research on these groups has been conducted.</p> <p class="p"> We focused on the BJP not only due to its objective electoral and political significance, but also because there was reason to think that, differently from Europe, PRR attitudes might not distinguish supporters of the BJP in the same way. The conventional understanding of Indian party politics is that it is not characterized by ideological and programmatic concerns to the same extent as occurs in Western democracies. Rather, support for parties in India is said to be shaped more by pragmatism, clientelism and personalism (Chatterjee <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref17"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chatterjee</span>2004</a>; Hasan <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref30"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hasan, Jayal and Mehta</span>2010</a>; Suri <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref55"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Suri, Suri and Vanaik</span>2013</a>). It could therefore have been that the key pillars of PRR ideology – nativism, populism and authoritarianism – were less relevant in fuelling BJP support than is the case for PRR parties elsewhere.</p> <p class="p"> Our survey, fielded in 2018, encompassed two relative novelties within the literature on PRR support. First, we examined whether BJP supporters are distinctively populist, nativist and authoritarian. While there have been numerous studies over the past decades on either populist or radical right attitudes in Europe, those combining an analysis of populist, nativist and authoritarian attitudes together remain rare. We contend that, since the theoretical literature on PRR supply insists on the presence of all three, the three of them should be examined all together when looking at PRR demand. Second, we measured nativism in terms of both anti-immigrant and ethnocentric attitudes. Since the main ‘non-native’ for the BJP is the Muslim religious minority, only looking at anti-immigration would have given us an incomplete picture of the nativist component of PRR support in India. We would encourage future research to cast a similarly wide net when seeking to analyse nativism, especially in those countries where immigration is not as salient as it is in Western Europe.</p> <p class="p"> Our results demonstrate that BJP supporters are characterized by nativist and populist views that differentiate them from other Indian citizens. Between the two sets of attitudes, nativism is slightly more significant in driving BJP support. By contrast, authoritarianism does not distinguish those who feel close to the BJP from those who do not. This is not to say that BJP supporters are not authoritarian – they are. But so too are many of their fellow citizens, as other recent research has shown (Stokes et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref54"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Stokes, Manevich and Chwe</span>2017</a>: 18). Given that, apart from the BJP and the regional party Shiv Sena, there is not a great supply of authoritarian policies, this indicates a disparity between what most Indian parties such as Congress offer, and what the average Indian wants. It also suggests that the public appetite for the BJP's authoritarian shift is considerable.</p> <p class="p"> Overall, our findings are therefore in line with those from Europe, where a populist worldview, but especially nativist feelings, are consistent predictors of PRR support, while authoritarian attitudes are less so. Our study suggests that, in terms of not only supply, but also demand, the PRR displays similar characteristics in the most disparate contexts. In short: PRR supporters in India adopt largely the same worldview and are moved by analogous considerations as PRR supporters in Western democracies. Our research thus helps redress the strong European (and especially Western European) bias in the literature on PRR attitudes (Castelli Gattinara <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref13"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Castelli Gattinara</span>2020</a>) and furthers our understanding about the extent to which theories about the PRR that are rooted in Western cases can travel.</p> <p class="p"> Finally, by showing that BJP supporters are driven by a coherent set of attitudes and positions that align with the values of the party, our results also reinforce the argument advanced by Chhibber and Verma (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref22"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chhibber and Verma</span>2018</a>) and Adam Auerbach et al. (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref7"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Auerbach, Bussell and Chauchard</span>2021</a>) that contemporary Indian politics should not be seen as chaotic, volatile and non-ideological. Our study, therefore, represents another step away from long-standing depictions of Indian citizens as either passive recipients of material benefits or moved solely by identity considerations. In fact, the ideological congruence between the BJP and its supporters indicates that ideology matters in establishing partisan linkages in India. Certainly, as in most European countries, in India there exists a clear demand for PRR politics, which is matched, and further fuelled, by the BJP's supply under the leadership of Modi.</p> </div> </div> <div class="back"> <div class="notes supplementary-material" data-magellan-destination="nts1" id="nts1"><h2 class="A">Supplementary material</h2> <p class="p"> The supplementary material for this article can be found at <a class="uri" href="https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.18">https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.18</a>.</p> </div> <div class="ack"><h2 class="A"> Acknowledgements</h2> <p class="p"> The survey on which this study is based was funded by the Centre for Governance and Public Policy at Griffith University, Brisbane. We would like to thank Glenn Kefford, Max Grömping, Ferran Martinez i Coma and Lee Morgenbesser for their very helpful comments on an earlier version of this manuscript.</p> </div> </div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="list-divider separator default" data-v-7036083a> <div id="footnotes-list" class="circle-list"><h2>Footnotes</h2> <div data-type="fulltextNote" id="en1" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label">1</span> See the discussion in Castelli Gattinara (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref13"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Castelli Gattinara</span>2020</a>) of how the field is heavily dominated by studies of European radical-right populists. A notable exception relevant to our study is the recent article by Castanho Silva et al. (<a class="xref bibr" href="#ref11"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Castanho Silva, Fuks and Ryô Tamaki</span>2022</a>) on populist and illiberal attitudes in Brazil.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="en2" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label">2</span> Scheduled Castes (SCs), also known as Dalits and formerly referred to as ‘untouchables’, and Scheduled Tribes (STs), also known as Adivasis, the tribal people of India, are among the most disadvantaged socioeconomic groups in India. Other Backward Classes (OBCs) encompass socially and educationally disadvantaged groups that are not included in SCs and STs.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="en3" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label">3</span> The only other contemporary party in India that holds similar PRR positions to the BJP is the regionally based Shiv Sena in Maharashtra (Palshikar <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref45"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Palshikar, de Souza and Sridharan</span>2006</a>; Varshney <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref60"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Varshney and Jayal</span>2019</a>).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="en4" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label">4</span> For example, the report showed that 55% of Indians supported a governing system in which a strong leader can make decisions without interference from parliament or the courts (Stokes et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref54"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Stokes, Manevich and Chwe</span>2017</a>).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="en5" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label">5</span> A local contractor, working with the survey company Qualtrics, contacted individuals in their panel to recruit survey participants. Potential participants were informed about the survey topic and offered material incentives such as shopping coupons or phone credit to participate. Participation was entirely voluntary and subject to the quotas described below.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="en6" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label">6</span> See <a class="uri" href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/IT.NET.USER.ZS?locations=IN">https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/IT.NET.USER.ZS?locations=IN</a>.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="en7" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label">7</span> Table A2 in the Online Appendix lists the seven items used to calculate the index.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="en8" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label">8</span> This resonates with a 2021 Pew Research Center report (Sahgal et al. <a class="xref bibr" href="#ref50"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Sahgal, Evans, Salazar, Starr and Corichi</span>2021</a>), which showed that 57% of Indians considered it ‘very important’ to be a Hindu in order to be truly Indian.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="en9" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label">9</span> The reported coefficients for each variable are expressed as log-odds. 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data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Table 1.</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Descriptive Statistics</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 1" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_tab2.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_tab2.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Table 2.</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Drivers of Closeness to the BJP</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 2" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_fig1.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_fig1.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 1.</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Coefficient Plot of Factors Associated with BJP Support</span></span></p></div> </div></div> </div></div> <div id="supplementary-materials-tab" class="supplementary-materials tab-pane"><div class="materials-table"><div class="materials-table__item"><div class="materials-table__row"><img 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Ammassari",searchUrl:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Sofia%20Ammassari&eventCode=SE-AU",orcidUrl:"https:\u002F\u002Forcid.org\u002F0000-0002-6788-8791"},{givenNames:"Diego",surname:"Fossati",nameStyle:F,affiliations:[{text:"Department of Asian and International Studies at City University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China"}],isCorresponding:c,notes:"\u003Cdiv class=\"corresp\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E*\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ECorresponding author. Email: \u003Ca href=\"mailto:dfossati@cityu.edu.hk\"\u003Edfossati@cityu.edu.hk\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E",isAnonymous:b,fullName:"Diego Fossati",searchUrl:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Diego%20Fossati&eventCode=SE-AU",orcidUrl:"https:\u002F\u002Forcid.org\u002F0000-0003-2493-6834"},{givenNames:"Duncan",surname:"McDonnell",nameStyle:F,affiliations:[{text:am}],isCorresponding:b,notes:a,isAnonymous:b,fullName:"Duncan McDonnell",searchUrl:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Duncan%20McDonnell&eventCode=SE-AU",orcidUrl:g}]},translators:{contributors:[],label:"Translated by"}},collections:[],publishedDate:"07 June 2022",keywords:[{url:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters[keywords]=populism",name:"populism"},{url:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters[keywords]=nativism",name:"nativism"},{url:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters[keywords]=authoritarianism",name:"authoritarianism"},{url:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters[keywords]=public opinion",name:"public opinion"},{url:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters[keywords]=India",name:"India"}],openPracticeBadges:[],doi:{url:"https:\u002F\u002Fdoi.org\u002F10.1017\u002Fgov.2022.18",value:"10.1017\u002Fgov.2022.18"},copyright:{statement:["Copyright © The Author(s), 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Government and Opposition Limited"],holder:["The