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You could also send an email to the <a href="https://meta.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:MyLanguage/Stewards" class="extiw" title="m:Special:MyLanguage/Stewards">stewards</a> <a href="https://meta.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:MyLanguage/VRT" class="extiw" title="m:Special:MyLanguage/VRT">VRT</a> queue at <kbd>stewards@wikimedia.org</kbd> including all above details. </p> </div> <p>Other useful links: <a href="https://meta.wikimedia.org/wiki/Global_blocks" class="extiw" title="m:Global blocks">Global blocks</a> · <a href="/wiki/Help:I_have_been_blocked" title="Help:I have been blocked">Help:I have been blocked</a> </p> </div></li></ul><hr /> <div id="viewsourcetext">You can view and copy the source of this page:</div><textarea readonly="" accesskey="," id="wpTextbox1" cols="80" rows="25" style="" class="mw-editfont-monospace" lang="en" dir="ltr" name="wpTextbox1">==Prime Minister, 1923–1929== [[File:Nla1ndBruceMinistry.jpg|right|upright=1.4|thumb|Bruce's newly assembled ministry, 1923]] The Nationalists lost eleven seats and their majority in the [[Australian House of Representatives]] in the [[1922 Australian federal election|1922 election]]. Only three of these seats were picked up by the [[Australian Labor Party|Labor Party]] though, and Labor still lacked the numbers to form government in their own right. Rather, a breakaway anti-Hughes [[Liberal Party (1922)|Liberal Party]] took five government seats, while the Country Party increased their number to 14 and now held the balance of power.{{sfn|Barber|p=27}} The only politically realistic option for the Nationalists to stay in office was to come to an agreement with the Country Party. However, Country Party leader [[Earle Page]] refused to support a Nationalist government with Hughes as prime minister, and negotiations throughout January and February failed to break the impasse.{{sfn|Fitzhardinge|pp=511–517}} Rather than risk being defeated in the legislature, which might have resulted in the [[Governor-General of Australia|Governor-General]] asking Labor to form government, Hughes surprised his colleagues by announcing his intention to resign on 2 February.{{sfn|Fitzhardinge|pp=515–517}} With deputy leader [[Walter Massy-Greene]] having lost his seat at the 1922 election, Hughes now sent for Bruce to take over as leader of the party. After some reluctance, Bruce finally agreed, although Hughes later regretted the decision and became one of the new prime minister's most outspoken detractors.{{sfn|Lee|pp=24–25}}{{sfn|Edwards|p=75}} Bruce moved quickly to secure a working majority for his government. He convinced Hughes' long time political ally George Pearce to join his ministry and shored up the support of the other former [[National Labor Party|National Labor]] members of the Nationalist Party whom had walked out of the Labor Party with Hughes in 1916. He appointed William Watt as [[Speaker of the Australian House of Representatives|Speaker of the House]], effectively removing one of his key opponents from the benches, a tactical manoeuvre that became common in Australian politics thereafter.{{sfn|Reid & Forrest|pp=37–38}} But his most lasting political achievement was the negotiation of what became known as the [[Coalition (Australia)|Coalition]]{{spaced ndash}} an arrangement of electoral and political co-operation between the Nationalists (and their successors) and the Country Party. Although differing greatly in character and background, the orderly and diplomatic Bruce forged a strong working relationship with the intelligent but irascible Country Party leader Page.{{sfn|Cumpston|pp=30–31}} Bruce had to pay a very high price for this relationship, however. As part of the Coalition agreement, the Country Party received five seats in a Cabinet of 11. Page also became Treasurer and ranked second in the Cabinet.<ref name=adb>{{Australian Dictionary of Biography |last=Bridge |first=Carl |year=1988 |id=A110127b |title= Page, Sir Earle Christmas Grafton (1880–1961) |access-date=19 March 2010 }}</ref> The Nationalists also made major concessions on rural development and taxation policy{{spaced ndash}} compromises that stirred some resentment among some members of Bruce's party.{{sfn|Souter|p=194}}{{sfn|Souter|pp=202–203}} Page, who would serve as Treasurer and ''de facto'' [[Deputy Prime Minister of Australia|Deputy Prime Minister]] throughout Bruce's tenure, would become a great admirer of Bruce, stating, "He was a leader who impressed his colleagues with his sincerity and his capacity, and earned their loyalty as the reward for his wisdom and integrity."<ref>{{cite book|last=Page|first=Earle|title=Truant Surgeon: The Inside Story of Forty Years of Australian Political Life|year=1963|publisher=Angus & Robertson|location=Sydney|page=104}}</ref> Bruce took office on 9 February.{{sfn|Australian Dictionary of Biography}} His appointment as prime minister marked an important turning point in Australian political history. He was the first prime minister who had not been involved in the movement for [[Federation of Australia|Federation]], who had not been a member of a colonial or state parliament, and who had not been a member of the original [[1901 Australian federal election|1901 federal parliament]]. He was, in addition, the first prime minister to head a cabinet consisting entirely of Australian-born ministers.<ref>{{cite web|last=Crase |first=Simon |url=http://www.abc.net.au/local/photos/2008/04/29/2230588.htm |title=ABC Ballarat |publisher=Abc.net.au |date=1 May 2008 |access-date=4 November 2011}}</ref> Yet Bruce himself was frequently caricatured in public as "an Englishman who happened to have been born in Australia".{{sfn|Australian Dictionary of Biography}} He drove a [[Rolls-Royce Limited|Rolls-Royce]], wore white [[Spats (footwear)|spats]], and was often seen as distant and lacking the common touch: characteristics that did little to personally endear him to the Australian public.{{sfn|Australian Dictionary of Biography}} ==="Men, money and markets"=== [[File:Australian Migration Poster, 1928.jpg|right|thumb|Poster promoting migration to Australia as part of the "men, money and markets" scheme, 1928]] In 1923 Australia was prosperous by comparison with other developed nations of the period, having quickly rebounded economically after World War I. Unemployment and inflation were relatively low by international standards, and [[Commonwealth of Australia|Commonwealth]] revenues had grown significantly since Australia became a federation.