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Nuts & Bolts of the International Criminal Court Arrest Warrants in the ‘Situation in Palestine’
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background-position:center center;"> <div class="overlay"></div> <div class="pagewidth pw1400"> <div class="title-wrap"> <h1>Nuts & Bolts of the International Criminal Court Arrest Warrants in the ‘Situation in Palestine’ </h1> </div> </div> </div><div class="columns-wrap pagewidth pw1400 clearfix"><div id="secondary-left" class="secondary"><p class="authors">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/dannenbaumtom/" title="Profile and articles by Tom Dannenbaum" class="author url fn" rel="author">Tom Dannenbaum</a></p><p class="date">November 22, 2024</p><div class="sharedaddy sd-sharing-enabled"><div class="robots-nocontent sd-block sd-social sd-social-icon sd-sharing"><h3 class="sd-title">Share this:</h3><div class="sd-content"><ul><li class="share-twitter"><a rel="nofollow noopener noreferrer" data-shared="sharing-twitter-105048" class="share-twitter sd-button share-icon no-text" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105048/icc-arrest-warrants/?share=twitter" target="_blank" title="Click to share on Twitter" ><span></span><span class="sharing-screen-reader-text">Click to share on Twitter (Opens in new window)</span></a></li><li class="share-facebook"><a rel="nofollow noopener noreferrer" data-shared="sharing-facebook-105048" class="share-facebook sd-button share-icon no-text" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105048/icc-arrest-warrants/?share=facebook" target="_blank" title="Click to share on Facebook" ><span></span><span class="sharing-screen-reader-text">Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window)</span></a></li><li class="share-linkedin"><a rel="nofollow noopener noreferrer" data-shared="sharing-linkedin-105048" class="share-linkedin sd-button share-icon no-text" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105048/icc-arrest-warrants/?share=linkedin" target="_blank" title="Click to share on LinkedIn" ><span></span><span class="sharing-screen-reader-text">Click to share on LinkedIn (Opens in new window)</span></a></li><li class="share-reddit"><a rel="nofollow noopener noreferrer" data-shared="" class="share-reddit sd-button share-icon no-text" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105048/icc-arrest-warrants/?share=reddit" target="_blank" title="Click to share on Reddit" ><span></span><span class="sharing-screen-reader-text">Click to share on Reddit (Opens in new window)</span></a></li><li class="share-print"><a rel="nofollow noopener noreferrer" data-shared="" class="share-print sd-button share-icon no-text" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105048/icc-arrest-warrants/#print" target="_blank" title="Click to print" ><span></span><span class="sharing-screen-reader-text">Click to print (Opens in new window)</span></a></li><li class="share-end"></li></ul></div></div></div><div class="post-tags"><h3>Filed under:</h3><p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/accountability/" rel="tag">Accountability</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/benjamin-netanyahu/" rel="tag">Benjamin Netanyahu</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/expert-backgrounder/" rel="tag">Expert Backgrounder</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/gaza/" rel="tag">Gaza</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/hamas/" rel="tag">Hamas</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/international-criminal-court/" rel="tag">International Criminal Court (ICC)</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/israel-hamas-war/" rel="tag">Israel-Hamas War</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/karim-khan/" rel="tag">Karim Khan</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/starvation/" rel="tag">Starvation</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/symposium-on-icc-action-in-israel-hamas-war/" rel="tag">Symposium on ICC Action in Israel-Hamas War</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/war-crimes/" rel="tag">War Crimes</a></p></div></div><main id="primary" tabindex="-1" class="content-body clearfix" role="main"><article class="client-ui clearfix"><div class="print-authors"><p class="authors">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/dannenbaumtom/" title="Profile and articles by Tom Dannenbaum" class="author url fn" rel="author">Tom Dannenbaum</a></p><p class="date">November 22, 2024</p></div><p><em>Editor’s Note: This article is part of our ongoing <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/95879/symposium-international-criminal-court-gaza/">symposium</a> on the ICC and the Israel-Hamas war.</em></p> <p><b>Q-1: What happened with the Prosecutor’s request for arrest warrants in the ‘Situation in Palestine’ at the International Criminal Court (ICC)? </b></p> <p><b>A: </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yesterday, the ICC’s Pre-Trial Chamber I issued three warrants: one for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, one for former Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, and one for Mohammed Diab Ibrahim Al-Masri (commonly known as “Deif”), the leader of Hamas’s military wing. Deif is </span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/08/01/hamas-commander-mohammed-deif-killed/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">presumed dead</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, but, unlike Ismail Haniyeh and Yahya Sinwar, for whom the Prosecutor had also requested warrants, his death has not yet been confirmed.</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The warrants were issued under a “secret” classification to protect witnesses and safeguard investigations. However, the Pre-Trial Chamber issued </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/situation-state-palestine-icc-pre-trial-chamber-i-rejects-state-israels-challenges"><span style="font-weight: 400;">press</span></a> <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/situation-state-palestine-icc-pre-trial-chamber-i-issues-warrant-arrest-mohammed-diab-ibrahim"><span style="font-weight: 400;">releases</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> with key information regarding the contents of the warrants for two reasons. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">First, as specified in the press releases, conduct “similar to that addressed” in the warrants “appears to be ongoing.” Hostage-taking and starvation of civilians as a method of warfare are both at least allegedly continuing crimes. Publicizing the existence of warrants for ongoing conduct may be particularly important in concretizing for all individuals </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">not </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">already included in the warrants that they face legal exposure by participating in or contributing to that continuing conduct. Second, the Chamber deemed it to be “in the interest of victims and their families” to be made aware of the existence of the warrants.</span></p> <p><b>Q-2: What are the key allegations in the arrest warrants and for what crimes are Netanyahu and Gallant’s arrests sought? </b></p> <p>A. The information released by the Pre-Trial Chamber includes a summary of the crimes for which the individuals’ arrests are sought. (As identified below, however, there are conspicuous gaps between the Prosecutor’s request and the press release description of the Pre-Trial Chamber’s issuance of warrants.)</p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Specifically, the arrests of Netanyahu and Gallant are sought for the following crimes.</span></p> <ul> <li><span style="font-weight: 400;">As co-perpetrators:</span> <ul> <li>The war crime of starvation of civilians as a method of warfare (here through impeding humanitarian relief in violation of international humanitarian law and in a way that intentionally and knowingly deprived the civilian population in Gaza of food, water, medicine, and medical supplies, as well as fuel and electricity, from at least 8 October 2023 to 20 May 2024);</li> <li>The crime against humanity of murder (here through the aforementioned deprivation creating “conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of part of the civilian population in Gaza, which resulted in the death of civilians, including children due to malnutrition and dehydration”);</li> <li>The crime against humanity of inhumane acts (here in the form of inflicting great suffering through the deprivation of medical supplies and medicines);</li> <li>The crime against humanity of persecution—the discriminatory deprivation (here on national or political grounds) of fundamental rights (here the rights to life and health).</li> </ul> </li> </ul> <ul> <li><span style="font-weight: 400;">As civilian superiors, responsible for their subordinates:</span> <ul> <li>The war crime of directing attacks at a civilian population.</li> </ul> </li> </ul> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The key allegation made by the Prosecutor in relation to Netanyahu and Gallant that is </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">not </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">included in the arrest warrant is that of extermination (a crime against humanity). The warrants also appear to omit the Prosecutor’s allegations relating to the war crimes of wilfully killing and wilfully inflicting great suffering or serious injury to body or health, although this may well be an imprecision in the press release. More on these points below.</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Deif’s arrest is sought for:</span></p> <ul> <li><span style="font-weight: 400;">The war crime of hostage-taking</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (starting on October 7th, when a “large number of persons” were seized from various locations in Israel, including Kfar Aza, Holit, Nir Oz, Be’eri, Nahal Oz, and the Supernova festival, and continuing into Gaza, where they were detained in secret locations; the press release notes that “a number of hostages” appear still to be held captive);</span></li> <li><span style="font-weight: 400;">In relation to the attacks of October 7th:</span> <ul> <li>The war crime of directing attacks at a civilian population (here through attackers firing at people with semi-automatic weapons and/or rocket-propelled grenades, particularly at the site of the Supernova festival and in its vicinity);</li> <li>Murder as a war crime and as a crime against humanity (here through mass killings at or around the communities of Kfar Aza, Holit, Nir Oz, Be’eri, and Nahal Oz, as well as at the Supernova festival);</li> <li>The crime against humanity of extermination (through the same mass killings that underpin the murder allegation, which were found to be coordinated across locations);</li> </ul> </li> </ul> <ul> <li><span style="font-weight: 400;">In relation to sexual and gender-based violence inflicted on certain hostages in Gaza (“predominantly women”):</span> <ul> <li>Torture and cruel treatment, as war crimes and crimes against humanity;</li> <li>Rape and sexual violence, as war crimes and crimes against humanity;</li> <li>The war crime of outrages upon personal dignity.</li> </ul> </li> </ul> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In addition to the name and identifying information of each individual and the crimes for which their arrest is sought, each warrant will have included a concise statement of the facts that underpin those criminal allegations (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2024-05/Rome-Statute-eng.