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Autocrats will continue to target dissidents abroad | The Economist

<!DOCTYPE html><html lang="en"><head><script type="text/javascript" src="https://web-static.archive.org/_static/js/bundle-playback.js?v=7YQSqjSh" charset="utf-8"></script> <script type="text/javascript" src="https://web-static.archive.org/_static/js/wombat.js?v=txqj7nKC" charset="utf-8"></script> <script>window.RufflePlayer=window.RufflePlayer||{};window.RufflePlayer.config={"autoplay":"on","unmuteOverlay":"hidden"};</script> <script type="text/javascript" src="https://web-static.archive.org/_static/js/ruffle/ruffle.js"></script> <script type="text/javascript"> __wm.init("https://web.archive.org/web"); __wm.wombat("https://www.economist.com/the-world-ahead/2021/11/08/autocrats-will-continue-to-target-dissidents-abroad","20220123082832","https://web.archive.org/","web","https://web-static.archive.org/_static/", "1642926512"); </script> <link rel="stylesheet" type="text/css" href="https://web-static.archive.org/_static/css/banner-styles.css?v=p7PEIJWi" /> <link rel="stylesheet" type="text/css" href="https://web-static.archive.org/_static/css/iconochive.css?v=3PDvdIFv" /> <!-- End Wayback Rewrite JS Include --> <script>window.env = {"ENV":"production"}; </script><meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width"/><meta charset="utf-8"/><title>Autocrats will continue to target dissidents abroad | The Economist</title><link rel="shortcut icon" href="/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/engassets/ico/favicon.f1ea908894.ico" type="image/x-icon"/><link rel="apple-touch-icon" href="/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/engassets/ico/touch-icon-120x120.f1ea908894.png"/><link rel="apple-touch-icon" sizes="180x180" href="/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/engassets/ico/touch-icon-180x180.f1ea908894.png"/><link rel="apple-touch-icon" sizes="152x152" href="/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/engassets/ico/touch-icon-152x152.f1ea908894.png"/><link rel="apple-touch-icon" sizes="167x167" href="/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/engassets/ico/touch-icon-167x167.f1ea908894.png"/><link rel="manifest" href="/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/site.webmanifest.json"/><link href="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://cdn.design-system.economist.com/" rel="preconnect"/><link href="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://cdn.design-system.economist.com/" rel="preconnect" crossorigin="anonymous"/><link href="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://cdn.parsely.com/" rel="preconnect"/><meta name="theme-color" content="#E3120B"/><meta name="msapplication-TileColor" content="#E3120B"/><meta name="msapplication-TileImage" content="/engassets/ico/tile-144.f1ea908894.png"/><meta name="application-name" content="The Economist"/><meta name="msapplication-tooltip" content="The Economist"/><link rel="canonical" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/the-world-ahead/2021/11/08/autocrats-will-continue-to-target-dissidents-abroad"/><meta name="description" content="In 2021, Alexander Lukashenko ordered the hijacking of a foreign plane to capture a dissident. In 2022, there will be more such outrages | The World Ahead"/><meta name="parsely-post-id" content="3gk1ppmv1406e02k5no5tgfhc7asghli"/><meta name="thumbnail" content="https://www.economist.com/img/b/1920/1080/90/media-assets/image/20211118_IRP005.jpg"/><meta property="og:site_name" content="The Economist"/><meta property="og:title" content="Autocrats will continue to target dissidents abroad"/><meta property="og:type" content="Article"/><meta property="og:url" content="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/the-world-ahead/2021/11/08/autocrats-will-continue-to-target-dissidents-abroad"/><meta property="og:description" content="In 2021, Alexander Lukashenko ordered the hijacking of a foreign plane to capture a dissident. In 2022, there will be more such outrages"/><meta property="og:image" content="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1920/1080/90/media-assets/image/20211118_IRP005.jpg"/><meta name="twitter:site" content="@TheEconomist"/><meta name="twitter:description" content="In 2021, Alexander Lukashenko ordered the hijacking of a foreign plane to capture a dissident. In 2022, there will be more such outrages"/><meta name="twitter:card" content="summary_large_image"/><meta name="twitter:image" content="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1920/1080/90/media-assets/image/20211118_IRP005.jpg"/><meta property="fb:app_id" content="193926687345108"/><meta property="fb:pages" content="6013004059,1487031108050752"/><link rel="amphtml" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://amp.economist.com/the-world-ahead/2021/11/08/autocrats-will-continue-to-target-dissidents-abroad"/><script type="application/ld+json"> {"@context":"https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","url":"https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/the-world-ahead/2021/11/08/autocrats-will-continue-to-target-dissidents-abroad","dateline":"","headline":"Autocrats will continue to target dissidents abroad","articleBody":"BEFORE 2021, few people imagined that a national leader would order the hijacking of a foreign plane in order to capture a dissident. But that is exactly what Alexander Lukashenko, president of Belarus, did last May to silence Roman Protasevich. An