{{sfn|Edwards|p=84}} Australia was a vast and richly resourced country with fewer than six million inhabitants, and Bruce made it his government's priority to develop Australia's economy. In his first speech to the House of Representatives as prime minister, he outlined a comprehensive vision for Australia that centred on economic development, reform of the [[Federalism in Australia|federal system]], increased Commonwealth powers over industrial relations, a greater voice for Australia within the British Empire and the establishment of a national capital. He summarised this vision as a program of "men, money and markets".{{sfn|National Archives of Australia|loc=In Office}} According to Bruce, men were needed to allow Australia's extensive resources to be developed. In 1923, much of Australia's land was virtually unoccupied, and Bruce believed Australia had the potential to be one of the most fertile and productive nations in the world, which could sustain populations upward of 100&nbsp;million over time{{spaced ndash}} more than 16 times the population of his time.{{sfn|Lee|p=38}} Despite dissenting voices from scientists, who noted that poor climate, soils and water availability were significant barriers to large populations, the Bruce-Page government enacted policies to encourage large numbers of British to migrate to Australia.{{sfn|Lee|p=38}} Under the auspices of the new Development and Migration Commission, £34&nbsp;million in loans took place over the decade starting in 1924 to facilitate immigrant settlement through improvements to rural infrastructure, land access, and subsidising immigrant journeys ("passages").<ref>{{cite book|last=Roe|first=Michael|title=Australia, Britain and Migration, 1915–1940: A Study of Desperate Hopes|url=https://archive.org/details/australiabritain0000roem|url-access=registration|year=1995|publisher=Cambridge University Press|location=Cambridge, UK|isbn=0-521-46507-9|pages=[https://archive.org/details/australiabritain0000roem/page/64 64–83]}}</ref> Estimates as high as half a million British immigrants over ten years were predicted at the start of the policy, whereas just over 200,000 travelled to Australia during that time period.{{sfn|Macintyre|p=168}} Bruce's settlement plan rested on rural growth. Migrants were often selected on the basis of their willingness to work on the land; state and Commonwealth governments concentrated their investment on rural development and encouraged returned servicemen to take up farms on the periphery of settled areas.{{sfn|Macintyre|pp=168–169}} Despite this, a majority of these migrants settled in urban areas, as Australia's rural areas were far more remote and difficult to work (than for example England's) and many of those taking advantage of the assistance scheme were urban workers or family and friends of those already settled.<ref>{{cite book|last=Dyster|first=Barrie|title=Australia in the Global Economy : Continuity and Change|year=2012|publisher=Cambridge University Press|location=New York|isbn=978-1-107-68383-9|pages=115–117|edition=Second|author2=Meredith, David }}</ref> Immigration from outside Great Britain and her dominions was considered unpalatable{{spaced ndash}} the Bruce government upheld the [[White Australia policy]] by placing strong restrictions on immigration from other areas, notwithstanding its population growth targets.{{sfn|Macintyre|pp=125–127}} In his campaign speech for the 1925 election, Bruce stated:<ref name="Policy_Launch_Speech"> {{cite news |url=http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article155676023 |title=ISSUES OF THE ELECTIONS |newspaper=[[The Age]] |issue=21,999 |location=Victoria, Australia |date=6 October 1925 |access-date=9 December 2016 |page=11 |via=National Library of Australia}}</ref><blockquote>It is necessary that we should determine what are the ideals towards which every Australian would desire to strive. I think those ideals might well be stated as being to secure our national safety, and to ensure the maintenance of our White Australia Policy to continue as an integral portion of the British Empire.<ref name="Policy_Launch_Speech" /> We intend to keep this country white and not allow its people to be faced with the problems that at present are practically insoluble in many parts of the world.<ref name="Bowen">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ywV16n6mOUUC&q=%22stanley+bruce%22&pg=PA301|title=The Great Barrier Reef: History, Science, Heritage|last=Bowen|first=James|publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]]|year=2002|isbn=0-521-82430-3|page=301|author2=Bowen, Margarita|access-date=24 January 2008}}</ref></blockquote> Money was borrowed from Britain to fund the state's programs and at an unprecedented rate. Over £230&nbsp;million was extended in loans from the [[City of London]] to state and Commonwealth treasuries during the 1920s. A further £140&nbsp;million arrived through private investment.{{sfn|Macintyre|p=168}} Bruce's plan for Australian economic development needed a much stronger role for the Commonwealth government than had been traditionally accepted. Both he and Page were "conspicuously national rather than federal in their outlook"{{sfn|Nethercote|p=126}} and sought major changes to federal-state relations in order implement their development policy. <blockquote>Increasingly our problems are becoming national in character&nbsp;... Our financial resources are curtailed and there is an immediate repercussion throughout the Commonwealth. All our problems are common problems. None can be prosperous unless all are prospering. I am more convinced that we have to look at all our problems with the eyes of a nation and not as individuals. Where a great problem confronts a State it may be solved by the co-operation of the Commonwealth for the benefit of the States, and the benefit and advancement of the whole of Australia.<ref>{{cite news |title=Industrial Problems: Mr Bruce's Address |url=http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article55272048 |newspaper=Morning Bulletin |date=20 September 1927|page=7}}</ref></blockquote> The Bruce–Page plan of May 1923 put in motion efforts to coordinate state-federal operations in several areas, particularly infrastructure and rural development schemes.{{sfn|Lee|pp=35–36}} The ''Main Roads Development Act of 1923'' was one of the first and most important legislative accomplishments in this vein. The act leveraged Section 96 of the [[Constitution of Australia]] to grant financial assistance to the states by employing it to fund road construction and maintenance according to the plans of the federal transportation portfolio{{spaced ndash}} in effect allowing the Commonwealth to operate directly in what was constitutionality the exclusive domain of the state governments. The Act would provide a precedent for many types of "special purpose payments" that became a common feature of Australian federal fiscal relations.