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ICC Statute</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, article 58(3)(c)). On this, the press releases included only limited details. From those details, it is notable that the Pre-Trial Chamber approved warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant in relation to two specific direct attacks on civilian populations, without specifying which attacks those were. The </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/statement-icc-prosecutor-karim-aa-khan-kc-applications-arrest-warrants-situation-state"><span style="font-weight: 400;">press release</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> associated with the Prosecutor’s request for warrants in May referred to “attacks on civilians, including those queuing for food; obstruction of aid delivery by humanitarian agencies; and attacks on and killing of aid workers, which forced many agencies to cease or limit their operations in Gaza.” However, we do not know which two attacks meeting this description the Chamber found to be supported by sufficient evidence to ground that component of the warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant. Among the most high-profile events that might have been included in this category are the so-called “flour massacre” of Feb. 29, when at least 112 people were killed and 760 injured, and the attack on a World Central Kitchen convoy that killed seven aid workers on April 1. Importantly, the theory of the case here is not that Netanyahu or Gallant ordered these attacks. Rather, it is that they criminally failed “to prevent or repress” the commission of these crimes.</span></p> <p><b>Q-3: What more can you discern about alleged crimes in the ICC Prosecutor’s applications for the arrest of Netanyahu and Gallant that were </b><b><i>not</i></b><b> included in the arrest warrants?</b></p> <p><b>A: </b>On the exclusion of extermination from the Netanyahu and Gallant warrants, we have only limited information. Extermination is a crime of mass murder. Notably, the Prosecutor’s description of the initial <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/statement-icc-prosecutor-karim-aa-khan-kc-applications-arrest-warrants-situation-state">request</a> included murder and extermination in the alternative (listing “extermination and/or murder contrary to articles 7(1)(b) and 7(1)(a)” in relation to Netanyahu and Gallant, in contrast to listing the extermination and murder allegations separately in relation to Sinwar, Deif, and Haniyeh). This hinted even then that the Office of the Prosecutor was aware that the “massiveness” component of extermination could prove to be an evidentiary stumbling block.</p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This may seem dissonant with the scale of killing in Gaza, but the Prosecutor’s extermination and murder allegations were </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2024-05/240520-panel-report-eng.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">focused exclusively</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> on “deaths … resulting from or associated with the systematic deprivation of objects indispensable to the survival of Palestinian civilians in Gaza.” Indeed, the Prosecutor </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/statement-icc-prosecutor-karim-aa-khan-kc-applications-arrest-warrants-situation-state"><span style="font-weight: 400;">noted explicitly</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> at the time of the request that his office was still investigating crimes “in relation to the large-scale bombing that has caused and continues to cause so many civilian deaths, injuries, and suffering in Gaza.” This distinction matters because it can be difficult to prove cause of death </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">via mass deprivation</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">, due to the stretched temporal context and multiple intervening factors between that deprivation and fatality (see, for example, </span><a href="https://revista17.org/en/hambre-y-justicia-internacional"><span style="font-weight: 400;">here</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> p.146). That challenge is multiplied when it is necessary to prove death on a massive scale, as is required to establish the crime of extermination. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On this point, it is worth noting that the Pre-Trial Chamber was presented with evidence up to May 20. As I wrote recently, events since then have </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/104867/gaza-starvation-imperative/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">likely strengthened</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the evidence supporting the extermination allegation. The Office of the Prosecutor may well seek to have extermination added to the warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant.</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The apparent exclusion from the Netanyahu and Gallant warrants of the war crimes of wilfully killing and inflicting great suffering or serious injury to body or health is harder to explain, not least because the Chamber says nothing at all about this issue in its press release. Their exclusion cannot have been due to insufficient evidence, given that crimes against humanity involving similar conduct (murder and inhumane acts via the infliction of great suffering) were found to be established to the requisite standard. The only additional element of the war crime (as distinct from the related crimes against humanity) would be a nexus to the armed conflict or belligerent occupation, which is clear-cut in this case. Indeed, that nexus is a key element underpinning the allegation of starvation of civilians as a method of warfare, which is predicated on many of the same acts. Given this, and recognizing that ICC press releases are generally not written by the judges and are not legal documents, the lack of coverage of these war crimes is most likely an imprecision in the press release, rather than an omission in the underlying arrest warrants.</span></p> <p><b>Q-4: What happens next at the ICC?