Author(s)"],year:[2022]},creativeCommons:g,acceptedManuscript:b,type:"research-article",pageRange:{range:"807 - 823",firstPage:"807",lastPage:"823"},typeDescription:"Article",resultTypes:[],commentsCount:an,topicsAndSubtopics:g},journal:{id:ao,title:u,titleSlug:ap,mnemonic:"GOV",titleHistory:[],isFirstView:b,journalSlug:ap,isCompanion:b,parentCompanionJournalName:u,associatedParentCollection:g,paymentInfo:{prices:{"£":{price:21,sku:v,skuNew:q,currency:"£"},"€":{price:24,sku:v,skuNew:q,currency:"€"},US$:{price:26,sku:v,skuNew:q,currency:"US$"},AU$:{price:41,sku:v,skuNew:q,currency:"AU$"}}},url:aq,firstViewUrl:"\u002Fcore\u002Fjournals\u002Fgovernment-and-opposition\u002Ffirstview",coverUrl:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fcovers\u002FGOV_0_0_0\u002Fgovernment-and-opposition.jpg",submitMaterialsUrl:"\u002Fcore\u002Fjournals\u002Fgovernment-and-opposition\u002Finformation\u002Fauthor-instructions\u002Fsubmitting-your-materials",hasHistory:b,latestTitle:u,latestId:ao,hasPastTitle:b,issue:{id:"F4742C5F735C66F417C68D089A6C5A6D",number:ar,title:"Issue 4",publishedDate:as,printPublishTimestamp:at,url:au},volume:{id:"AF0FC997645B7AF63AB5125D1BBB157A",number:"58",title:"Volume 58",publishedDate:as,printPublishTimestamp:at,url:"\u002Fcore\u002Fjournals\u002Fgovernment-and-opposition\u002Fvolume\u002FAF0FC997645B7AF63AB5125D1BBB157A"}},abstract:{textAbstracts:[{title:"Abstract",content:"\u003Cdiv class=\"abstract\" data-abstract-type=\"normal\"\u003E\u003Cp\u003EWhile India's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has become recognized as a populist radical right (PRR) party under the leadership of Narendra Modi, we do not know whether this PRR supply is matched yet by PRR attitudes among its supporters. Using an original survey, we therefore investigate: Do BJP supporters display PRR attitudes? We find that those who feel close to the BJP have stronger populist and nativist attitudes than other Indian citizens. However, authoritarianism is not a distinguishing feature of BJP supporters. We argue that the similarities between the drivers of support for European PRR parties and for the BJP reinforce the idea that radical right populism is a coherent global phenomenon both in terms of supply and demand. Finally, we discuss how our study shows that party support in India is more ideologically rooted than has previously been thought.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E",lang:av}]},content:{html:"\u003Cdiv class=\"article research-article NLM\"\u003E\n\n\u003Cdiv class=\"body\"\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E Populist radical right (PRR) parties and leaders have been on the rise in recent decades, achieving record electoral results in countries such as France and Chile, and even entering government in others such as Italy and the United States. This growth has led to increasing concerns about the health of liberal democracy across the globe, including in the world's largest democracy, India (Mudde \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref43\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mudde\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Varshney \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref60\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Varshney and Jayal\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Under the leadership of Narendra Modi since 2013, India's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP – Indian People's Party) has enjoyed unprecedented success, winning general elections in 2014 and 2019. Along with guiding the BJP into its longest period of unbroken government, Modi has also added a clear populist dimension, and radicalized further to the right, what was previously seen primarily as a Hindu nationalist party (Chatterjee \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref18\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chatterjee\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Consequently, while the BJP had not been included among cases of PRR parties before Modi, scholars in recent years have increasingly treated it as such, due to its embrace of all three PRR pillars: nativism, authoritarianism and populism (Chacko and Jayasuriya \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref14\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chacko and Jayasuriya\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Chatterji et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref20\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chatterji, Hansen, Jaffrelot, Chatterji, Hansen and Jaffrelot\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; McDonnell and Cabrera \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref41\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference McDonnell and Cabrera\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E However, if the supply side of the BJP is now firmly PRR, we do not know if this also holds true for the party's supporters. It might appear at first glance obvious that those who support a PRR party will hold PRR attitudes, as research has shown occurs in Europe (Rooduijn \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref49\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Rooduijn\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref58\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). However, there is reason to believe this may not work in the same way in India. Given there are long-standing claims that political participation in India is driven by patron–client relationships, vote banks and personalism rather than ideological concerns (Chatterjee \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref17\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chatterjee\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2004\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Hasan \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref30\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hasan, Jayal and Mehta\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2010\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Suri \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref55\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Suri, Suri and Vanaik\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2013\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), BJP support may be less rooted in the combination of nativism, authoritarianism and populism than is the case for European PRR support. Considering that what we know about the PRR, and especially PRR attitudes, is overwhelmingly based on European cases (in particular Western European ones), the BJP thus offers us an opportunity to investigate whether existing theory about PRR attitudes applies to supporters of what is arguably the most significant PRR party outside Europe, if not in the world, and whether PRR supporters display a distinctive and coherent set of attitudes regardless of the sociopolitical context in which they are embedded.\u003Ca class=\"xref fn\" href=\"#en1\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E In this article, we therefore use an original survey fielded in 2018, four years after Modi and his party took power, to investigate the following question: Do BJP supporters display PRR attitudes?\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E The article proceeds as follows. In the next section, we explain the theoretical background to our study, discussing the core PRR ideas and how they are manifested in the BJP. We then use existing work on PRR support to formulate our hypotheses. Thereafter, we set out our approach and methods, before presenting the results of our online survey conducted with 1,526 respondents. We find, firstly, that – as is the case for PRR supporters in Europe – those who feel close to the BJP have stronger populist and, in particular, nativist attitudes than other Indian citizens. However, authoritarian attitudes are not a distinguishing feature of BJP supporters given that these are widespread among all respondents, irrespective of their partisan attachments. In the concluding section, we argue that the similarities between the drivers of support for European PRR parties and for the BJP reinforce the idea that radical right populism is a coherent global phenomenon both in terms of supply and demand. Finally, we discuss how our study shows that party support in India is more ideologically rooted than has previously been thought. Like in many other democracies, there is a distinct demand among the Indian public for a nativist and populist offer, which the BJP has been able to deliver since Modi took over in 2013.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" data-magellan-destination=\"sec1\" id=\"sec1\"\u003E\u003Ch2 class=\"A\"\u003E Radical right populism and supporter attitudes\u003C\u002Fh2\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E PRR parties like the French Rassemblement National (RN – National Rally) and the Lega (League) in Italy are said to share a fundamental set of ideas, namely nativism, authoritarianism and populism (Mudde \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref43\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mudde\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). As Cas Mudde (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref43\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mudde\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: 22) explains, nativism ‘holds that states should be inhabited exclusively by members of the native group (the nation) and that non-native (or alien) elements are fundamentally threatening to the homogeneous nation-state’. In Europe, non-natives for the PRR tend to be immigrants, especially in recent decades those from Muslim countries; but they can also include minority groups of different ethnicities that have been long present within a country, such as Romany communities in the case of Hungary (Pirro \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref47\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Pirro\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). The nativism of the PRR is thus a combination of anti-immigrant attitudes and ethnocentrism. Regarding authoritarianism, we follow Bart Bonikowski (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref10\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Bonikowski\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: 189–190), who characterizes it as a ‘style of governance that attempts to circumvent the rule of law and democratic norms in favour of centralized authority and limited political freedom’. Nativism and authoritarianism are complemented in the PRR by a populist worldview that considers the beliefs, prosperity and sovereignty of a ‘virtuous’ and ‘homogenous’ people to be under attack from ‘bad’ elites, with the latter usually including a mixture of other political forces, the media, big business, the judiciary, bureaucrats, international organizations, academics and so on (Albertazzi and McDonnell \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref4\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Albertazzi and McDonnell\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: 4–6). Invoking a sense of imminent crisis, radical right populists present themselves as the sole defenders of a sole true people and, indeed, of national democracy itself. However, while populism is not anti-democratic per se, it is at odds with the principles of liberal democracy (Albertazzi and McDonnell \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref4\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Albertazzi and McDonnell\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Mudde \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref43\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mudde\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E Since Narendra Modi became party leader, the BJP has increasingly been seen not only as a Hindu nationalist party, but as a PRR one (McDonnell and Cabrera \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref41\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference McDonnell and Cabrera\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Varshney \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref60\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Varshney and Jayal\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). The BJP was founded in 1980 as the political arm of the Sangh Parivar, an umbrella of organizations committed to Hindu nationalism, or Hindutva, which are active in a wide range of sectors, from education to social welfare (Andersen and Damle \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref5\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Andersen and Damle\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Sarkar \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref51\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Sarkar\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). The most prominent of these organizations, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS – National Volunteer Organization), can be considered not only the ideological parent of the BJP, but an essential source of the party's personnel, since almost the entire leadership and cadre base of the BJP come from the RSS (Jha \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref35\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Jha\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: 131). Until the 1980s, the Hindu nationalist project was rooted in an elitist philosophy, and this was reflected in the fact that both leaders and members of the Sangh Parivar were predominantly from upper-caste backgrounds (Thachil \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref56\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Thachil\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: 41). With the increasing mobilization of lower castes by regional caste-based parties like the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), however, the BJP realized the need to expand its electoral base beyond its traditional core of supporters, and to mobilize the Hindu population on the basis of a pan-Hindu identity (Thachil \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref56\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Thachil\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). This strategy of electoral expansion began in the 1980s, but under Modi reached unprecedented success, with the BJP making substantial gains among Other Backward Classes (OBCs), Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) at the 2014 and 2019 national elections (Chhibber and Verma \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref23\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chhibber and Verma\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003Ca class=\"xref fn\" href=\"#en2\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E2\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E The triumph of the BJP under Modi's leadership has been marked by the party's radicalization further to the right, and its embrace of the three core pillars of PRR ideology: populism, nativism and authoritarianism (Chatterji et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref20\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chatterji, Hansen, Jaffrelot, Chatterji, Hansen and Jaffrelot\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; McDonnell and Cabrera \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref41\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference McDonnell and Cabrera\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003Ca class=\"xref fn\" href=\"#en3\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E3\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E Initially, scholars associated populism specifically with Modi rather than with the party, by focusing on his campaigning style (Chakravartty and Roy \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref15\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chakravartty and Roy\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2016\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Jaffrelot \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref34\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Jaffrelot\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) and mobilization strategies (Kenny \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref37\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Kenny\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). However, there is now widespread recognition that the BJP under Modi promotes a set of ideas that must be understood within the context of the global right-wing populist wave (Chacko and Jayasuriya \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref14\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chacko and Jayasuriya\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; McDonnell and Cabrera \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref41\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference McDonnell and Cabrera\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Sircar \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref53\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Sircar\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). The party conceives of ‘the people’ in cultural terms as the Hindu community (the nation's religious majority) and it highlights the differences between Hindus and Muslims while underplaying caste divisions within Hindu society (Varshney \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref60\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Varshney and Jayal\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). This framing has helped the BJP to de-emphasize its previous image as an upper-caste party mainly confined to northern India and appeal to a much wider social base (Chhibber and Verma \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref23\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chhibber and Verma\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Jha \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref35\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Jha\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Kumar \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref38\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Kumar\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E In the BJP's worldview, Hindus are portrayed as being oppressed by the presence of ‘dangerous others’ within Indian society, especially Muslims. It claims that the latter not only espouse values that are incompatible with those of the true Indian people, but also pose a series of threats to the Indian nation, ranging from demographic ones concerning their increasing population to sexual ones, with Muslim men depicted as predatory and violent figures (Chatterji \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref19\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chatterji, Chatterji, Hansen and Jaffrelot\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). In addition to being menaced from below, the people are cast as under siege from above by political, cultural, media and financial elites, culpable of being self-interested and detached from Hindu identity and traditions (McDonnell and Cabrera \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref41\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference McDonnell and Cabrera\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Moreover, the elites from the BJP's main opponent, the Indian National Congress (traditionally India's dominant party), are accused of favouring Muslims over Hindus by providing special benefits in exchange for electoral support. In order to counter these threats to the people and the expression of their will, the BJP has adopted authoritarian measures since taking power in 2014 that have weakened the pillars of India's liberal democracy, for instance by labelling protests as ‘anti-national’ and violently suppressing them, imposing new restrictions on NGOs, and interfering with the independence of the judiciary and the media (Gudavarthy \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref29\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Gudavarthy\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Varshney \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref60\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Varshney and Jayal\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E In this study we investigate whether the distinct PRR supply of the BJP is matched by a similarly distinct PRR demand among its electorate. Demand and supply of course interact in determining support for PRR parties. As Frank Mols and Jolanda Jetten (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref42\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mols and Jetten\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) show, the latter supply a series of frames and narratives that derive from, and further fuel, a range of grievances already present within society. This loop mechanism is often enhanced by a leader who can create ‘a sense of shared victimhood’ among the people (Mols and Jetten \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref42\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mols and Jetten\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: 9). In the case of the BJP, as Nitasha Kaul (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref36\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Kaul\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) writes, Modi presented himself as a national leader who could take the Hindu people back to a glorious past. Furthermore, his popularity is also a product of the proselytizing work of the RSS, and the unprecedented amount of campaign spending that the BJP invested in vote mobilizers and media to promote his image (Chhibber and Ostermann \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref21\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chhibber and Ostermann\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Jaffrelot \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref34\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Jaffrelot\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Kaul \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref36\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Kaul\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). While we recognize the importance that such a solid PRR supply can have in determining support for the BJP, in this article we focus on a more overlooked, demand-side, aspect of the BJP's success, namely the prevalence of PRR attitudes in India and their role in determining support for the party. In other words, we ask: Are BJP supporters characterized by populist, nativist and authoritarian attitudes that distinguish them from supporters of other Indian parties?\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E Research in Europe and elsewhere has shown that support for PRR parties and leaders is underpinned by populist and nativist attitudes among the citizenry, but less so by authoritarian attitudes. While the recent study by Bruno Castanho Silva et al. (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref11\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Castanho Silva, Fuks and Ryô Tamaki\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2022\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) found that populist attitudes do not drive support for Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, this is very much an exception. In fact, populist attitudes characterize supporters of populist parties and leaders in an array of countries, such as the Netherlands, the US, Greece and Chile (Akkerman et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref2\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Akkerman, Mudde and Zaslove\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Hawkins et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref31\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hawkins, Rovira Kaltwasser and Andreadis\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Oliver and Rahn \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref44\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Oliver and Rahn\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2016\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). As regards nativism, scholars have focused mostly on anti-immigration feelings among PRR supporters rather than a wider range of nativist positions, thus overlooking the dimension of ethnocentrism. This likely reflects the fact that the main ‘other’ for most European PRR parties are immigrants (particularly from Muslim countries) rather than long-standing ethnic minorities within countries. That aside, comparative studies across several European countries have shown that anti-immigration attitudes are systematically associated with support for a PRR party (Arzheimer and Carter \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref6\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Arzheimer and Carter\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2009\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Lubbers et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref40\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Lubbers, Gijsberts and Scheepers\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2002\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Werts et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref61\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Werts, Scheepers and Lubbers\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2012\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). The evidence for authoritarianism, however, is not as straightforward, with studies coming to different conclusions about the role of these attitudes in explaining PRR support (Donovan \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref25\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Donovan\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Dunn \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref26\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Dunn\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Lubbers and Coenders \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref39\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Lubbers and Coenders\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2016\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Werts et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref61\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Werts, Scheepers and Lubbers\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2012\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). While most analyses have addressed only one or two sets of PRR attitudes, we follow the approach of Agnes Akkerman et al. (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref3\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Akkerman, Zaslove and Spruyt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) and Steven van Hauwaert and Stijn van Kessel (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref58\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) by looking at the combination of all three ideological pillars. This is also because, as Matthijs Rooduijn (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref49\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Rooduijn\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) shows in the case of the Netherlands, the three key ideological features of PRR parties – populism, nativism and authoritarianism – can form a coherent set of attitudes among the public. He concludes therefore that populist, nativist and authoritarian attitudes ‘should be studied in conjunction with each other in order to explain PRR voting behaviour’ rather than separately, as had been done until then (Rooduijn \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref49\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Rooduijn\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: 81).