outspoken exile can be a special kind of headache for an autocrat, causing all manner of image problems at home and abroad. Silencing them using smear tactics, intimidation and violence, even if it means reaching across borders and breaking laws, also serves to spread fear and disillusionment through the diaspora. \nIn 2022 there will be more such outrages, and a greater variety of perpetrators. Smaller states will copy larger ones. Mr Lukashenko learned much from the Russian president, Vladimir Putin. \nAsia will continue to be at the centre. Iran, which has killed its citizens abroad and kidnapped others, will be in good company when it joins the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). The Asian security alliance maintains a shared blacklist of dissidents. \nStates will continue to use spyware to snoop on their citizens abroadAnother SCO member, India, is the only “free” state to engage in “transnational repression”, according to Freedom House, a think-tank. The world’s largest democracy will probably detain more activists abroad in the run-up to elections in 2022. Nepal, which has long harassed Tibetans and deported them to neighbouring China, may do so more, ahead of its own election. \nHijackings and poisonings grab all the attention. Less obvious is a steady drip of intimidation and harassment, made easy and cheap by technology. With no legal restrictions, export controls or sanctions, states will continue to use spyware to snoop on their citizens abroad, and armies of social-media trolls to smear them. From there it is easy to use that knowledge to intimidate or silence. In recent years, Hungary, Mexico and Morocco have all used Pegasus spyware to target journalists, human-rights activists and ordinary citizens (though Morocco has denied doing so). In 2022, under the right circumstances, they may be tempted to go further.\nThe urge to repress is strongest at moments of heightened political sensitivity. International sporting events in 2022—the Winter Olympics in Beijing in February, the World Cup in Qatar in November—are occasions when hosts will be aware of outside criticism, and anxious to stop it. Hong Kong dissidents abroad will be at most risk of harassment before a new chief executive is selected in March. \nGovernments will continue to use such methods as long as they think they can get away with it. America’s intelligence community believes that Muhammad bin Salman, the Saudi crown prince, directly approved the killing of Jamal Khashoggi, a Washington Post columnist, in Turkey in 2018. But he will not be deterred by America’s “Khashoggi ban”, which supposedly slaps sanctions on people implicated in such acts but is unlikely to touch the prince himself. \nAfter September 11th 2001, America and its allies used the global “war on terror” to flout international law prohibiting rendition and torture, and to deny suspected “terrorists” their rights. Regimes around the world believe that gives them the right to do similar things, and worse. A quarter of all the “red notices” issued for fugitives by Interpol, the international policing body, contain the word “terrorist”. \nAs long as Western democracies condone such bending of the rules, it will be hard to push others to stop. In 2022 they can lead by example, by showing greater respect for international law and better protecting the exiles of repressive regimes.\nGeorgia Banjo: Foreign affairs correspondent, The Economist■\nThis article appeared in the International section of the print edition of The World Ahead 2022 under the headline “Dictators without borders”","description":"They know that Western countries have done so, too","mainEntityOfPage":"https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/the-world-ahead/2021/11/08/autocrats-will-continue-to-target-dissidents-abroad","dateCreated":"2021-10-27T06:24:12Z","datePublished":"2021-11-08T18:44:05Z","dateModified":"2021-11-08T18:44:13Z","image":"https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/media-assets/image/20211118_IRP005.jpg","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","name":"The 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Ahead"}},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"item":{"@id":"https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/the-world-ahead/2021/11/08/autocrats-will-continue-to-target-dissidents-abroad","name":"Autocrats will continue to target dissidents abroad"}}]} </script><div class="article__section"><strong itemprop="articleSection"><span class="article__section-headline"><a href="/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/the-world-ahead/">The World Ahead</a></span></strong></div><header class="article__header"><h1><span data-test-id="Article Subheadline" class="article__subheadline">The World Ahead 2022</span><br/><span data-test-id="Article Headline" itemprop="headline" class="article__headline">Autocrats will continue to target dissidents abroad</span></h1><h2 data-test-id="Article Description" itemprop="description" class="article__description">They know that Western countries have done so, too</h2></header><div data-test-id="Lead Image" class="article__lead-image"><div itemscope="" itemprop="image" itemtype="https://schema.org/ImageObject"><meta itemprop="url" content="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1920/1080/90/media-assets/image/20211118_IRP005.jpg"/><img