</b></p> <p><b>A: </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">In terms of next steps at the ICC, three points warrant particular emphasis. First, the Pre-Trial Chamber will determine when to instruct the Registry to prepare and communicate a request for arrest and surrender to relevant states and international organizations. Second, further litigation is likely to occur even in the absence of arrests. This could include prosecutorial requests for amendment to the warrants or prosecutorial appeals regarding crimes excluded from the warrants, as well as challenges to the admissibility of the case or the jurisdiction of the Court by Israel, Netanyahu, Gallant, or (conceivably) Deif, if the latter is in fact alive. Third, the Prosecutor will continue to proceed with gathering evidence and building the case. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">One of the most significant next steps will be for the Pre-Trial Chamber to instruct the Registry to prepare and communicate a request for arrest. This can either be a request for provisional arrest where urgency demands it (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2024-05/Rome-Statute-eng.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ICC Statute</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, article 92), or a full request for arrest and surrender (article 91). </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In the former case, the request for provisional arrest would include a statement that a full request for surrender of the person sought will follow (article 92(2)(d)). A request for provisional arrest would include information regarding the existence of the warrant, a concise statement of the crimes for which arrest is sought, and identifying information regarding the person sought (article 92(2)) – all information that has already been made public in the press releases. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In contrast, a request for arrest and surrender would include the full arrest warrant in addition to documents, statements, or information necessary to meet the requirements for the surrender process in the requested state (article 91(2)(b-c)). Although the warrants are currently secret, a sealed warrant can be communicated to a state or international organization for the purposes of its execution. Additionally, the Court may reclassify the warrants whenever the basis for their classification no longer exists. This could occur pursuant to an application by the Prosecutor or on the Court’s own motion (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/RegulationsCourt_2018Eng.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Regulations of the ICC</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, regulation 23</span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">bis</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">(3)). In this case, given the implications for witness safety and investigative integrity, the Court may invite the Prosecution and the Victims and Witnesses Unit to submit observations on the possible unsealing. If not earlier, Pre-Trial Chambers ordinarily decide to make warrants public (with necessary redactions) as soon as the person sought is surrendered to the Court.</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Regarding further litigation, there are avenues for the Prosecutor, the individuals whose arrest is sought, and states with jurisdiction–notably Israel–to litigate various aspects relating to the current arrest warrants. In particular, as explained below, the Prosecutor may seek to amend the contents of the warrants or appeal the exclusion of extermination from the warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant. Israel and any of the individuals whose arrest is sought may seek to challenge the admissibility of the relevant case or, it seems from the Pre-Trial Chamber’s analysis, the jurisdiction of the Court (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2024-05/Rome-Statute-eng.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ICC Statute</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, article 19(2)). It is likely that at least some of those actors will avail themselves of those avenues. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Regarding admissibility, the most significant test is that of complementarity. A case would be inadmissible if a state of jurisdiction is actively engaged in (or has completed) genuine criminal investigations and, where appropriate, prosecutions in relation to the persons sought by the ICC and regarding substantially the same conduct alleged in the arrest warrants (see Kevin Jon Heller’s excellent </span><a href="http://opiniojuris.org/2024/05/24/an-overview-of-the-principle-of-complementarity/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">overview</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">). As the Prosecutor emphasized yesterday, “In line with the Rome Statute, the door to complementarity continues to remain open. As with all situations, we will continue to actively assess the application of this fundamental principle, which requires genuine domestic investigations and any necessary prosecution of the same individuals for substantially the same conduct.”</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On the issue of evidence gathering, it is important to note that the evidentiary threshold that needed to be satisfied for the Pre-Trial Chamber to issue the warrants was that there were “reasonable grounds to believe” the individuals in question committed the crimes in question (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2024-05/Rome-Statute-eng.