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E As noted in the introduction, there is reason to think there may be differences between the mostly European cases studied to date and the BJP. Researchers have shown that support for PRR parties is as motivated by ideological concerns as support for any other party (Van Der Brug et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref57\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Van der Brug, Fennema and Tillie\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2000\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). However, the characterization of India as a ‘patronage democracy’ (Chandra \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref16\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chandra\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2004\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Kenny \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref37\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Kenny\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) has translated into the prevailing wisdom that contemporary Indian politics is primarily non-ideological and is instead dominated by pragmatism, clientelism and personalism (Chhibber and Verma \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref22\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chhibber and Verma\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Scholars have warned that we should ‘not overemphasize the role of ideology in India's party politics’ (Suri \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref55\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Suri, Suri and Vanaik\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2013\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: 240) because even if parties ‘do profess to stick to their party ideology … in their actual support they seem to be more pragmatic’ (Hasan \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref30\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hasan, Jayal and Mehta\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2010\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: 248). For these reasons, the political behaviour of Indian citizens is rarely described as being guided by ideological and programmatic motivations; rather, it is seen as the outcome of religious and caste considerations (Chandra \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref16\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chandra\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2004\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Heath and Yadav \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref32\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Heath, Yadav, Heath and Jeffery\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2010\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Shah \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref52\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Shah\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2004\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), aimed at accessing state and private resources through clientelist networks (Chatterjee \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref17\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chatterjee\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2004\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Piliavsky \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref46\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Piliavsky\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Ziegfeld \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref63\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ziegfeld\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2016\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), and rooted in trust and feelings of reverence for a strong leader (Sircar \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref53\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Sircar\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Despite recent studies challenging this (for a review, see Auerbach et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref7\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Auerbach, Bussell and Chauchard\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), the dominant view remains that ‘far less “ideology” is observed in India than in consolidated Western democracies’ (Sircar \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref53\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Sircar\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: 15).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E The BJP thus provides an excellent case to investigate the global reach of PRR attitudes, and to assess whether European-derived theories about the PRR are equally applicable in a very different political and cultural context. Since we know that the three key ideological features of PRR supply are populism, nativism and authoritarianism, these give rise to our three hypotheses about PRR demand. The first concerns populist attitudes. In recent years, researchers have used surveys to investigate the extent to which people hold populist beliefs about political and societal issues. Most notably, Akkerman et al. (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref2\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Akkerman, Mudde and Zaslove\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) devised a scale of items to measure populist attitudes among the public. These items tap into the core dimensions of populism: people's sovereignty, antagonism towards the elites, and the Manichean division between ‘good’ and ‘evil’. Researchers have subsequently refined and tested Akkerman et al.'s scale to improve the measurement of individual populist support (Castanho Silva et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref12\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Castanho Silva, Jungkunz and Helbling\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Van Hauwaert et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref59\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Van Hauwaert, Schimpf and Azevedo\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Wuttke et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref62\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wuttke, Schimpf and Schoen\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Scholars have also focused on assessing whether populist attitudes among citizens translate into support for populist parties. Their findings, which are largely consistent across both single-case (Akkerman et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref2\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Akkerman, Mudde and Zaslove\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref3\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Akkerman, Zaslove and Spruyt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Oliver and Rahn 2016; Rooduijn \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref49\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Rooduijn\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) and comparative studies (Hawkins et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref31\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hawkins, Rovira Kaltwasser and Andreadis\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref58\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), show that citizens with stronger populist attitudes are more likely to support populist parties. Based on this research, we expect to find that:\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"statement other\" data-magellan-destination=\"st1\" id=\"st1\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EHypothesis 1:\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ESupporters of the BJP are characterized by stronger populist attitudes than supporters of other Indian parties.\u003C\u002Fem\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E The second component of the PRR worldview is nativism. This is the central ideological tenet of the PRR party family (Mudde \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref43\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mudde\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), and successful PRR parties are those that are able to mobilize grievances over non-native elements within society (Ivarsflaten \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref33\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ivarsflaten\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2008\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Depending on whether ethnic minorities or immigrants constitute the main ‘non-native’ for a PRR party, nativism can be more driven by ethnocentrism or anti-immigrant attitudes. In Europe, where immigration is a constantly salient issue, negative attitudes towards immigrants are the strongest predictor of PRR support (Lubbers et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref40\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Lubbers, Gijsberts and Scheepers\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2002\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Werts et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref61\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Werts, Scheepers and Lubbers\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2012\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). While research to date in Europe has focused on anti-immigration as the key indicator of nativist attitudes, our analysis will comprise both ethnocentrism and anti-immigration. This is especially important in India, given that, more than immigrants and refugees from Muslim-majority neighbouring countries, the principal ‘non-native’ for the BJP is the Muslim minority that has been present for centuries (McDonnell and Cabrera \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref41\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference McDonnell and Cabrera\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Considering the relevance of nativism to the BJP's ideological platform, and its importance in explaining PRR support elsewhere, our second hypothesis therefore proposes that:\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"statement other\" data-magellan-destination=\"st2\" id=\"st2\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EHypothesis 2:\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ESupporters of the BJP are characterized by stronger nativist attitudes than supporters of other Indian parties.