width="1920" height="1080" src="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1920/1080/90/media-assets/image/20211118_IRP005.jpg" srcset="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/200/113/90/media-assets/image/20211118_IRP005.jpg 200w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/300/169/90/media-assets/image/20211118_IRP005.jpg 300w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/400/225/90/media-assets/image/20211118_IRP005.jpg 400w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/600/338/90/media-assets/image/20211118_IRP005.jpg 600w, 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class="layout-sticky-rail-advert-wrapper"><div class="advert right hidden advert--right-rail advert--sticky-rail"><div><div id="econright-r1" class="adcontainer"></div></div></div></div></div><aside class="article__aside"><div class="layout-article-meta"><time itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/DateTime" datetime="2021-11-08T18:44:05Z" class="article__dateline-datetime">Nov 8th 2021</time><p data-test-id="Article Byline" class="article__byline" itemprop="byline">by Georgia Banjo: Foreign affairs correspondent, The Economist</p></div><div class="layout-article-sharing"><ul class="ds-share-list"><li id="Facebook"><a class="ds-share-link" href="#" aria-label="Share on Facebook"><svg viewbox="-1 -1 34 34" width="32" height="32"><title>Facebook</title><g fill="none" fill-rule="evenodd"><circle class="path-background" fill="#333" cx="16" cy="16" r="16"></circle><path class="path-foreground" d="M17.49 26v-9.123h2.95l.44-3.555h-3.39v-2.27c0-1.03.276-1.731 1.697-1.731H21V6.14A23.34 23.34 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class="path-foreground" d="M21.582 16.985c-.249-.124-1.472-.723-1.7-.806-.228-.082-.394-.123-.56.124-.166.248-.643.806-.788.971-.145.166-.29.186-.54.062-.248-.124-1.05-.385-2-1.229-.74-.656-1.24-1.467-1.384-1.715-.145-.248-.016-.382.109-.506.112-.11.249-.289.373-.433.124-.145.166-.248.249-.414.083-.165.041-.31-.02-.433-.063-.124-.56-1.343-.768-1.84-.202-.482-.407-.416-.56-.424a10.027 10.027 0 00-.477-.009.916.916 0 00-.663.31c-.228.248-.871.847-.871 2.066 0 1.219.891 2.396 1.016 2.561.124.166 1.754 2.667 4.25 3.74.594.255 1.058.407 1.419.521.596.189 1.138.162 1.567.098.478-.07 1.472-.599 1.68-1.177.207-.579.207-1.074.145-1.178-.062-.103-.228-.165-.477-.289m-4.54 6.17h-.004a8.294 8.294 0 01-4.212-1.149l-.302-.178-3.133.817.836-3.04-.197-.31a8.189 8.189 0 01-1.265-4.385c.002-4.541 3.715-8.236 8.28-8.236a8.24 8.24 0 015.852 2.416 8.168 8.168 0 012.422 5.827c-.002 4.542-3.715 8.237-8.277 8.237m7.044-15.248A9.917 9.917 0 0017.042 5c-5.49 0-9.956 4.446-9.959 9.91 0 1.747.458 3.451 1.33 4.954L7 25l5.279-1.378a9.987 9.987 0 004.759 1.206h.004c5.488 0 9.956-4.446 9.958-9.91a9.827 9.827 0 00-2.914-7.012" fill="#FFF"></path></g></svg></a></li></ul></div></aside><p data-caps="initial" class="article__body-text article__body-text--dropcap"><span data-caps="initial">B</span><small>EFORE 2021</small>, few people imagined that a national leader would order the hijacking of a foreign plane in order to capture a dissident. But that is exactly what Alexander Lukashenko, president of Belarus, did last May to silence Roman Protasevich. An outspoken exile can be a special kind of headache for an autocrat, causing all manner of image problems at home and abroad. Silencing them using smear tactics, intimidation and violence, even if it means reaching across borders and breaking laws, also serves to spread fear and disillusionment through the diaspora. </p><p class="article__body-text">In 2022 there will be more such outrages, and a greater variety of perpetrators. Smaller states will copy larger ones. Mr Lukashenko learned much from the Russian president, Vladimir Putin. </p><p class="article__body-text">Asia will continue to be at the centre. Iran, which has killed its citizens abroad and kidnapped others, will be in good company when it joins the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (<small>SCO</small>). The Asian security alliance maintains a shared blacklist of dissidents. </p><p class="article__body-cite"><cite>States will continue to use spyware to snoop on their citizens abroad</cite></p><p class="article__body-text">Another <small>SCO</small> member, India, is the only “free” state to engage in “transnational repression”, according to Freedom House, a think-tank. The world’s largest democracy will probably detain more activists abroad in the run-up to elections in 2022. Nepal, which has long harassed Tibetans and deported them to neighbouring China, may do so more, ahead of its own election. </p><p class="article__body-text">Hijackings and poisonings grab all the attention. Less obvious is a steady drip of intimidation and harassment, made easy and cheap by technology. With no legal restrictions, export controls or sanctions, states will continue to use spyware to snoop on their citizens abroad, and armies of social-media trolls to smear them. From there it is easy to use that knowledge to intimidate or silence. In recent years, Hungary, Mexico and Morocco have all used Pegasus spyware to target journalists, human-rights activists and ordinary citizens (though Morocco has denied doing so). In 2022, under the right circumstances, they may be tempted to go further.