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ICC Statute</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, article 58(1)(a)). Following an arrest, in order to have the charges confirmed, the Prosecutor will next have to establish that the allegations are supported by “substantial grounds to believe” that the individuals perpetrated the crimes (article 61(5, 7)). That would set the stage for a trial, where the evidentiary standard would again elevate, this time to “beyond reasonable doubt” (article 66(3)). </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In other words, although we do not know how much evidence the Prosecutor has already collected (and it is notable that he has </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/statement-icc-prosecutor-karim-aa-khan-kc-applications-arrest-warrants-situation-state"><span style="font-weight: 400;">indicated</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that his Office proceeds with an arrest warrant request when the evidence gathered is sufficient for a “realistic prospect of conviction”), it is possible that the Prosecutor will want to seek significant additional evidence, including evidence relating to activity since the initial request. Following the issuance of the warrants, the Prosecutor </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/statement-icc-prosecutor-karim-aa-khan-kc-issuance-arrest-warrants-situation-state-palestine"><span style="font-weight: 400;">emphasized</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that his office will “continue to seek cooperation from all stakeholders including the State of Israel and the State of Palestine to ensure my Office fully meets its responsibility pursuant to article 54 of the Rome Statute to investigate incriminating and exonerating circumstances equally.”</span></p> <p><b>Q-5: What are the legal implications for ICC State Parties?</b></p> <p><b>A: </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">The most obvious and important implication for States Parties is that when the person sought is found on their territory, they must “comply with requests for arrest and surrender,” pursuant to appropriate procedural safeguards (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2024-05/Rome-Statute-eng.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ICC Statute</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, article 89(1)). This is a specific manifestation of their general obligation to “cooperate fully with the Court in its investigation and prosecution” of crimes within its jurisdiction (article 86). This obligation is relatively straightforward in relation to Deif and Gallant. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Benjamin Netanyahu, on the other hand, is Israel’s sitting head of government. For the duration of his term in office, he is generally shielded from arrest in other states by his immunity </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">ratione personae </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">(also termed a “personal” or “status” immunity). States Parties waive that immunity through their ratification of the Rome Statute (article 27), but Israel is not an ICC State Party. Numerous states declined to arrest former Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir during his period as Head of State on the ground that Sudan, as a non-party, had not waived his immunity and he was therefore shielded from arrest in foreign jurisdictions (for Court decisions on these refusals, see </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/case-records?f%5B0%5D=cr_case_code%3A1172&f%5B1%5D=cr_case_doc_type%3A44"><span style="font-weight: 400;">here</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">). In so doing, they invoked article 98 of the </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2024-05/Rome-Statute-eng.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Statute</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, which provides, “The Court may not proceed with a request for surrender or assistance which would require the requested State to act inconsistently with its obligations under international law with respect to the State or diplomatic immunity of a person or property of a third State, unless the Court can first obtain the cooperation of that third State for the waiver of the immunity.”</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, following key jurisprudence on status immunities from the </span><a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/case/121/judgments"><span style="font-weight: 400;">International Court of Justice</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (para. 61) and other courts, such as the </span><a href="https://www.rscsl.org/Documents/Decisions/Taylor/Appeal/059/SCSL-03-01-I-059.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Special Court for Sierra Leone</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the ICC Appeals Chamber ultimately </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/court-record/icc-02/05-01/09-397-0"><span style="font-weight: 400;">determined</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that al-Bashir’s immunity did not apply before the ICC because it is an international court. Moreover, it determined that this meant that such immunities were also inapplicable in shielding heads of state or head of government from arrest by ICC States Parties when the latter are acting pursuant to ICC arrest warrants. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This is also the basis for the Court’s determination that States Parties have an obligation to arrest Vladimir Putin. Pre-Trial Chamber II recently </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/court-record/icc-01/22-90"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ruled</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that Mongolia failed to discharge this obligation during Putin’s visit to the country beginning on September 2nd of this year. In this and other respects, yesterday’s warrants will test the consistency of states on key issues of international criminal law. Some of those who have been most </span><a href="https://x.com/LindseyGrahamSC/status/1859583310004908333"><span style="font-weight: 400;">critical</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the arrest warrant for Netanyahu celebrated and </span><a href="https://www.lgraham.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/2023/3/graham-on-icc-issuing-arrest-warrant-for-putin"><span style="font-weight: 400;">affirmed</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the Court’s warrant for Putin. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In addition to their obligation to arrest and surrender, States Parties also have a broader obligation to cooperate with the Court’s “investigation and prosecution of crimes” within its jurisdiction (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2024-05/Rome-Statute-eng.