<ref>{{cite book|last=Painter|first=Martin|title=Collaborative Federalism: Economic Reform in Australia in the 1990s|url=https://archive.org/details/collaborativefed00pain|url-access=limited|year=1998|publisher=Cambridge University Press|location=Cambridge, UK|isbn=0-521-59071-X|pages=[https://archive.org/details/collaborativefed00pain/page/n106 97]–98}}</ref> Despite some major successes, Bruce was more frequently frustrated by a lack of progress in many key areas of intergovernmental co-operation.{{sfn|Australian Dictionary of Biography}} The states could not be induced to standardise electrical power schemes, nor unify on [[track gauge]]s, nor [[national health insurance]] despite years of work and solid arguments in favour.{{sfn|Edwards|pp=94–95}} [[File:StanleyBruce2.jpg|left|thumb|Bruce in about 1925]] Although men and money had been secured, the markets component of the Bruce plan was never fully realised. At the [[1923 Imperial Conference]], Bruce lobbied consistently for the [[Conservative Party (UK)|Conservative]] government of [[Stanley Baldwin]] to make changes to Great Britain's trading arrangements to give [[Trade preference|preference]] to dominion products over imports from other nations.{{sfn|Brett|pp=81–83}} He argued for Empire-wide economic trading arrangements that filled domestic demands by production from member states before seeking supplemental imports from other countries and empires. Baldwin and the Conservatives attempted to introduce such a scheme in Britain; however, the British public feared higher prices for basic products (particularly food), and this fear was a factor in the Conservative government's defeat in the [[1923 United Kingdom general election|December 1923 election]]. Baldwin's successor [[Ramsay MacDonald]] repudiated the plan, much to Bruce's chagrin, and attempts to revive negotiations foundered as economic conditions worsened throughout the decade.{{sfn|Lee|p=40}} World agricultural prices stalled in the mid-1920s as European and American agricultural production recovered to pre-war levels, and Australian exports were crowded out of markets as the decade progressed.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Federico |first=Giovanni |year=2010 |title=The Growth of World Agricultural Production, 1800–1938 |journal=Groningen Growth and Development Centre |url=http://www.ggdc.net/databases/hna/2010/world%20agricultural%20production%20_research%20economic%20history_.pdf |access-date=15 March 2013}}</ref> In 1927, Earle Page handed down the first budget in deficit for the coalition government, and Bruce recognised that Australia's economic position was deteriorating. Federal and state debt that year totalled just over £1&nbsp;billion, of which £305&nbsp;million were war debts and the rest had been spent on development that had failed had deliver high returns.{{sfn|Cumpston|p=74}} Nearly half of the total debt was owed to overseas lenders, principally those in London. Economic growth was slow, and far lower than the levels hoped. Exports and revenues were falling behind government needs, and investors had begun to express alarm at Australia's level of debt.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Sinclair|first=W.A.|title=Economic Development and Fluctuation in Australia in the 1920s|journal=Economic Record|year=1975|volume=51|issue=3|pages=409–413|doi=10.1111/j.1475-4932.1975.tb00269.x}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal|last=Boehm|first=E.A.|title=Economic Development and Fluctuation in Australia in the 1920s: A Reply|journal=Economic Record|year=1975|volume=51|issue=3|doi=10.1111/j.1475-4932.1975.tb00270.x|pages=414–420}}</ref> Bruce persisted with his plans and believed that growing Australian exports were the key to rectifying the problems, thus justifying further investment and encouragement of population growth.{{sfn|Cumpston|p=75}} The government did act to try to manage the debt problem. By the mid-1920s, states were borrowing at unsustainable rates to fund their own programs to compensate for dwindling revenues. In response, Bruce proposed that the responsibility for all government debts, Commonwealth and state, and the authority to acquire new debt, should be handed over to a [[Loan Council|National Loan Council]] in which all states would have one vote and the Commonwealth would have two votes and the casting vote.{{sfn|Sawer|pp=131–132}} He also moved to abolish per capita payments to the states, to be replaced by a funding formula tied more to financial need. These two changes formed the ''Financial Agreement of 1927'', the provisions of which were approved by [[1928 Australian referendum|referendum in 1928]]. These changes would prove to be amongst the most significant in Australian constitutional history, as the states had now lost much of their financial independence.{{sfn|Sawer|pp=131–132}}{{sfn|Mathews|pp=9–19}} Faced with severe financial pressures and an increasing reliance upon Commonwealth transfer payments, after some resistance the states consented, although vertical fiscal imbalance between the states and the Commonwealth continued to be an enduring feature of Australian federal relations.{{sfn|Alexander|pp=69–70}} ===Modernising government=== [[File:Bruce opens Parliament House, Canberra.jpg|thumb|right|Bruce speaking at the opening of Parliament House, Canberra on 9 May 1927]] Bruce set about applying his business principles to his cabinet, putting his experience as both a corporate manager and rowing coach to use in a cabinet system that was orderly and practical.{{sfn|Hawkins|p=77}}{{sfn|Weller|pp=76–77}} He implemented a formal system whereby a proper agenda for cabinet meetings would be formulated, and the minister responsible for each item would circulate papers to bring other members up to speed on the issue. His decision-making procedures ensured that his colleagues were informed and actively participated in decisions{{spaced ndash}} or if they disagreed, gave leave for cabinet members to absent themselves from meetings to preserve cabinet solidarity.{{sfn|Weller|pp=53–55}} In this respect Bruce earned the quick respect and approval of his colleagues, and in many respects came to dominate cabinet through his industriousness and knowledgability.