</p><div class="advert incontent hidden advert--inline"><div><div id="econ-1" class="adcontainer"></div></div></div><p class="article__body-text">The urge to repress is strongest at moments of heightened political sensitivity. International sporting events in 2022—the Winter Olympics in Beijing in February, the World Cup in Qatar in November—are occasions when hosts will be aware of outside criticism, and anxious to stop it. Hong Kong dissidents abroad will be at most risk of harassment before a new chief executive is selected in March. </p><p class="article__body-text">Governments will continue to use such methods as long as they think they can get away with it. America’s intelligence community believes that Muhammad bin Salman, the Saudi crown prince, directly approved the killing of Jamal Khashoggi, a <i>Washington Post</i> columnist, in Turkey in 2018. But he will not be deterred by America’s “Khashoggi ban”, which supposedly slaps sanctions on people implicated in such acts but is unlikely to touch the prince himself. </p><p class="article__body-text">After September 11th 2001, America and its allies used the global “war on terror” to flout international law prohibiting rendition and torture, and to deny suspected “terrorists” their rights. Regimes around the world believe that gives them the right to do similar things, and worse. A quarter of all the “red notices” issued for fugitives by Interpol, the international policing body, contain the word “terrorist”. </p><p class="article__body-text">As long as Western democracies condone such bending of the rules, it will be hard to push others to stop. In 2022 they can lead by example, by showing greater respect for international law and better protecting the exiles of repressive regimes.</p><p class="article__body-text"><i>Georgia Banjo: Foreign affairs correspondent, The Economist</i><span data-ornament="ufinish">■</span></p><p class="article__body-text"><em>This article appeared in the International section of the print edition of The World Ahead 2022 under the headline “Dictators without borders”</em></p><div class="layout-article-links layout-article-promo"><a class="ds-actioned-link ds-actioned-link--reuse-this-content" target="_blank" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://s100.copyright.com/AppDispatchServlet?publisherName=economist&amp;publication=TWI&amp;title=Autocrats%20will%20continue%20to%20target%20dissidents%20abroad&amp;publicationDate=2021-11-08&amp;contentID=%2Fcontent%2F3gk1ppmv1406e02k5no5tgfhc7asghli&amp;type=A&amp;orderBeanReset=TRUE"><span>Reuse this content</span></a><a 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itemprop="image" itemtype="https://schema.org/ImageObject"><meta itemprop="url" content="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1280/720/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg"/><img loading="lazy" width="1280" height="720" src="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1280/720/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg" srcset="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/200/113/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg 200w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/300/169/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg 300w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/400/225/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg 400w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/600/338/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg 600w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/640/360/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg 640w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/800/450/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg 800w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1000/563/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg 1000w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1280/720/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg 1280w" sizes="(min-width: 1440px) 700px, (min-width: 1280px) 50vw, (min-width: 960px) 66vw, 95vw" alt=""/></div></div><style data-emotion="css 1slb00j">.css-1slb00j{font-family:var(--ds-type-system-serif);font-size:var(--ds-type-scale-3);font-weight:normal;line-height:var(--ds-type-leading-upper);}.css-1slb00j a{-webkit-text-decoration:none;text-decoration:none;color:var(--ds-color-london-5);display:block;}.css-1slb00j a:hover,.css-1slb00j a:hover .ecd11tl0{color:var(--ds-color-chicago-30);-webkit-text-decoration:underline;text-decoration:underline;}.css-1slb00j a:focus,.css-1slb00j a:focus .ecd11tl0{background-color:var(--ds-color-chicago-95);color:var(--ds-color-london-5);outline:none;-webkit-text-decoration:underline;text-decoration:underline;}.e5no54b0 .css-1slb00j a:focus,.e5no54b0 .css-1slb00j a:focus .ecd11tl0{background-color:hsla(var(--ds-color-hsl-london-5), 0.05);}.css-1slb00j a:active,.css-1slb00j a:active .ecd11tl0{color:var(--ds-color-chicago-30);}.e5no54b0 .css-1slb00j a:active,.e5no54b0 .css-1slb00j a:active .ecd11tl0{background:none;}.css-1slb00j a::before{bottom:0;content:'';display:block;left:0;opacity:0;overflow:hidden;position:absolute;right:0;text-indent:-999em;top:0;white-space:nowrap;z-index:1;}.css-1slb00j+.e1smrlcj0{margin-top:0.5rem;}.e13svp5c0 .css-1slb00j+.e1smrlcj0{margin-top:0;}</style><h3 class="css-1slb00j ef0oilz0"><a href="/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/the-world-ahead/2021/11/24/drawing-on-2022" data-analytics="more_from:headline_2">Drawing on 2022</a></h3><style data-emotion="css qnkbrf">.css-qnkbrf{color:var(--ds-color-london-10);font-family:var(--ds-type-system-serif);max-width:43.75rem;font-size:1.125rem;line-height:var(--ds-type-leading-lower);}.e5no54b0 .css-qnkbrf{font-size:var(--ds-type-scale-2);}</style><p class="css-qnkbrf e1smrlcj0">The Economist’s