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ICC Statute</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, article 86), including through forms of cooperation enumerated in article 93, many of which involve specific investigative and evidence-gathering functions, as well as those relating to the protection of witnesses and victims. Given information regarding certain States Parties’ </span><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c2k0d1elj81o"><span style="font-weight: 400;">access to relevant evidence</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, these obligations are potentially highly significant. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">[<em>Editor’s note:</em> See also, Rebecca Ingber, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105064/mapping-state-reactions-icc"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Mapping State Reactions to the ICC Warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">]</span></p> <p><b>Q-6: What are the practical implications for the defendants? How likely are arrests? Will the living defendants still be able to travel, etc.?</b></p> <p><b>A: </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">Deif is most likely dead, so his warrant is very likely moot. Once the Pre-Trial Chamber receives confirmation of his death, it will terminate proceedings against him. Given the very high likelihood of that outcome, it may be tempting to think that the issuance of an arrest warrant for Deif was simply to provide balance, given that he was the only remaining member of Hamas for whom a warrant had been sought. However, the Court terminates proceedings only upon confirmation of death. Similarly, the Office of the Prosecutor </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/court-record/icc-01/18-263-red"><span style="font-weight: 400;">withdrew</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the requests for warrants for Haniyeh and Sinwar only after it received confirmation of their deaths. There is nothing out of the ordinary about the Court proceeding with the case against Deif under current conditions.</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">If, contrary to expectations, Deif is in fact alive, perhaps the most significant implication is that Palestine, as a State Party to the ICC Statute, would have an obligation to arrest and surrender him to the Court. In the immediate term, of course, the Palestinian Authority has no ability to arrest Deif. However, if Deif is alive, the warrant would add an additional layer of complication to the dynamic between the Palestinian Authority and Hamas in any post-conflict settlement that would involve the Palestinian Authority returning to the Gaza Strip. Given that Hamas members are already limited in their ability to travel, the fact of the ICC warrant is unlikely to change much on that front for Deif.</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As an aside: It should also be noted that the Prosecutor </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/statement-icc-prosecutor-karim-aa-khan-kc-applications-arrest-warrants-situation-state"><span style="font-weight: 400;">stated</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, back in May when he announced the requests for arrest warrants, “My Office will not hesitate to submit further applications for warrants of arrest.” He might seek, or have already sought, warrants for other individuals, and that process may occur under seal.</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For Netanyahu and Gallant the impact is highly significant. The warrants will change how they can engage with the world. The 124 States Parties to the ICC system now have an obligation to arrest each man should he travel to their territory. Many of those parties to the ICC are states with good relations with Israel. In short, the world of both Netanyahu and Gallant has shrunk considerably and their risk of arrest has escalated. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For the same reason, Vladimir Putin was ultimately unable to travel to the BRICS Summit hosted by South Africa in 2023. The latter is an ICC State Party. In the build-up to the Summit, it was clear that Putin wanted to attend, and it appeared that South Africa did not want to arrest him. As </span><a href="https://www.ejiltalk.org/the-putin-south-africa-arrest-warrant-saga-a-tale-of-the-shrinking-world-of-an-accused-war-criminal/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">explained</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> by Max du Plessis and Andreas Coutsoudis, </span></p> <blockquote><p><span style="font-weight: 400;">“In the face of repeated refusals by the South African government openly to accept that it would comply with its obligations to arrest President Putin, in May 2023, the Democratic Alliance (the DA), the official parliamentary opposition, launched an urgent application in the Pretoria High Court (the Putin matter). In that application, the DA sought declaratory and interdictory relief: asking the High Court to confirm South Africa’s obligation to arrest President Putin, and ensuring that the necessary steps were taken to domesticate and execute the ICC arrest warrant.” </span></p></blockquote> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The litigation played a key role in South Africa’s domestication of the warrant. Putin </span><a href="https://www.npr.org/2023/07/19/1188568761/russia-putin-south-africa-brics-summit"><span style="font-weight: 400;">did not travel</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to the BRICS Summit. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">With one caveat, this change to the capacity of Netanyahu and Gallant to engage with the broader world is essentially permanent and unyielding – there are no statutes of limitations (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2024-05/Rome-Statute-eng.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ICC Statute</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, article 29) or </span><a href="https://flore.unifi.it/bitstream/2158/360658/1/Amnesty%20frulli%20_estratto_.