\u003C\u002Fem\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E The third component of the PRR worldview is authoritarianism. Research to date has shown that authoritarian attitudes are not a consistent predictor of support for the PRR in the same way as nativism and populism are. For example, while Rooduijn (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref49\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Rooduijn\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) demonstrates how authoritarian attitudes in the Netherlands help explain support for the Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV – Party for Freedom), Akkerman et al. (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref3\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Akkerman, Zaslove and Spruyt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) arrive at the opposite conclusion: that authoritarianism does not distinguish PVV supporters. Likewise, Han Werts et al. (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref61\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Werts, Scheepers and Lubbers\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2012\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) find that authoritarianism is not a significant driver of PRR support in their analysis of 18 European countries, but Marcel Lubbers and Marcel Coenders (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref39\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Lubbers and Coenders\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2016\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) in their study of almost the same set of countries conclude that authoritarianism is in fact significant. This uncertainty regarding the role of authoritarianism is reinforced by Kris Dunn (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref26\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Dunn\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: 376), who shows that authoritarian attitudes underpin PRR support in only two of the five Western European states he examines (Denmark and Switzerland). In light of these mixed findings, it is hard to make predictions about authoritarian attitudes among BJP supporters with the same confidence as we did for nativism and populism. Moreover, the picture is further complicated by the fact that, according to a 2017 Pew Research Center report, many Indians hold authoritarian views, and support for an autocratic regime is higher there than in any other country that was surveyed (Stokes et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref54\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Stokes, Manevich and Chwe\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: 18).\u003Ca class=\"xref fn\" href=\"#en4\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E4\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Nonetheless, given that the theoretical literature has long affirmed the presence of authoritarianism in PRR party ideology, we (tentatively) opt for a hypothesis confirming this presence also on the demand side. We thus envisage that, even if authoritarian views are widespread in India, supporters of the BJP should hold even stronger ones.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"statement other\" data-magellan-destination=\"st3\" id=\"st3\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EHypothesis 3:\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ESupporters of the BJP are characterized by stronger authoritarian attitudes than supporters of other Indian parties.\u003C\u002Fem\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" data-magellan-destination=\"sec2\" id=\"sec2\"\u003E\u003Ch2 class=\"A\"\u003E Data and method\u003C\u002Fh2\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E Our empirical analysis is based on an original survey conducted online with a sample of Indian respondents. Participants were recruited using a local contractor, which offered material incentives in exchange for participation.\u003Ca class=\"xref fn\" href=\"#en5\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E5\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Between August and September 2018, 1,526 respondents took the survey on an online platform that allowed them to access the questionnaire (provided in Hindi, or, on request, in English) through personal computers, tablets or smartphones. Given that less than half of Indians had internet access in 2018,\u003Ca class=\"xref fn\" href=\"#en6\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E6\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E our methodology necessarily excludes an important section of the Indian population. Nevertheless, we are confident in our ability to extrapolate meaningfully from our sample. First, while the use of non-random samples such as samples from online panels is generally discouraged for descriptive inferences about a population, online samples are considered as adequate to study relationships between variables, and to analyse political ideology in particular (Baker et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref8\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Baker and Brick\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2013\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Clifford et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref24\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Clifford, Jewell and Waggoner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Second, to ensure the representativeness of the sample, quotas for age, gender, region (rural\u002Furban), education and religion were applied. The resulting sample contained considerable diversity in terms of sociodemographic factors, as shown in Table A1 of the Online Appendix, where we compare the applied population quotas and sample proportions for these five variables. For example, our sample includes substantial numbers of respondents who are typically underrepresented in online samples, such as women (45.3%), individuals with low education (49.5% have attained elementary education or less), and older respondents (15.3% of the sample are at least 55 years old). These figures show that our sample presents sufficient heterogeneity to explore our hypotheses.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E To gauge support for the BJP, our dependent variable, we use an indicator of partisanship that captures closeness to the party, for which we ask respondents to say if they feel not close at all, not very close, close, or very close to the BJP. We opted for partisanship rather than vote for the BJP given the increasing tendency among Indian electors to engage in split-ticket voting by favouring the BJP at the national level, but not necessarily at the state one (Aiyar and Sircar \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref1\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Aiyar and Sircar\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Overall, support for the BJP is quite high in our sample, as 45% of respondents feel very close to the party, 29.3% feel close, 16.3% not very close and the remaining 9.5% not close at all.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E To measure populism, we follow Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref58\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) and develop an index of populist attitudes based on seven items designed to measure support for a populist worldview. While some, such as Alexander Wuttke et al. (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref62\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wuttke, Schimpf and Schoen\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), have proposed to conceptualize populism as a non-compensatory, multidimensional construct, we adopted a well-tested approach in which populism can be conceptualized as anti-elitism, combined with a strong preference for popular sovereignty. The statements in our survey items enunciate populist tropes such as the contraposition between a virtuous people and corrupt elites, the idea that decisions should be taken by the people rather than professional politicians, and a distaste for political compromise. Respondents express their agreement or disagreement with each item using a Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree; 2 = disagree; 3 = neither agree nor disagree; 4 = agree; 5 = strongly agree). An index is then built by calculating the mean value of these responses.\u003Ca class=\"xref fn\" href=\"#en7\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E7\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E This scale, which has already been applied in studies of populism in Asia (Fossati and Mietzner \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref28\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Fossati and Mietzner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), is a reliable indicator of populist attitudes in our sample (α = 0.78). Most respondents could be described as populist in their worldview, as the median value for the index is 4.43 and 77.9% score an index value between 4 and 5.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E As discussed in the previous section, we understand nativism as consisting of a combination of ethnocentric attitudes and anti-immigrant sentiments. For ethnocentrism, we ask about agreement with the following statements: ‘Other cultures should be more like my culture’ and ‘I dislike interacting with people from different cultures’ (Bizumic et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref9\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Bizumic, Monaghan and Priest\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). For anti-immigrant attitudes, the statements are: ‘Immigrants increase crime rates’ and ‘Immigrants take jobs away from people who were born in India’ (Lubbers and Coenders \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref39\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Lubbers and Coenders\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2016\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). We compute the arithmetic mean of these four items to build an index similar to our indicator of populism, where higher index scores denote a higher level of nativism. This measurement also presents high levels of reliability (α = 0.79), and respondents display overall lower levels of nativism than populism with a median index value of 3.75. Given the BJP's Hindutva ideological platform, we also thought it useful to measure support for Hindu nationalism among respondents. To do so, we use an indicator regularly employed in research on national identity (Reeskens and Hooghe \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref48\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Reeskens and Hooghe\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2010\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), which asks how important it is to be a Hindu to be ‘truly Indian’. Of our sample, 70% describes this factor as somewhat or very important to be Indian.\u003Ca class=\"xref fn\" href=\"#en8\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E8\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Finally, we operationalize authoritarianism with a commonly used question in survey research (Donovan \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref25\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Donovan\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), namely one that asks for agreement or disagreement that ‘India needs a strong leader who can disregard the law for the good of the people.’ In accordance with previous research, which has suggested that authoritarian values are widespread among the Indian public (Stokes et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref54\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Stokes, Manevich and Chwe\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), our respondents largely support this idea, as 55.3% of the sample strongly agree with this statement.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E We also include in our models a series of sociodemographic variables that may be associated with political attitudes and behaviour, namely age, gender, religion (Hindu versus minority), place of residence (rural versus urban), education and income (measured with ordinal variables with four education levels and five income brackets). \u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#tab01\"\u003ETable 1\u003C\u002Fa\u003E reports descriptive statistics for all the measures we use, and a correlation matrix is included in the Online Appendix (Table A3).\n\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap\" data-magellan-destination=\"tab01\" id=\"tab01\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003ETable 1.\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Descriptive Statistics\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003Cspan\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_tab1.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image\" width=\"629\" height=\"336\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_tab1.png\" data-zoomable=\"true\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E In the next section, we estimate a series of ordered logistic models in which closeness to the BJP is a function of the indexes of populist, nativist and authoritarian attitudes. In each model, we investigate how robust the findings are to inclusion or exclusion of the various covariates. Missing values are handled with listwise deletion.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" data-magellan-destination=\"sec3\" id=\"sec3\"\u003E\u003Ch2 class=\"A\"\u003E BJP supporter attitudes\u003C\u002Fh2\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E \u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#tab02\"\u003ETable 2\u003C\u002Fa\u003E reports estimation results for a set of models in which our indicator of ‘closeness’ measures support for the BJP.