editorial cartoonist Kevin (“KAL”) Kallaugher pictures the year ahead</p></div><style data-emotion="css 1g53obw">.css-1g53obw{border-width:0;border-top:1px solid var(--ds-color-london-85);margin:1.5rem 0;margin:1.5rem 0 1.25rem;width:100%;}</style><hr class="css-1g53obw e1hgtj4y0"/><div class="css-w50hwg e1yv2jhn0"><div class="css-1i5uguq e1t79wji0"><div itemscope="" itemprop="image" itemtype="https://schema.org/ImageObject"><meta itemprop="url" content="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1280/720/90/media-assets/image/20211118_SFD010.jpg"/><img loading="lazy" width="1280" height="720" src="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1280/720/90/media-assets/image/20211118_SFD010.jpg" srcset="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/200/113/90/media-assets/image/20211118_SFD010.jpg 200w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/300/169/90/media-assets/image/20211118_SFD010.jpg 300w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/400/225/90/media-assets/image/20211118_SFD010.jpg 400w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/600/338/90/media-assets/image/20211118_SFD010.jpg 600w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/640/360/90/media-assets/image/20211118_SFD010.jpg 640w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/800/450/90/media-assets/image/20211118_SFD010.jpg 800w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1000/563/90/media-assets/image/20211118_SFD010.jpg 1000w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1280/720/90/media-assets/image/20211118_SFD010.jpg 1280w" sizes="(min-width: 1440px) 700px, (min-width: 1280px) 50vw, (min-width: 960px) 66vw, 95vw" alt=""/></div></div><h3 class="css-1slb00j ef0oilz0"><a href="/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/the-world-ahead/2021/11/10/the-experts-best-bets" data-analytics="more_from:headline_3">The experts’ best bets</a></h3><p class="css-qnkbrf e1smrlcj0">Forecasts for key events in 2022, from the superforecasters at Good Judgment</p></div></div><style data-emotion="css njeufd">.css-njeufd{border-width:0;border-top:1px solid var(--ds-color-london-85);grid-area:line;margin:0;margin:1.5rem 0 1.25rem;margin:0;width:100%;display:block;}@media (min-width: 60rem){.css-njeufd{display:none;}}</style><hr class="css-njeufd e1hgtj4y0"/></div></div></div><div class="optimizely-content-collection-5"><style data-emotion="css 1tv0yda">@media (min-width: 60rem){.css-1tv0yda .eprz4kh0 .eprz4kh0:last-of-type{padding-bottom:1.5rem;}}@media (min-width: 60rem){.css-1tv0yda .eprz4kh0 .eprz4kh0{padding-bottom:1.5rem;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-1tv0yda .eprz4kh0 .eprz4kh0{padding-bottom:0;}}@media (min-width: 60rem){.css-1tv0yda .eprz4kh0>hr+.e1yv2jhn0:last-of-type{padding-bottom:1.5rem;}}@media (min-width: 60rem){.css-1tv0yda .eprz4kh0:nth-of-type(5){padding-bottom:1.5rem;}}.css-1tv0yda .e1hgtj4y1 .e1hgtj4y1{margin-top:-0.25rem;}</style><div class="css-1tv0yda e2ekie00"><div class="css-15fxaa5 e1hgtj4y1"><div class="css-48zyq9 eprz4kh0"><div class="css-7q729u e1yv2jhn0"><div class="css-1vxanp4 e1t79wji0"><div itemscope="" itemprop="image" itemtype="https://schema.org/ImageObject"><meta itemprop="url" content="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1280/720/90/media-assets/image/20211118_COD001.jpg"/><img loading="lazy" width="1280" height="720" src="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1280/720/90/media-assets/image/20211118_COD001.jpg" srcset="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/200/113/90/media-assets/image/20211118_COD001.jpg 200w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/300/169/90/media-assets/image/20211118_COD001.jpg 300w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/400/225/90/media-assets/image/20211118_COD001.jpg 400w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/600/338/90/media-assets/image/20211118_COD001.jpg 600w, 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itemprop="image" itemtype="https://schema.org/ImageObject"><meta itemprop="url" content="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1280/720/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg"/><img loading="lazy" width="1280" height="720" src="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1280/720/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg" srcset="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/200/113/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg 200w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/300/169/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg 300w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/400/225/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg 400w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/600/338/90/media-assets/image/20211118_CPD002.jpg 600w, 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e1hgtj4y0"/><div class="css-w50hwg e1yv2jhn0"><div class="css-1i5uguq e1t79wji0"><div itemscope="" itemprop="image" itemtype="https://schema.org/ImageObject"><meta itemprop="url" content="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1280/720/90/media-assets/image/20211118_SFD010.jpg"/><img loading="lazy" width="1280" height="720" src="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/1280/720/90/media-assets/image/20211118_SFD010.jpg" srcset="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/200/113/90/media-assets/image/20211118_SFD010.jpg 200w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/300/169/90/media-assets/image/20211118_SFD010.jpg 300w, https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832im_/https://www.economist.com/img/b/400/225/90/media-assets/image/20211118_SFD010.jpg 400w, 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We say no to your observation!