{{sfn|Murray|p=127}} Cabinet minister George Pearce would later conclude that Bruce was the best of the prime ministers that he served or opposed in his 38-year parliamentary career.{{sfn|Cumpston|p=29}} Bruce also greatly strengthened the research and information-gathering capacity of the executive, and sought to make decisions and policy on the basis of the best available evidence and information. A record 22 [[Royal Commission]]s reported to the Bruce government, as well as scores of other inquiries and research projects undertaken by the Commonwealth in a wide range of areas, particularly on economic, industrial and agricultural matters. Recognising that investment in science was essential to expanding the opportunities for agricultural and economic development in Australia, Bruce established the [[Council for Scientific and Industrial Research]] (CSIR), now known as the CSIRO.{{sfn|Edwards|p=126}} He established the Bureau of Economic Research in 1929 and for the first time economists were regularly employed to advise the government on what had been until then exclusively political issues.{{sfn|Hawkins|p=80}}{{sfn|Millmow|pp=147–148}} By the time he left office, he had put in place extensive structures to provide information to the prime minister and the executive branch on most major areas of policy, a major development in the professional capacity of the Australian prime minister.{{sfn|Weller|pp=56–76}} [[File:Nla Bruce thelodge.jpg|thumb|left|Stanley and Ethel Bruce after moving into [[The Lodge (Australia)|The Lodge]], 1926]] Under Bruce the Australian government also moved to its new permanent home in the planned federal city of [[Canberra]]. Plans for a new federal capital had been circulated since the time of Federation, and a site on the [[Molonglo River]] was selected in 1913. Design and construction had proceeded slowly due to World War I as well as funding and management problems. Bruce was a committed advocate of the new capital, however, stating: "For the purposes of Federation it was essential that there should be some central point of nationhood, suitable to Australia as a nation&nbsp;... and sooner or later there would have to be a national capital, overriding State boundaries and State prejudices."<ref>{{cite news |title=Common Centre, Australian Nation: Mr Bruce Defends Canberra |url=http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article21292245 |newspaper=Brisbane Courier |date=31 May 1928|page=13}}</ref> This came to pass on 9 May 1927 when the [[Parliament of Australia|Federal Parliament]] moved to its new premises in Canberra; Bruce had moved himself and his wife to [[The Lodge (Australia)|The Lodge]] a few days earlier.<ref>{{cite book|last=Wigmore|first=Lionel|title=Canberra: History of Australia's National Capital|year=1972|publisher=Dalton Publishing|location=Canberra, ACT|isbn=0-909906-06-8|page=101|edition=Revised}}</ref> At the Federal Parliament's opening ceremony, Bruce decided that voices of the clerks of the House of Representatives and the [[Australian Senate|Senate]] were too heavily [[Australian accent|accented]], and determined that he would personally welcome the [[George VI|Duke of York]] and co-open the new building{{spaced ndash}} a move that was criticised by several parliamentarians.{{sfn|Lee|p=69}} The business of transferring government and cabinet operations to the new capital proceeded slowly over 1927 and 1928. This was an administrative task that occupied a significant proportion of the government's time in those years, with many departments only very gradually transferring from Melbourne, much to Bruce's consternation.{{sfn|Cumpston|pp=76–77}} ===Imperial overtures=== [[File:Imperial Conference 1923 Cartoon.png|thumb|upright=1.6|right|Much coverage was given to the stand taken by Bruce at the 1923 Imperial Conference.]] Loyal to the concept of the [[British Empire]], Bruce envisaged strengthening it through mutual economic development, greater political co-operation, and common policies on defence, trade and foreign affairs. His first trip abroad as prime minister was for the 1923 Imperial Conference in London. Bruce put forward a wide range of proposals for stronger co-operation between Great Britain and her [[dominion]]s in a wide range of areas, particularly in the areas of trade, defence and the formulation of a common foreign policy. He particularly desired a greater role for the dominions in imperial affairs, including a collective decision-making body for common questions of defence and foreign affairs. He took exception to a lack of involvement in foreign policy decisions made by Britain that would have significant ramifications for Australia. In 1922, in what became known as the [[Chanak Crisis]], British brinkmanship over Turkey's aggressive manoeuvres to [[Greco-Turkish War (1919–22)|redefine its border with Greece]] had escalated to the point where the British cabinet had threatened war against Turkey. This threat included military participation of dominions in an intervention, though no dominion government had been informed of the developments in Turkey.<ref>{{cite book|last=Meany|first=Neville|title=Australia and World Crisis: 1914–1923, Vol. 2|year=2009|publisher=Sydney University Press|location=Sydney|isbn=978-1-920899-17-2|pages=508–512}}</ref> Although a diplomatic end to the crisis was eventually found, dominion leaders were angered at having almost been committed to a military conflict without any consultation.<ref>{{cite book|last=Meany|first=Neville|title=Australia and World Crisis: 1914–1923, Vol. 2|year=2009|publisher=Sydney University Press|location=Sydney|isbn=978-1-920899-17-2|pages=510–512}}</ref> Bruce pushed for greater consultation and voice for the dominions, and succeeded in having [[Richard Casey, Baron Casey|Richard Casey]] appointed as a permanent political liaison in London who would have access to British government decisions and act as a conduit between Westminster and Melbourne.{{sfn|Andrews|pp=48–51}} He also successfully lobbied for the creation of a [[Dominion Office]] separated out from the [[Colonial Office]] to acknowledge the different state of affairs that now existed in the Empire. However, while fellow dominions generally agreed that the imperial system should be modified, not all shared his vision for closer collaboration and strong ties. Canada and the [[Union of South Africa]] were instead seeking greater independence from London, and there was little enthusiasm for many of Bruce's more ambitious plans for inter-empire trade and policy co-operation.