\u003Ca class=\"xref fn\" href=\"#en9\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E9\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E The four models differ in the covariates they include. All of them are estimated with the sociodemographic variables: the first includes the index of populist attitudes, the second the index of nativism and our measure for Hindu nationalism, the third our measure of authoritarianism, and the fourth estimates coefficients for all the ideological pillars combined. \u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#tab02\"\u003ETable 2\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows that populist attitudes are estimated to have a positive and significant relationship with identification with the BJP in all models in which the index is included, although the magnitude of the coefficient varies with model specification. Using the full model (Model 4) as a basis for calculation, a respondent with strong populist views has a higher expected probability of feeling very close to the BJP than one scoring lower levels of populist attitudes. For example, a populism score of 4.5 is associated with an expected probability of 45.6%, while a score of 3 has an expected probability of 28.9%.\n\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap\" data-magellan-destination=\"tab02\" id=\"tab02\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003ETable 2.\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Drivers of Closeness to the BJP\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003Cspan\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_tab2.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image\" width=\"1014\" height=\"581\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_tab2.png\" data-zoomable=\"true\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap-foot\"\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"fn-group footnotes\"\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"fn\" data-magellan-destination=\"tfn2_1\" id=\"tfn2_1\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ENotes\u003C\u002Fem\u003E: Standard errors in parentheses. *** \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Ep\u003C\u002Fem\u003E < 0.001, ** \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Ep\u003C\u002Fem\u003E < 0.01, * \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Ep\u003C\u002Fem\u003E < 0.05.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E A similar pattern can be identified with respect to nativism, also a strong driver of closeness to the BJP in all models. Using again the illustration of how different index values are associated with identification with this party, the expected probability of feeling very close to the BJP rises from 34.6% in a respondent with a nativism index score of 3 to 53.5% for an index value of 4.5. Nativism thus appears to be a slightly more powerful driver of BJP support than populism. Our results are similar for Hindu nationalism. For instance, a respondent who believes Hinduism is not at all important for being Indian has an estimated probability of feeling very close to the BJP of 25.1%, but this figure rises to 53.1% among those who say being Hindu is very important to being Indian. Individuals who feel close to the BJP can therefore be described as significantly more nativist, more populist and more Hindu nationalist than those who do not feel close to the party. The fact that Hindu respondents are also substantially more likely to report feeling close to this party (more precisely, their estimated probability of feeling very close to the BJP is 11.6% higher than for non-Hindus) is related to the high levels of nativism in the BJP support base, and resonates with the polarization patterns between Hindus and religious minorities discussed above.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E A different picture, however, emerges for authoritarian values, which do not appear to be systematically and consistently linked with closeness to the BJP. In Model 3, which only includes demographic covariates and the authoritarianism measure, the latter is significant and positively signed, suggesting that higher levels of authoritarian attitudes are indeed more likely among those who feel close or very close to the BJP. Nevertheless, the estimated coefficient in Model 4, where all PRR attitudes are included, is much more modest in magnitude and not significant at conventional levels. Based on this evidence, we can conclude that BJP supporters are no more likely to present strong authoritarian attitudes than those who do not report feeling close to the party. In short, they are distinctly nativist and populist, endorsing two of the three ideological orientations that are typically associated with PRR parties. At the same time, however, authoritarianism does not seem to be an exclusive feature of BJP supporters, but is instead more widely distributed among Indian citizens.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E The coefficient plot reported in \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#fig01\"\u003EFigure 1\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, based on the full model, summarizes the estimation results and displays the substantial difference between the effect of nativist and populist attitudes and that of authoritarianism. The plotted coefficients also show the estimated association between BJP support and the various demographic indicators we have included in the model. In addition to religion, the only other covariate that displays a significant association with the dependent variable is education, as its estimated coefficients indicate that respondents with higher educational levels are systematically less likely to feel close to the BJP. The probability of feeling very close to the BJP is estimated at 56.1% among respondents who have attained primary education or less, 32.2% for those with middle-school education, 30.2% among respondents who have finished high school and 26.5% for college-educated respondents. BJP supporters are therefore more likely to be individuals with lower educational attainment, which reflects the party's expansion of its social base under Modi's leadership (Chhibber and Verma \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref23\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chhibber and Verma\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). The negative relationship between education levels and BJP support does not, however, contradict the fact that the BJP is popular among upper-middle and upper classes (Fernandes \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref27\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Fernandes and Jacobsen\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). On the contrary, and together with the finding that income does not appear to have a linear relationship with support for the party, our results reinforce the idea that the Modi-led BJP's narrative appeals both to those who directly benefit from economic liberalization, and to those who struggle with it (Fernandes \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref27\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Fernandes and Jacobsen\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: 239). This is at least partially thanks to Modi's ability to speak to different constituencies (Jha \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref35\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Jha\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Kaul \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref36\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Kaul\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\n\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig fig\" data-magellan-destination=\"fig01\" id=\"fig01\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_fig1.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image\" width=\"1373\" height=\"899\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231102105445070-0306:S0017257X22000185:S0017257X22000185_fig1.png\" data-zoomable=\"true\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E \u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 1.\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Coefficient Plot of Factors Associated with BJP Support\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E As for the other covariates, age and gender are not associated with BJP closeness and are not significant drivers of support for the BJP. These findings are not overly surprising given that an increasing number of women have voted for the BJP since Modi took over, as have young people. Or, as Pradeep Chhibber and Rahul Verma (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref23\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chhibber and Verma\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: 139) put it, ‘the traditional BJP voter was more likely to be male and older, whereas the newer BJP voter is equally likely to be female and young’.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E To probe the robustness of our findings, in the Online Appendix we have re-estimated the models reported in \u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#tab02\"\u003ETable 2\u003C\u002Fa\u003E with a measure of support for Narendra Modi, who has led the BJP's full embrace of radical right populism and guided the party to unprecedented levels of success. Specifically, we have used a five-point Likert scale to measure if respondents strongly disagree, somewhat disagree, neither agree nor disagree, somewhat agree, or strongly agree that Modi is the right person to lead India. When the models are estimated with this dependent variable, all of the substantive results reported above hold (see Online Appendix, Table A4). This test reassures us that our findings are not sensitive to specific operationalizations of the dependent variable.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"sec discussion\" data-magellan-destination=\"sec4\" id=\"sec4\"\u003E\u003Ch2 class=\"A\"\u003E Discussion and conclusion\u003C\u002Fh2\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E The BJP is one of the most successful PRR parties in the world. It has governed India since 2014, winning two consecutive general elections and establishing itself as the dominant force in India's political system (Chhibber and Verma \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref23\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chhibber and Verma\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). During its time in power, the party has introduced numerous policy measures that have undermined liberal democracy, particularly as regards minority rights, the independence of the judiciary and the media, and repression of dissent (Gudavarthy \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref29\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Gudavarthy\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; McDonnell and Cabrera \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref41\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference McDonnell and Cabrera\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). While scholarship in recent years has detailed how the BJP now espouses a PRR ideological platform, researchers have not yet established whether this PRR supply is matched by a similar PRR demand. In this study, we therefore investigated whether supporters of India's ruling BJP display stronger PRR attitudes than other citizens, as is the case in Europe, where almost all relevant research on these groups has been conducted.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E We focused on the BJP not only due to its objective electoral and political significance, but also because there was reason to think that, differently from Europe, PRR attitudes might not distinguish supporters of the BJP in the same way. The conventional understanding of Indian party politics is that it is not characterized by ideological and programmatic concerns to the same extent as occurs in Western democracies. Rather, support for parties in India is said to be shaped more by pragmatism, clientelism and personalism (Chatterjee \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref17\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chatterjee\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2004\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Hasan \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref30\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hasan, Jayal and Mehta\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2010\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Suri \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref55\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Suri, Suri and Vanaik\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2013\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). It could therefore have been that the key pillars of PRR ideology – nativism, populism and authoritarianism – were less relevant in fuelling BJP support than is the case for PRR parties elsewhere.