\" during a protest against the Hungarian government for using Pegasus spyware to monitor journalists, opposition leaders and activists in Budapest, Hungary, July 26, 2021. REUTERS/Marton Monus TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY - RC2GSO9O52D5"},"promo":null,"__typename":"Media"},"description":"They know that Western countries have done so, too","datePublished":"2021-11-08T18:44:05Z","dateModified":"2021-11-08T18:44:13Z","dateModifiedString":"Nov 8th 2021","datePublishedString":"Nov 8th 2021","dateCreated":"2021-10-27T06:24:12Z","copyrightYear":2021,"inLanguage":"","byline":"Georgia Banjo: Foreign affairs correspondent, The Economist","dateline":null,"text":[{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"type":"tag","name":"span","attribs":{"data-caps":"initial"},"children":[{"data":"B","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"small","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"EFORE 2021","type":"text"}]},{"data":", few people imagined that a national leader would order the hijacking of a foreign plane in order to capture a dissident. But that is exactly what Alexander Lukashenko, president of Belarus, did last May to silence Roman Protasevich. An outspoken exile can be a special kind of headache for an autocrat, causing all manner of image problems at home and abroad. Silencing them using smear tactics, intimidation and violence, even if it means reaching across borders and breaking laws, also serves to spread fear and disillusionment through the diaspora. ","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"In 2022 there will be more such outrages, and a greater variety of perpetrators. Smaller states will copy larger ones. Mr Lukashenko learned much from the Russian president, Vladimir Putin. ","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"Asia will continue to be at the centre. Iran, which has killed its citizens abroad and kidnapped others, will be in good company when it joins the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (","type":"text"},{"type":"tag","name":"small","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"SCO","type":"text"}]},{"data":"). The Asian security alliance maintains a shared blacklist of dissidents. ","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"type":"tag","name":"cite","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"States will continue to use spyware to snoop on their citizens abroad","type":"text"}]}]},{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"Another ","type":"text"},{"type":"tag","name":"small","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"SCO","type":"text"}]},{"data":" member, India, is the only “free” state to engage in “transnational repression”, according to Freedom House, a think-tank. The world’s largest democracy will probably detain more activists abroad in the run-up to elections in 2022. Nepal, which has long harassed Tibetans and deported them to neighbouring China, may do so more, ahead of its own election. ","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"Hijackings and poisonings grab all the attention. Less obvious is a steady drip of intimidation and harassment, made easy and cheap by technology. With no legal restrictions, export controls or sanctions, states will continue to use spyware to snoop on their citizens abroad, and armies of social-media trolls to smear them. From there it is easy to use that knowledge to intimidate or silence. In recent years, Hungary, Mexico and Morocco have all used Pegasus spyware to target journalists, human-rights activists and ordinary citizens (though Morocco has denied doing so). In 2022, under the right circumstances, they may be tempted to go further.","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"The urge to repress is strongest at moments of heightened political sensitivity. International sporting events in 2022—the Winter Olympics in Beijing in February, the World Cup in Qatar in November—are occasions when hosts will be aware of outside criticism, and anxious to stop it. Hong Kong dissidents abroad will be at most risk of harassment before a new chief executive is selected in March. ","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"Governments will continue to use such methods as long as they think they can get away with it. America’s intelligence community believes that Muhammad bin Salman, the Saudi crown prince, directly approved the killing of Jamal Khashoggi, a ","type":"text"},{"type":"tag","name":"i","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"Washington Post","type":"text"}]},{"data":" columnist, in Turkey in 2018. But he will not be deterred by America’s “Khashoggi ban”, which supposedly slaps sanctions on people implicated in such acts but is unlikely to touch the prince himself. ","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"After September 11th 2001, America and its allies used the global “war on terror” to flout international law prohibiting rendition and torture, and to deny suspected “terrorists” their rights. Regimes around the world believe that gives them the right to do similar things, and worse. A quarter of all the “red notices” issued for fugitives by Interpol, the international