{{sfn|Andrews|pp=50–51}} Despite Australia's greater representation in London after 1923, Bruce's hope for collective imperial decision-making was dashed once more with the British decision to recognise the Soviet Union in 1924. This act dismayed the fervently anti-communist Bruce, who disagreed with the decision ideologically and on the grounds that once again the dominions had not been consulted.<ref>{{cite news |title=Treaties with Russia: Australia's Position |url=http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article4170559 |newspaper=The Argus |date=20 August 1924|page=19}}</ref> Ultimately, though, the differences between Britain's and her dominions' opinions on the matter were too great to be reconciled. Instead, Britain signed the ''General Treaty'' with the Soviet Union only on her own behalf, marking the first major split between Britain and Australia on a matter of foreign policy.<ref>{{cite book |last1=McNair |first1=John |last2=Poole |first2=Thomas |year=1992 |title=Russia and the Fifth Continent: Aspects of Russian-Australian Relation |publisher=University of Queensland Press |location=St Lucia, QLD |isbn=0-7022-2420-0|pages=176–177}}:</ref> Despite its applicability solely to European security arrangements, Bruce had criticised Britain's signing of the [[Locarno Treaties]] in 1925 without dominion consultation;<ref name="trove">{{cite news |title=The Empire "At the Crossroads" |url=http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article54853909 |newspaper=The Register |date=4 August 1926|page=8}}</ref> though the eventual treaty was not binding on the dominions.<ref>{{cite news|title=The Locarno Pact: Its Significance to Australia|url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1300&dat=19260325&id=v9dVAAAAIBAJ&pg=7192,8548052|access-date=21 August 2013|newspaper=The Age|date=25 March 1926|page=15}}</ref> [[File:ImperialConference.jpg|left|thumb|Bruce (Back row centre) at the [[1926 Imperial Conference]]]]The [[1926 Imperial Conference]] confirmed that Britain and her dominions were rapidly diverging in interests and that greater independence{{spaced ndash}} not greater co-operation{{spaced ndash}} was the most practical solution. Bruce recognised the empire had reached a turning point, but despite his optimism for a reinvigorated imperial system, there was little interest from other governments.<ref name="trove"/> His plan for greater economic and defensive co-operation was discussed, as well as a revival of imperial preference in trading arrangements, but such ideas were now politically unpalatable in Britain and failed to develop.{{sfn|Cumpston|pp=70–73}} His attitudes were almost the opposite of those held by the leaders of Canada, South Africa and the [[Irish Free State]]. As Prime Minister Baldwin remarked at the conference, "If you, Mr Bruce, would use the word 'Empire' a bit less and you [[Patrick McGilligan (Fine Gael politician)|Mr McGilligan]] would use it a bit more, then we would make better progress."<ref>{{cite book|last=Harkness|first=D.W.|title=The Restless Dominion : The Irish Free State and the British Commonwealth of Nations|url=https://archive.org/details/restlessdominion0000hark|url-access=registration|year=1969|publisher=Macmillan|location=London, UK|isbn=0-333-06319-8|page=[https://archive.org/details/restlessdominion0000hark/page/94 94]}}</ref> Ultimately proposals for greater independence won out, and 1926 Imperial Conference recognised through the [[Balfour Declaration of 1926|Balfour Declaration]] that dominions were essentially independent entities that freely associated as the [[British Commonwealth of Nations]], though after much negotiation it stopped short of using the terms ''nation'' or ''state''. [[Governor-General|Governors-General]] were redefined as representatives only of the [[British monarch]], not the [[British government]], and were obliged now to act only on the advice of their respective dominion governments. These changes were both symbolically and practically significant in the transformation of the dominions from colonies to independent nations.<ref>{{cite news |title=Inter-Imperial Relations |url=http://atojs.natlib.govt.nz/cgi-bin/atojs?a=d&d=AJHR1927-I.2.1.2.9&e=-------10--1------0 |newspaper=Proceedings of the 1926 Imperial Conference |year=1927 |pages=8–18}}</ref> Bruce had mixed feelings about these developments; on the one hand he believed that the Empire was still a strong and vital international organisation playing a positive role in international affairs, but on the other hand he was disappointed that other member nations did not share his vision or commitment to maintaining its integrity and unity.{{sfn|Cumpston|p=74}} Bruce did have some successes at the conference, however, expanding the work of the Imperial Economic Committee and increasing inter-empire co-operation in technical and scientific areas.{{sfn|Cumpston|p=72}} ===Industrial relations=== [[File:1929 Timberworkers Strike.jpg|thumb|right|Workers protesting against the decisions of the [[Commonwealth Court of Conciliation and Arbitration]] during the [[1929 Timber Workers strike]]]] Strikes and industrial unrest were frequent in the aftermath of World War I, arising from discontent over poor conditions and the rise of militant labour organisations like the [[Communist Party of Australia]] and the [[Industrial Workers of the World]].{{sfn|Plowman|pp=50–55}} The problems were made worse in Australia due to the overlapping system of industrial courts that had evolved since Federation.<ref name="Australian Parliamentary Library">{{cite web |url=http://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/pubs/rp/rp0102/02RP15 |title=The Federal Conciliation and Arbitration Power: From Cradle to Grave? |last1=Frazer |first1=Andrew |year=2002 |publisher=Australian Parliamentary Library |access-date=18 March 2013}}</ref> Although [[Commonwealth Court of Conciliation and Arbitration|federal arbitration]] was intended for industrial disputes that impacted upon multiple states or federal employees, courts had through several judgments greatly expanded the potential jurisdiction of federal arbitration, and the system had developed into a duality with both state and federal tribunals weighing into a wide range of industrial disputes.<ref name="Australian Parliamentary Library"/> This was exploited by both unions and employers, who pursued matters in the courts they felt most likely to be favourable and switched between different jurisdictions to arrive at the best combination of state and federal conditions.