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E Our survey, fielded in 2018, encompassed two relative novelties within the literature on PRR support. First, we examined whether BJP supporters are distinctively populist, nativist and authoritarian. While there have been numerous studies over the past decades on either populist or radical right attitudes in Europe, those combining an analysis of populist, nativist and authoritarian attitudes together remain rare. We contend that, since the theoretical literature on PRR supply insists on the presence of all three, the three of them should be examined all together when looking at PRR demand. Second, we measured nativism in terms of both anti-immigrant and ethnocentric attitudes. Since the main ‘non-native’ for the BJP is the Muslim religious minority, only looking at anti-immigration would have given us an incomplete picture of the nativist component of PRR support in India. We would encourage future research to cast a similarly wide net when seeking to analyse nativism, especially in those countries where immigration is not as salient as it is in Western Europe.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E Our results demonstrate that BJP supporters are characterized by nativist and populist views that differentiate them from other Indian citizens. Between the two sets of attitudes, nativism is slightly more significant in driving BJP support. By contrast, authoritarianism does not distinguish those who feel close to the BJP from those who do not. This is not to say that BJP supporters are not authoritarian – they are. But so too are many of their fellow citizens, as other recent research has shown (Stokes et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref54\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Stokes, Manevich and Chwe\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: 18). Given that, apart from the BJP and the regional party Shiv Sena, there is not a great supply of authoritarian policies, this indicates a disparity between what most Indian parties such as Congress offer, and what the average Indian wants. It also suggests that the public appetite for the BJP's authoritarian shift is considerable.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E Overall, our findings are therefore in line with those from Europe, where a populist worldview, but especially nativist feelings, are consistent predictors of PRR support, while authoritarian attitudes are less so. Our study suggests that, in terms of not only supply, but also demand, the PRR displays similar characteristics in the most disparate contexts. In short: PRR supporters in India adopt largely the same worldview and are moved by analogous considerations as PRR supporters in Western democracies. Our research thus helps redress the strong European (and especially Western European) bias in the literature on PRR attitudes (Castelli Gattinara \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref13\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Castelli Gattinara\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) and furthers our understanding about the extent to which theories about the PRR that are rooted in Western cases can travel.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E Finally, by showing that BJP supporters are driven by a coherent set of attitudes and positions that align with the values of the party, our results also reinforce the argument advanced by Chhibber and Verma (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref22\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chhibber and Verma\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) and Adam Auerbach et al. (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref7\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Auerbach, Bussell and Chauchard\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) that contemporary Indian politics should not be seen as chaotic, volatile and non-ideological. Our study, therefore, represents another step away from long-standing depictions of Indian citizens as either passive recipients of material benefits or moved solely by identity considerations. In fact, the ideological congruence between the BJP and its supporters indicates that ideology matters in establishing partisan linkages in India. Certainly, as in most European countries, in India there exists a clear demand for PRR politics, which is matched, and further fuelled, by the BJP's supply under the leadership of Modi.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"back\"\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"notes supplementary-material\" data-magellan-destination=\"nts1\" id=\"nts1\"\u003E\u003Ch2 class=\"A\"\u003ESupplementary material\u003C\u002Fh2\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E The supplementary material for this article can be found at \u003Ca class=\"uri\" href=\"https:\u002F\u002Fdoi.org\u002F10.1017\u002Fgov.2022.18\"\u003Ehttps:\u002F\u002Fdoi.org\u002F10.1017\u002Fgov.2022.18\u003C\u002Fa\u003E.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"ack\"\u003E\u003Ch2 class=\"A\"\u003E Acknowledgements\u003C\u002Fh2\u003E\n\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E The survey on which this study is based was funded by the Centre for Governance and Public Policy at Griffith University, Brisbane. We would like to thank Glenn Kefford, Max Grömping, Ferran Martinez i Coma and Lee Morgenbesser for their very helpful comments on an earlier version of this manuscript.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\n\n\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E",tableOfContent:[{level:w,current:b,title:"\u003Cdiv class=\"toc-title\"\u003ERadical right populism and supporter attitudes\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E",url:"sec1"},{level:w,current:b,title:"\u003Cdiv class=\"toc-title\"\u003EData and method\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E",url:"sec2"},{level:w,current:b,title:"\u003Cdiv class=\"toc-title\"\u003EBJP supporter attitudes\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E",url:"sec3"},{level:w,current:b,title:"\u003Cdiv class=\"toc-title\"\u003EDiscussion and conclusion\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E",url:"sec4"}],footnotes:[],fulltextNotes:[{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E See the discussion in Castelli Gattinara (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref13\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Castelli Gattinara\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) of how the field is heavily dominated by studies of European radical-right populists. A notable exception relevant to our study is the recent article by Castanho Silva et al. (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref11\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Castanho Silva, Fuks and Ryô Tamaki\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2022\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) on populist and illiberal attitudes in Brazil.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"en1",displayNumber:r},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Scheduled Castes (SCs), also known as Dalits and formerly referred to as ‘untouchables’, and Scheduled Tribes (STs), also known as Adivasis, the tribal people of India, are among the most disadvantaged socioeconomic groups in India. Other Backward Classes (OBCs) encompass socially and educationally disadvantaged groups that are not included in SCs and STs.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"en2",displayNumber:G},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E3\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The only other contemporary party in India that holds similar PRR positions to the BJP is the regionally based Shiv Sena in Maharashtra (Palshikar \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref45\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Palshikar, de Souza and Sridharan\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2006\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; Varshney \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref60\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Varshney and Jayal\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"en3",displayNumber:H},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E4\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E For example, the report showed that 55% of Indians supported a governing system in which a strong leader can make decisions without interference from parliament or the courts (Stokes et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref54\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Stokes, Manevich and Chwe\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"en4",displayNumber:ar},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E5\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E A local contractor, working with the survey company Qualtrics, contacted individuals in their panel to recruit survey participants. Potential participants were informed about the survey topic and offered material incentives such as shopping coupons or phone credit to participate. Participation was entirely voluntary and subject to the quotas described below.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"en5",displayNumber:I},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E6\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E See \u003Ca class=\"uri\" href=\"https:\u002F\u002Fdata.worldbank.org\u002Findicator\u002FIT.NET.USER.ZS?locations=IN\"\u003Ehttps:\u002F\u002Fdata.worldbank.org\u002Findicator\u002FIT.NET.USER.ZS?locations=IN\u003C\u002Fa\u003E.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"en6",displayNumber:aw},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E7\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Table A2 in the Online Appendix lists the seven items used to calculate the index.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"en7",displayNumber:ax},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E8\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E This resonates with a 2021 Pew Research Center report (Sahgal et al. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#ref50\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Sahgal, Evans, Salazar, Starr and Corichi\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), which showed that 57% of Indians considered it ‘very important’ to be a Hindu in order to be truly Indian.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"en8",displayNumber:"8"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E9\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The reported coefficients for each variable are expressed as log-odds. To facilitate interpretation of the findings, results are discussed below in terms of expected probabilities.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"en9",displayNumber:ay}],references:[{id:"ref1",displayNumber:a,existInContent:c,content:"\u003Cspan class=\"string-name\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"surname\"\u003EAiyar\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"given-names\"\u003EJ\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E and \u003Cspan class=\"string-name\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"surname\"\u003ESircar\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"given-names\"\u003EN\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E (\u003Cspan class=\"year\"\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E) \u003Cspan class=\"article-title\"\u003EUnderstanding the Decline of Regional Party Power in the 2019 National Election and Beyond\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. \u003Cspan class=\"source\"\u003EContemporary South Asia\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E \u003Cspan class=\"volume\"\u003E28\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E(\u003Cspan class=\"issue\"\u003E2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E), \u003Cspan class=\"fpage\"\u003E209\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E–\u003Cspan class=\"lpage\"\u003E222\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. \u003Ca class=\"uri\" href=\"https:\u002F\u002Fdoi.org\u002F10.1080\u002F09584935.2020.1765989\"\u003Ehttps:\u002F\u002Fdoi.org\u002F10.1080\u002F09584935.2020.1765989\u003C\u002Fa\u003E.\u003Ca class='ref-link' target='_blank' aria-label='CrossRef link for Understanding the Decline of Regional Party Power in the 2019 National Election and Beyond' href=https:\u002F\u002Fdx.doi.org\u002F10.1080\u002F09584935.2020.1765989\u003ECrossRef\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003Ca class='ref-link' target='_blank' aria-label='Google Scholar link for Understanding the Decline of Regional Party Power in the 2019 National Election and Beyond' href=https:\u002F\u002Fscholar.google.com\u002Fscholar_lookup?title=Understanding+the+Decline+of+Regional+Party+Power+in+the+2019+National+Election+and+Beyond&author=Aiyar+J&author=Sircar+N&publication+year=2020&journal=Contemporary+South+Asia&volume=28&doi=10.1080%2F09584935.2020.1765989&pages=209-222\u003EGoogle Scholar\u003C\u002Fa\u003E",item:[{googleScholarLink:"https:\u002F\u002Fscholar.google.com\u002Fscholar_lookup?title=Understanding+the+Decline+of+Regional+Party+Power+in+the+2019+National+Election+and+Beyond&author=Aiyar+J&author=Sircar+N&publication+year=2020&journal=Contemporary+South+Asia&volume=28&doi=10.1080%2F09584935.2020.1765989&pages=209-222",openUrlParams:{genre:f,atitle:az,jtitle:l,title:l,volume:aA,artnum:"65438010ede3ba0001ad0cbc",spage:"209",epage:"222",date:i,sid:d,aulast:a,aufirst:a,doi:aB,au:a},innerRefId:"cite1",title:az,doi:aB,crossRefLink:"https:\u002F\u002Fdx.doi.org\u002F10.1080\u002F09584935.2020.1765989",pubMedLink:a}]},{id:"ref2",displayNumber:a,existInContent:c,content:"\u003Cspan class=\"string-name\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"surname\"\u003EAkkerman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"given-names\"\u003EA\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"string-name\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"surname\"\u003EMudde\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"given-names\"\u003EC\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E and \u003Cspan class=\"string-name\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"surname\"\u003EZaslove\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"given-names\"\u003EA\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E (\u003Cspan class=\"year\"\u003E2014\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E) \u003Cspan class=\"article-title\"\u003EHow Populist Are the People? 