policing body, contain the word “terrorist”. ","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"As long as Western democracies condone such bending of the rules, it will be hard to push others to stop. In 2022 they can lead by example, by showing greater respect for international law and better protecting the exiles of repressive regimes.","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"type":"tag","name":"i","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"Georgia Banjo: Foreign affairs correspondent, The Economist","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"span","attribs":{"data-ornament":"ufinish"},"children":[{"data":"■","type":"text"}]}]},{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"type":"tag","name":"em","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"This article appeared in the International section of the print edition of The World Ahead 2022 under the headline “Dictators without borders”","type":"text"}]}]}],"bodyText":"BEFORE 2021, few people imagined that a national leader would order the hijacking of a foreign plane in order to capture a dissident. But that is exactly what Alexander Lukashenko, president of Belarus, did last May to silence Roman Protasevich. An outspoken exile can be a special kind of headache for an autocrat, causing all manner of image problems at home and abroad. Silencing them using smear tactics, intimidation and violence, even if it means reaching across borders and breaking laws, also serves to spread fear and disillusionment through the diaspora. \nIn 2022 there will be more such outrages, and a greater variety of perpetrators. Smaller states will copy larger ones. Mr Lukashenko learned much from the Russian president, Vladimir Putin. \nAsia will continue to be at the centre. Iran, which has killed its citizens abroad and kidnapped others, will be in good company when it joins the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). The Asian security alliance maintains a shared blacklist of dissidents. \nStates will continue to use spyware to snoop on their citizens abroadAnother SCO member, India, is the only “free” state to engage in “transnational repression”, according to Freedom House, a think-tank. The world’s largest democracy will probably detain more activists abroad in the run-up to elections in 2022. Nepal, which has long harassed Tibetans and deported them to neighbouring China, may do so more, ahead of its own election. \nHijackings and poisonings grab all the attention. Less obvious is a steady drip of intimidation and harassment, made easy and cheap by technology. With no legal restrictions, export controls or sanctions, states will continue to use spyware to snoop on their citizens abroad, and armies of social-media trolls to smear them. From there it is easy to use that knowledge to intimidate or silence. In recent years, Hungary, Mexico and Morocco have all used Pegasus spyware to target journalists, human-rights activists and ordinary citizens (though Morocco has denied doing so). In 2022, under the right circumstances, they may be tempted to go further.\nThe urge to repress is strongest at moments of heightened political sensitivity. International sporting events in 2022—the Winter Olympics in Beijing in February, the World Cup in Qatar in November—are occasions when hosts will be aware of outside criticism, and anxious to stop it. Hong Kong dissidents abroad will be at most risk of harassment before a new chief executive is selected in March. \nGovernments will continue to use such methods as long as they think they can get away with it. America’s intelligence community believes that Muhammad bin Salman, the Saudi crown prince, directly approved the killing of Jamal Khashoggi, a Washington Post columnist, in Turkey in 2018. But he will not be deterred by America’s “Khashoggi ban”, which supposedly slaps sanctions on people implicated in such acts but is unlikely to touch the prince himself. \nAfter September 11th 2001, America and its allies used the global “war on terror” to flout international law prohibiting rendition and torture, and to deny suspected “terrorists” their rights. Regimes around the world believe that gives them the right to do similar things, and worse. A quarter of all the “red notices” issued for fugitives by Interpol, the international policing body, contain the word “terrorist”. \nAs long as Western democracies condone such bending of the rules, it will be hard to push others to stop. In 2022 they can lead by example, by showing greater respect for international law and better protecting the exiles of repressive regimes.\nGeorgia Banjo: Foreign affairs correspondent, The Economist■\nThis article appeared in the International section of the print edition of The World Ahead 2022 under the headline “Dictators without borders”","about":{"public":[{"headline":"dissident","__typename":"Content"},{"headline":"sovereign state","__typename":"Content"},{"headline":"Spyware","__typename":"Content"},{"headline":"activist","__typename":"Content"},{"headline":"Nepal","__typename":"Content"},{"headline":"Harassment","__typename":"Content"},{"headline":"Morocco","__typename":"Content"},{"headline":"United States","__typename":"Content"},{"headline":"international law","__typename":"Content"},{"headline":"terrorist","__typename":"Content"}],"__typename":"Taxonomies"},"print":null,"articleSection":{"public":[{"headline":"act of 