{{sfn|Plowman|pp=49–54}} Protracted disputes arose as employers and employees pursued disputes in different courts or refused to recognise the rulings of one in favour of the other. Billy Hughes and several of his predecessors had sought resolution to the problem through greater Commonwealth powers, but all [[Referendums in Australia|referendums]] to expand Commonwealth industrial powers had failed at the ballot box.<ref name="Australian Parliamentary Library"/> Bruce's attitudes towards industrial relations were varied, and he was initially unsympathetic to either employer or employee complaints, believing the best resolutions to be those brokered between businesses and their employees. He frequently called upon both sides to embrace a spirit of co-operation.{{sfn|Australian Dictionary of Biography}} The situation became acute when waterfront workers led by the [[Seamen's Union of Australia|Seamen's Union]] went on strike in 1925. This had severe and immediate effect on the Australian economy, reliant as it was on sea transportation for its imports and exports, a situation the Prime Minister recognised as untenable.<ref>{{cite news |title=Seamen Again Defiant |url=http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-page1223289 |newspaper=The Sydney Morning Herald|date=15 January 1925 |page=9}}</ref> With the union disregarding Commonwealth rulings on the dispute, Bruce rushed through the ''Navigation Act'' and the ''Immigration Act''. The first allowed British and foreign shipping not working under Australian industrial awards to operate in Australian waters (although British vessels working in Australia would soon initiate a strike of their own). The second allowed the Commonwealth to deport any foreign-born person whom a special tribunal found guilty of "disrupting the industrial life of the community".{{sfn|Edwards|p=112}}{{sfn|Lee|pp=51–52}} Key foreign-born strike leaders were immediately targeted for deportation, but New South Wales Premier [[Jack Lang (Australian politician)|Jack Lang]] refused to allow [[New South Wales Police Force|state police]] to serve summonses on two leading union leaders. Bruce responded with the ''Peace Officers Act'', which re-established a [[Commonwealth Police|Commonwealth police force]].{{sfn|Edwards|pp=112–114}} [[File:Stanley Bruce - Reynolds.jpg|thumb|right|Caricature of Bruce as prime minister]] These heavy-handed tactics drew outrage from the Labor Party, which challenged the Prime Minister to seek approval from the people. This Bruce did, and the [[1925 Australian federal election|elections of 1925]] were Australia's first "[[red scare]]" election.{{sfn|Souter|p=204}} He campaigned for industrial peace and an increased Commonwealth role in securing it, but also denounced "foreign agitators" and "class war" in appealing for law and order on the waterfront.{{sfn|Australian Dictionary of Biography}} He openly challenged pre-existing federal arrangements, stating on the campaign trail that Australia "should now consider whether that great historic instrument, the Constitution, meets the needs of to-day in the light of the developments which have taken place".<ref>{{cite web |url=http://electionspeeches.moadoph.gov.au/speeches/1925-stanley-bruce |title=Stanley Bruce's Campaign Speech in Dandenong, Victoria |last1=Bruce |first1=Stanley |date=25 October 1925 |publisher=Museum of Australian Democracy |access-date=23 March 2013}}</ref> The campaign was a success and the Bruce government was easily re-elected, increasing by 11 seats its majority over a disheartened ALP, whose leader [[Matthew Charlton]] was in poor health. "My government was returned to power on a clear issue and with a definite mission&nbsp;... to introduce measures for the preservation of industrial peace", Bruce declared during his second term,<ref>{{cite news |title=Referendum: An Appeal by the Prime Minister to the Electors |url=http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article16335744 |newspaper=The Sydney Morning Herald|date=30 August 1926|page=11}}</ref> and called [[1926 Australian referendum|a referendum]] to amend the Australian Constitution and bring industrial relations under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Commonwealth. Attempts to amend the constitution for this purpose had been rejected narrowly in [[Australian referendum, 1911 (Trade and Commerce)|1911]], [[Australian referendum, 1913 (Industrial Matters)|1913]] and [[Australian referendum, 1919 (Legislative Powers)|1919]], but against a background of ongoing industrial strife, Bruce made clear the problems of mixed jurisdiction, confusing dual-awards, and insufficient regulatory and enforcement powers at the Commonwealth level.{{sfn|Wildavsky|pp=12–14}} Controversially, he also formulated an "essential services" question to be put at the same time, giving the government the power to protect the public from any "actual or probable disruption to essential services". These proposals drew hostile reception from many quarters{{spaced ndash}} even from future conservative prime minister [[Robert Menzies]]{{spaced ndash}} and both the Australian Labor Party and conservative groups were divided in opinion on the amendments, with the ALP eventually taking no fixed position on the questions.{{sfn|Wildavsky|pp=10–24}} But by September the issue had drawn so much controversy and ill-feeling that it was no surprise for many commentators that the proposals failed to attract sufficient popular support to overcome the high bar for constitutional change.<ref name="Australian Parliamentary Library"/> [[File:Dog Collar Waterfront Licence, 1929.jpg|thumb|left|A license or 'dog collar' issued to a waterfront worker under the Transport Workers Act in 1929]] The problems of industrial unrest continued to flare up, and the waterfront remained a flashpoint. In a review of the Commonwealth Conciliation and Arbitration Act in 1928, Bruce required industrial courts to consider the economic effects of its awards in addition to the welfare of worker.{{sfn|Australian Dictionary of Biography}} Immediate problems followed when a new award for waterside workers in 1928 worsened conditions for workers on economic grounds. New industrial action led by the [[Maritime Union of Australia|Waterside Workers Federation]] broke out. In Melbourne these turned to riots, claiming casualties and at least one fatality. Reviving the "red scare" pitch for the [[1928 Australian federal election|1928 election]] campaign, Bruce pushed the ''[[Transport Workers Act 1928|Transport Workers Act]]'' through parliament in response, which gave the executive unprecedented regulatory power in industrial relations.{{sfn|Sawer|p=265}} All waterfront workers now required federal licenses, or "dog collars" as they were derisively known, to work.