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class=\"year\"\u003E2016\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E) \u003Cspan class=\"source\"\u003EWhy Regional Parties? 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Volume 2: Indian Democracy","Elite Parties, Poor Voters: How Social Services Win Votes in India","Re-Forming India: The Nation Today","Why Regional Parties? Clientelism, Elites, and the Indian Party System","School of Government and International Relations at Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia",0,"39EFCD4861CFEA75065FEEDD9AF22D26","government-and-opposition","\u002Fcore\u002Fjournals\u002Fgovernment-and-opposition","4","October 2023",1696118400000,"\u002Fcore\u002Fjournals\u002Fgovernment-and-opposition\u002Fissue\u002FF4742C5F735C66F417C68D089A6C5A6D","en","6","7","9","Understanding the Decline of Regional Party Power in the 2019 National Election and Beyond","28","10.1080\u002F09584935.2020.1765989","How Populist Are the People? Measuring Populist Attitudes in Voters","10.1177\u002F0010414013512600","‘We the People’ or ‘We the Peoples’? A Comparison of Support for the Populist Radical Right and Populist Radical Left in the Netherlands","Swiss Political Science Review","10.1111\u002Fspsr.12275","10.4324\u002F9781315725789","Christian Religiosity and Voting for West European Radical Right Parties","West European Politics","10.1080\u002F01402380903065058","Rethinking the Study of Electoral Politics in the Developing World: Reflections on the Indian Case","Perspectives on Politics","10.1017\u002FS1537592721000062","Summary Report of the AAPOR Task Force on Non-Probability Sampling","Journal of Survey Statistics and Methodology","2013","10.1093\u002Fjssam\u002Fsmt008","The Return of Ethnocentrism","Political Psychology","29","73","10.1111\u002Fpops.12710","Ethno-Nationalist Populism and the Mobilization of Collective Resentment","British Journal of Sociology","68","10.1111\u002F1468-4446.12325","So Thin It's Almost Invisible: Populist Attitudes and Voting Behavior in Brazil","Electoral Studies","10.1016\u002Fj.electstud.2021.102434","An Empirical Comparison of Seven Populist Attitudes Scales","Political Research Quarterly","10.1177\u002F1065912919833176","The Study of the Far Right and Its Three E's: Why Scholarship Must Go beyond Eurocentrism, Electoralism and Externalism","French Politics","18","10.1057\u002Fs41253-020-00124-8","Asia's Conservative Moment: Understanding the Rise of the Right","Journal of Contemporary Asia","10.1080\u002F00472336.2018.1448108","Mr. Modi Goes to Delhi: Mediated Populism and the 2014 Indian Elections","Television & New Media","16","10.1177\u002F1527476415573957","10.1017\u002F9781108573481","Columbia University Press","10.7312\u002Fchat19548","Hurst & Co.","10.1093\u002Foso\u002F9780190078171.003.0022","10.1093\u002Foso\u002F9780190078171.001.0001","The BJP's Fragile Mandate: Modi and Vote Mobilizers in the 2014 General Elections","151","10.1177\u002F2321023014551870","10.1093\u002Foso\u002F9780190623876.001.0001","The Rise of the Second Dominant Party System in India: BJP's New Social Coalition in 2019","10.1177\u002F2321023019874628","Are Samples Drawn from Mechanical Turk Valid for Research on Political Ideology?","Research & Politics","10.1177\u002F2053168015622072","Authoritarian Attitudes and Support for Radical Right Populists","Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties","10.1080\u002F17457289.2019.1666270","Preference for Radical Right-Wing Populist Parties among Exclusive-Nationalists and Authoritarians","Party Politics","21","10.1177\u002F1354068812472587","10.4324\u002F9781315682570-19","Analyzing Indonesia's Populist Electorate: Demographic, Ideological and Attitudinal Trends","Asian Survey","10.1525\u002Fas.2019.59.5.769","The Activation of Populist Attitudes","Government and Opposition: An International Journal of Comparative Politics","10.1017\u002Fgov.2018.23","189","10.5871\u002Fbacad\u002F9780197264515.001.0001","What Unites Right-Wing Populists in Western Europe? Re-examining Grievance Mobilization Models in Seven Successful Cases","41","10.1177\u002F0010414006294168","The Modi-Centric BJP 2014 Election Campaign: New Techniques and Old Tactics","10.1080\u002F09584935.2015.1027662","Rise of the Political Right in India: Hindutva-Development Mix, Modi Myth, and Dualities","Journal of Labor and Society","10.1111\u002Fwusa.12318","Verdict 2019: The Expanded Support Base of the Bharatiya Janata Party","Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","10.1177\u002F2057891120907699","Nationalistic Attitudes and Voting for the Radical Right in Europe","10.1177\u002F1465116516678932","Extreme Right-Wing Voting in Western Europe","345","10.1111\u002F1475-6765.00015","The Right-Wing Populism of India's Bharatiya Janata Party (and Why Comparativists Should Care)","Democratization","10.1080\u002F13510347.2018.1551885","Understanding Support for Populist Radical Right Parties: Toward a Model That Captures Both Demand- and Supply-Side Factors","Frontiers","Rise of the Trumpenvolk","Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science","10.1177\u002F0002716216662639","10.1017\u002FCBO9781107296930","10.4324\u002F9781315733159","Beyond the Civic–Ethnic Dichotomy: Investigating the Structure of Citizenship Concepts across Thirty-Three Countries","10.1111\u002Fj.1469-8129.2010.00446.x","Vox Populismus: A Populist Radical Right Attitude among the Public?","92","10.1111\u002Fnana.12054","The Politics of Vishwas: Political Mobilization in the 2019 National Election","10.1080\u002F09584935.2020.1765988","10.1093\u002Facprof:oso\u002F9780198084952.001.0001","10.1017\u002FCBO9781107707184","Anti-Immigrant Parties in Europe: Ideological or Protest Vote?","10.1111\u002F1475-6765.00505","Beyond Protest and Discontent: A Cross-National Analysis of the Effect of Populist Attitudes and Issue Positions on Populist Party Support","10.1111\u002F1475-6765.12216","The Measurement of Populist Attitudes: Testing Cross-National Scales Using Item Response Theory","Politics","10.1177\u002F0263395719859306","Euro-Scepticism and Radical Right-Wing Voting in Europe, 2002–2008: Social Cleavages, Socio-Political Attitudes and Contextual Characteristics Determining Voting for the Radical Right","10.1177\u002F1465116512469287","When the Whole Is Greater than the Sum of Its Parts: On the Conceptualization and Measurement of Populist Attitudes and Other Multidimensional Constructs","American Political Science 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If this is the first time you used this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your Dropbox account. <a href="/core/help">Find out more about saving content to Dropbox</a>. </p> </div> </div> <div class="row book-title"> <div class="small-12 columns"> <div class="heading_08"><div class="title">Supporters of India's BJP: Distinctly Populist and Nativist</div></div> </div> </div> <div class="row book-details book-overview"> <div class="small-12 columns"> <ul> <li class="volume-issue">Volume 58, <a href="">Issue 4</a></li> <li class="author"> <a href="/core/search?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Sofia Ammassari&eventCode=SE-AU" class="more-by-this-author ">Sofia Ammassari</a><a target="_blank" class="orcid-logo " href="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6788-8791" aria-label="Open the ORCID record for Sofia Ammassari in new tab/window"></a> <sup data-affiliation-id="a1" class="">(a1)</sup><span class="separator ">, </span><a href="/core/search?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Diego Fossati&eventCode=SE-AU" class="more-by-this-author ">Diego Fossati</a><a target="_blank" class="orcid-logo " href="https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2493-6834" aria-label="Open the ORCID record for Diego Fossati in new tab/window"></a> <sup data-affiliation-id="a2" class="">(a2)</sup><span class="separator "> and </span><a href="/core/search?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Duncan McDonnell&eventCode=SE-AU" class="more-by-this-author ">Duncan McDonnell</a> <sup data-affiliation-id="a1" class="">(a1)</sup> </li> <li class="meta-info">DOI: <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.18" target="_blank" class="url">https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.18</a></li> </ul> </div> </div> </div> <div class="row wrapper no-padding-top"> <div class="small-12 columns"> <div class="row margin-top"> <div class="large-12 columns"> <form id="sendTodropboxForm" action="/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/sendto" method="GET"> <div class="row"> <div class="large-12 columns"> <fieldset> <legend>Available formats</legend> <label> <input type="checkbox" name="formats" class="formats" value="pdf" required /> PDF </label> <small class="error formats" style="display:none">Please select a format to save.</small> </fieldset> </div> </div> <div class="row"> <div class="large-12 columns"> <label for="usagePolicydropbox"> <input type="checkbox" name="usagePolicydropbox" id="usagePolicydropbox" value="Usage" required/> By using this service, you agree that you will only keep content for personal use, and will not openly distribute them via Dropbox, Google Drive or other file sharing services <small class="error usagePolicy" style="display:none">Please confirm that you accept the terms of use.</small> </label> </div> </div> <input type="hidden" name="suppressTrackingEvent" value="false" /> <input type="hidden" name="service" value="dropbox" /> <input type="hidden" name="documents" value="3D2C84D6F81E1F9CCDD89654B40AB6E8" /> <input type="hidden" name="finalReturn" value="/core/journals/government-and-opposition/article/supporters-of-indias-bjp-distinctly-populist-and-nativist/3D2C84D6F81E1F9CCDD89654B40AB6E8" /> <input type="hidden" name="_csrf" value="QJEUSmbr-9Y93b49qyeX7W9DYe0TWMijHc9c"> </form>  <div class="row margin-top"> <div class="small-6 large-6 columns"> <button href="#" class="button radius transparent right closeModal">Cancel</button> </div> <div class="small-6 large-6 columns"> <button type="submit" onClick="$('#sendTodropboxForm').submit();" class="button blue radius left"> Save </button> </div> </div>  </div> </div> </div> </div> <a class="close-reveal-modal">×</a> </div> <script type="text/javascript"> $('#sendTodropboxForm').on('submit', validatedropboxForm); 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If this is the first time you used this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your Google Drive account. <a href="/core/help">Find out more about saving content to Google Drive</a>. </p> </div> </div> <div class="row book-title"> <div class="small-12 columns"> <div class="heading_08"><div class="title">Supporters of India's BJP: Distinctly Populist and Nativist</div></div> </div> </div> <div class="row book-details book-overview"> <div class="small-12 columns"> <ul> <li class="volume-issue">Volume 58, <a href="">Issue 4</a></li> <li class="author"> <a href="/core/search?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Sofia Ammassari&eventCode=SE-AU" class="more-by-this-author ">Sofia Ammassari</a><a target="_blank" class="orcid-logo " href="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6788-8791" aria-label="Open the ORCID record for Sofia Ammassari in new tab/window"></a> <sup data-affiliation-id="a1" class="">(a1)</sup><span class="separator ">, </span><a href="/core/search?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Diego Fossati&eventCode=SE-AU" class="more-by-this-author ">Diego Fossati</a><a target="_blank" class="orcid-logo " href="https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2493-6834" aria-label="Open the ORCID record for Diego Fossati in new tab/window"></a> <sup data-affiliation-id="a2" class="">(a2)</sup><span class="separator "> and </span><a href="/core/search?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Duncan McDonnell&eventCode=SE-AU" class="more-by-this-author ">Duncan McDonnell</a> <sup data-affiliation-id="a1" class="">(a1)</sup> </li> <li class="meta-info">DOI: <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.18" target="_blank" class="url">https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.18</a></li> </ul> </div> </div> </div> <div class="row wrapper no-padding-top"> <div class="small-12 columns"> <div class="row margin-top"> <div class="large-12 columns"> <form id="sendTogoogleDriveForm" action="/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/sendto" method="GET"> <div class="row"> <div class="large-12 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