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pirates","image":{"main":{"url":{"canonical":"https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/media-assets/image/20211118_IRP004.jpg","__typename":"URL"},"__typename":"Content","width":1920,"height":1080},"__typename":"Media","promo":null}}],"__typename":"HasPart"}}],"__typename":"Taxonomies"},"publication":null,"channel":{"tegID":"j53t6hsedat4l7rkbb1le98u73262sh5","__typename":"Content"},"_section":{"articleType":"the-world-ahead","publicationUrl":null,"sectionHeadline":"The World Ahead","sectionSubheadline":null,"sectionUrl":"https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/the-world-ahead/"},"_metadata":{"articleId":"/content/3gk1ppmv1406e02k5no5tgfhc7asghli","tegID":"3gk1ppmv1406e02k5no5tgfhc7asghli","title":"The World Ahead 2022 - Autocrats will continue to target dissidents abroad | The World Ahead | The Economist","shareSnippet":"The World Ahead 2022 – Autocrats will continue to target dissidents abroad","headline":"Autocrats will continue to target dissidents abroad","section":"The World Ahead","keywords":["dissident","sovereign state","Spyware","activist","Nepal","Harassment","Morocco","United States","international law","terrorist","act of terror","terrorism","international law","crime","international relations"],"author":["Georgia Banjo: Foreign affairs correspondent, The Economist"],"url":"https://web.archive.org/web/20220123082832/https://www.economist.com/the-world-ahead/2021/11/08/autocrats-will-continue-to-target-dissidents-abroad","type":"Article","articleBody":"BEFORE 2021, few people imagined that a national leader would order the hijacking of a foreign plane in order to capture a dissident. But that is exactly what Alexander Lukashenko, president of Belarus, did last May to silence Roman Protasevich. An outspoken exile can be a special kind of headache for an autocrat, causing all manner of image problems at home and abroad. Silencing them using smear tactics, intimidation and violence, even if it means reaching across borders and breaking laws, also serves to spread fear and disillusionment through the diaspora. \nIn 2022 there will be more such outrages, and a greater variety of perpetrators. Smaller states will copy larger ones. Mr Lukashenko learned much from the Russian president, Vladimir Putin. \nAsia will continue to be at the centre. Iran, which has killed its citizens abroad and kidnapped others, will be in good company when it joins the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). The Asian security alliance maintains a shared blacklist of dissidents. \nStates will continue to use spyware to snoop on their citizens abroadAnother SCO member, India, is the only “free” state to engage in “transnational repression”, according to Freedom House, a think-tank. The world’s largest democracy will probably detain more activists abroad in the run-up to elections in 2022. Nepal, which has long harassed Tibetans and deported them to neighbouring China, may do so more, ahead of its own election. \nHijackings and poisonings grab all the attention. Less obvious is a steady drip of intimidation and harassment, made easy and cheap by technology. With no legal restrictions, export controls or sanctions, states will continue to use spyware to snoop on their citizens abroad, and armies of social-media trolls to smear them. From there it is easy to use that knowledge to intimidate or silence. In recent years, Hungary, Mexico and Morocco have all used Pegasus spyware to target journalists, human-rights activists and ordinary citizens (though Morocco has denied doing so). In 2022, under the right circumstances, they may be tempted to go further.\nThe urge to repress is strongest at moments of heightened political sensitivity. International sporting events in 2022—the Winter Olympics in Beijing in February, the World Cup in Qatar in November—are occasions when hosts will be aware of outside criticism, and anxious to stop it. Hong Kong dissidents abroad will be at most risk of harassment before a new chief executive is selected in March. \nGovernments will continue to use such methods as long as they think they can get away with it. America’s intelligence community believes that Muhammad bin Salman, the Saudi crown prince, directly approved the killing of Jamal Khashoggi, a Washington Post columnist, in Turkey in 2018. But he will not be deterred by America’s “Khashoggi ban”, which supposedly slaps sanctions on people implicated in such acts but is unlikely to touch the prince himself. \nAfter September 11th 2001, America and its allies used the global “war on terror” to flout international law prohibiting rendition and torture, and to deny suspected “terrorists” their rights. Regimes around the world believe that gives them the right to do similar things, and worse. A quarter of all the “red notices” issued for fugitives by Interpol, the international policing body, contain the word “terrorist”. \nAs long as Western democracies condone such bending of the rules, it will be hard to push others to stop. In 2022 they can lead by example, by showing greater respect for international law and better protecting the exiles of repressive regimes.\nGeorgia Banjo: Foreign affairs correspondent, The Economist■\nThis article appeared in the International section of the print edition of The World Ahead 2022 under the headline “Dictators without borders”","description":"They know that Western countries have done so, too","articleDescription":"They know that Western countries have done so, 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