{{sfn|Lee|p=79}} The act allowed the Commonwealth government to effectively control who worked on the docks and nearly destroyed the Waterside Workers Federation, earning the government deep unpopularity among organised labour. At the 1928 election Bruce's government was returned to power, but it now had a majority of just nine{{spaced ndash}} a fragile result, given the growing propensity for Nationalist member defections.{{sfn|Barber|p=29}}{{sfn|Murray|p=119}} Most of the Nationalists' parliamentary gains from 1925 had been wiped out. [[James Scullin]] had assumed the leadership of the ALP earlier in the year, upon the retirement of Charlton, and the party was invigorated as a consequence. Bruce was undeterred, though, and became convinced that unless costs of production for industry in Australia could be lowered and industrial peace secured, Australia was heading towards a major economic crisis. This doctrine was the basis of his appeals to the public for the next year and a half.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://electionspeeches.moadoph.gov.au/speeches/1928-stanley-bruce |title=Stanley Bruce's Campaign Speech in Dandenong, Victoria |last1=Bruce |first1=Stanley |date=8 October 1928 |publisher=Museum of Australian Democracy |access-date=23 March 2013}}</ref><ref name="Museum of Australian Democracy">{{cite web |url=http://electionspeeches.moadoph.gov.au/speeches/1929-stanley-bruce |title=Stanley Bruce's Campaign Speech in Dandenong, Victoria |last1=Bruce |first1=Stanley |date=18 September 1929 |publisher=Museum of Australian Democracy |access-date=23 March 2013}}</ref> ===Maritime industries crisis=== [[File:Waterside Workers of Australia Banner.jpg|thumb|right|The [[Maritime Union of Australia|Waterfront Workers Federation]] was highly militant during the 1920s. Much of Bruce's industrial legislation was targeted at curbing the organisation's power.]] As early as 1927 economic indicators were signalling the onset of a recession in Australia.{{sfn|Schedvin|pp=40–48}} By 1929, the evidence was unavoidable that recession was becoming depression as a resulting of rapidly deteriorating international conditions. In that year, prices for Australian exports fell by nearly a third and GDP had fallen by 10%, with no attendant fall in the cost of living.{{sfn|Lee|p=77}} Australia's debt now stood at £631&nbsp;million{{spaced ndash}} the interest payments on which were equivalent to nearly half of Australia's export receipts, a situation difficult to sustain even in a positive economic climate.{{sfn|Millmow|loc=Chapter 3}} Investors and banks recognised the risk and Australia's credit access was rapidly drying up. Bruce's grand economic development plans had increased the national debt significantly yet had delivered only marginal economic expansion in the short term. To make matters worse for the government, industrial unrest was a persisting problem, particularly in the economically key states of New South Wales and Victoria.{{sfn|Lee|p=77}} The opposition had become more potent as well: Scullin was widely recognised as one of the parliament's most gifted and articulate members; even his opponents respected his personal probity. Scullin forecast that the Australian economy was highly vulnerable given its indebtedness, and was on a course for severe depression if government finances were not turned around dramatically.<ref name="Scullin, James Henry 1876–1953">{{cite book |url=http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/scullin-james-henry-8375 |title=Scullin, James Henry (1876–1953) |last1=Robertson |first1=J. R. |chapter=James Henry Scullin (1876–1953) |year=1988 |work=Australian Dictionary of Biography |publisher=National Centre of Biography, Australian National University |access-date=23 March 2013}}</ref> Furthermore, the Prime Minister's own party was breaking down underneath him. There had been no official party platform yet agreed to, and individual members had a wide degree of latitude to determine the issues they ran on, leading to frequent government defections on legislation.{{sfn|Starr|pp=20–21}} The government's existing nine-seat majority shrank during 1928 and 1929 over various issues, as a result of by-elections, and several leading figures who had previously worked with Bruce became increasingly sharp critics of him. Hughes and [[Edward Mann (Australian politician)|Edward Mann]] were two of the government's most ardent opponents in 1929.{{sfn|Souter|pp=248–249}} Worsening economic conditions had put further pressure on industrial relations, with unemployment rising and employers seeking to cut costs. Strikes of sugar mill workers in 1927, waterside workers in 1928, and then transport and timber industry workers in 1929 continued to disrupt economic operations. The worst came with ongoing disputes between miners and mine owners on the coalfields of New South Wales had culminated in riots and lockouts in 1929, and intervention by the Bruce government failed to produce a settlement. Notably, in March 1929 [[Newcastle, New South Wales|Newcastle]]-based mine owner John Brown locked out workers from his mines at [[Pelaw Main, New South Wales|Pelaw Main]] and Richmond Main to try to force acceptance of lower wages.<ref>{{cite book|last=Turner|first=J.W.|title=Brown, John (1850–1930)|chapter=John Brown (1850–1930) |url=http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/brown-john-5388|work=Australian Dictionary of Biography|publisher=National Centre of Biography, Australian National University|access-date=28 April 2013}}</ref> Attorney-General [[John Latham (judge)|John Latham]] pursued legal action against Brown for illegally using coercive industrial tactics, but Bruce intervened to stop the prosecution, believing the case to be doubtful and that dropping it would give the government a chance to negotiate an end to the dispute. The mine-owners refused to accede to government-brokered negotiations anyway, and the government was seen to have been siding with rich businesses and applying double standards, undermining Bruce's own credibility as an impartial leader and law-and-order prime minister.{{sfn|Lee|pp=83–85}} [[File:Stanley Bruce and John Latham.jpg|thumb|left|Bruce with [[John Latham (judge)|John Latham]], his Attorney-General and eventual successor as leader of the Nationalist Party]] Bruce and the conservatives in parliament became increasingly convinced that "economic deterioration [was] the product, rather than the possible cause, of worsening industrial relations."{{sfn|Plowman|p=54}} Exasperated, the Prime Minister made a dramatic move and presented an ultimatum to the Australian state governments: either they should voluntarily hand their powers of industrial regulation to the federal government, or the federal government would divest itself of its industrial powers and dismantle federal arbitration.{{sfn|Lee|p=85}} The announcement came as a major shock to all sides of politics, not least the members of Bruce's own cabinet, most of whom had not been informed of the dramatic change in policy until the day it was announced to the states.{{sfn|Edwards|pp=171–172}} Bruce calculated that the states would not give up their powers, and thus the move was one designed to sanction the end of Commonwealth arbitration. For Bruce, the only inconceivable outcome now was that the status quo of dual jurisdiction remained unchanged.<ref>{{cite news |title=Mr. Bruce's Policy Speech: "There is Only One Issue" |url=http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article16585481 |newspaper=The Sydney Morning Herald|date=19 September 1929 |page=13}}</ref> The opposition to the proposal, which the Prime Minister introduced to the parliament as the ''Maritime Industries Bill'', was swift and fierce. In 1929 over 150 unions and 700,000 workers were covered by Commonwealth awards over a wide range of industries{{spaced ndash}} although there was dissatisfaction in the coal and timber sectors, most were happy with their arrangements and feared worse pay and conditions if moved back to state awards.{{sfn|Lee|p=86}} He defended his actions as being necessary to create certainty and end the duplication that had caused so many problems in recent years.{{sfn|Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates|loc=Vol. 121, p. 862}} Other government decisions in 1929 had attracted controversy as well. Page handed down his last budget on 22 August, which hinted at the burgeoning debt crisis and introduced a new tax on entertainment and theatres to help cover the deficit.{{sfn|Lee|p=86}} The tax was very unpopular with the public, and the entertainment industry mounted a vocal campaign to stop it. Bruce, supported by the ''Brigden Report'' of 1929, also raised concern that protective tariffs were too high and were in need of reform{{spaced ndash}} a position controversial with the powerful protected industries.<ref>{{cite news |title=What has Tariff Meant for Australia |url=http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article83386259 |newspaper=Queensland Times |date=14 March 1929|page=6}}</ref> The second reading of the ''Maritime Industries Bill'' passed by only four votes, with Hughes, Edward Mann and [[George Maxwell (Australian politician)|George Maxwell]] voting against the government.{{sfn|Souter|pp=249–252}} Hughes moved an amendment to the bill that stipulated it should only take effect after being approved by the people at a referendum or general election. Bruce ruled out any referendum, stating that the amendment would constitute a vote of confidence in his government and urged his party to vote it down.{{sfn|Souter|pp=249–252}} Nationalist MP [[Walter Marks (politician)|Walter Marks]] and Independent MP [[William McWilliams]] joined the opposition, giving the opposition a one-vote majority. Bruce and his supporters now lobbied the Speaker, Sir [[Littleton Groom]] to make a deliberative vote in committee to tie the numbers, leaving the Committee chairman [[James Bayley (politician)|James Bayley]] with the casting (and presumably pro-government) vote. Groom refused, citing long-standing [[British Parliament|Westminster]] (though not Australian) parliamentary tradition of the speaker's impartiality. Groom's bitterness at having been dismissed by Bruce from the job of [[Attorney-General of Australia|Attorney-General]] in 1925 had a significant bearing on his later decision.{{sfn|Souter|pp=251–252}} [[File:Bruce resigned newPMScullin brief meeting.jpg|right|thumb|Bruce meeting with Prime Minister-elect [[James Scullin|Scullin]] a day before Scullin's swearing in]] A snap election was called, with Bruce taking his case to the people that dramatic action on industrial relations was needed.<ref name="Museum of Australian Democracy"/> Opposition Leader Scullin forcefully attacked the government, blaming the Prime Minister for an industrial environment that was adversarial and punitive, stressing that Commonwealth arbitration had safeguarded many rights of workers and was completely workable with conciliation and proper consultation. Scullin also criticised the government for the growing debt problem and economic malaise, which for some years he had predicted would lead to a major economic crisis.<ref name="Scullin, James Henry 1876–1953"/> In the event, the government was [[1929 Australian federal election|soundly defeated on 12 October]], losing more than half its seats in parliament. To add to his humiliation, Bruce was defeated in his own seat of Flinders by Labor challenger [[Jack Holloway]]. On paper, there was no indication that Bruce was in any danger of losing his seat; he held Flinders with a reasonably safe majority of 10.7 percent in 1928. However, on the second count Holloway picked up enough preferences from an independent Liberal candidate to give him the victory.<ref>{{cite web|last=Carr|first=Adam|title=1929 House of Representatives: Voting by Constituency, Victoria|work=Psephos, Adam Carr's Election Archive|url=http://psephos.adam-carr.net/countries/a/australia/1929/1929repsvic.txt|year=2008|access-date=17 May 2008}}</ref> Bruce was the first sitting prime minister to lose his own seat, a feat which would not be repeated until 2007.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.smh.com.au/articles/2007/12/12/1197135558234.html|work=The Sydney Morning Herald|title=How Labor's machine won Asian votes for McKew|date=13 December 2007|first=Phillip|last=Coorey}}</ref> He was measured in defeat however, stating, "The people have said they do not want my services, and I am going into the banishment to which they have sent me."<ref>{{cite news |title=To Serve Australia: Mr Bruce's Ambition |url=http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article16596346 |newspaper=The Sydney Morning Herald|date=26 October 1929|page=17}}</ref> </textarea><div class="templatesUsed"></div><p id="mw-returnto">Return to <a href="/wiki/Stanley_Bruce" title="Stanley Bruce">Stanley Bruce</a>.</p> <noscript><img src="https://login.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:CentralAutoLogin/start?useformat=desktop&type=1x1&usesul3=0" alt="" width="1" height="1" style="border: none; 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