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">amnesties</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for these crimes. Unless they prevail legally before the ICC, Netanyahu and Gallant will live for the rest of their days as international fugitives, with most countries in the world off-limits for them in perpetuity. The one caveat to this is that, pursuant to a resolution adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, the Security Council can defer proceedings at the ICC for one year at a time, with the possibility of renewal (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2024-05/Rome-Statute-eng.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ICC Statute</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, article 16). Any of the permanent five members could veto such a resolution, which would need to be supported by nine affirmative votes from the fifteen members of the Council.</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The warrants also have the potential to provide the focal point for political and legal mobilization in third states, making it harder for some states to sustain military aid to Israel (and Hamas). As part of their general </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule144"><span style="font-weight: 400;">duty</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to “ensure respect” for international humanitarian law (IHL), states must refrain from military support to other states or groups whenever there is an “expectation” of IHL violations and must act with due diligence to “prevent violations when there is a foreseeable risk that they will be committed” (ICRC </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gci-1949/article-1/commentary/2016?activeTab="><span style="font-weight: 400;">Commentary</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to GC I, paras. 162, 164). States that are party to the Arms Trade Treaty (</span><a href="https://thearmstradetreaty.org/treaty-text.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ATT</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">)—including, for example, Germany and the United Kingdom—must cease their supply of arms if such support “could facilitate” serious violations of IHL or human rights law and, despite mitigating measures, an “overriding risk” of such violation remains (ATT, article 7). </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">With three independent ICC judges having affirmed the ICC prosecutor’s request in relation to multiple serious violations of IHL and crimes against humanity, the basis for both legal and political mobilization against the continued transfer of arms to Israel has obviously been strengthened (see </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/39356AC349B91754C6F85774DAF489B8/S0002930024000538a.pdf/international-law-in-gaza-belligerent-intent-and-provisional-measures.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">here</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, pt. II). Additionally, as noted above, the warrants may concretize the duty not to participate or contribute for those individuals currently doing so. That could, at least in theory, limit Prime Minister Netanyahu’s ability to pursue the alleged criminal scheme effectively.</span></p> <p><b>Q-7: Are there any legal implications for the United States given its special signatory status?</b></p> <p><b>A: </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">The United States signed the ICC Statute on Dec. 31, 2000. However it never ratified the ICC Statute. Ordinarily, treaty signatories have an obligation not to defeat the object and purpose of the treaty (</span><a href="https://legal.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/conventions/1_1_1969.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, article 18(a)). That said, on May 6, 2002, the Bush administration “un-signed” the treaty, </span><a href="https://treaties.un.org/pages/ViewDetails.aspx?src=TREATY&mtdsg_no=XVIII-10&chapter=18&clang=_en"><span style="font-weight: 400;">informing</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (n.12) the U.N. Secretary-General: “the United States does not intend to become a party to the treaty. Accordingly, the United States has no legal obligations arising from its signature on December 31, 2000. The United States requests that its intention not to become a party, as expressed in this letter, be reflected in the depositary’s status lists relating to this treaty.” </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This was an effort to invoke the exception regarding the obligation not to defeat the object and purpose of the treaty, namely that that obligation ceases once the state has “made its intention clear not to become a party to the treaty” (</span><a href="https://legal.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/conventions/1_1_1969.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, article 18(a)).</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, regardless of one’s view regarding the implications of the US “un-signing” the ICC Statute, the United States is bound by other rules of international law, the specific application of which is at least informed by this development at the ICC. In particular, the United States is bound by the aforementioned duty to ensure respect for IHL. It is also bound by the duty to “prevent” violations of the </span><a href="https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/documents/atrocity-crimes/Doc.1_Convention%20on%20the%20Prevention%20and%20Punishment%20of%20the%20Crime%20of%20Genocide.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Genocide Convention</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (article I), when it “learns of, or should normally have learned of, the existence of a serious risk that genocide will be committed.” (</span><a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/91/091-20070226-JUD-01-00-EN.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">International Court of Justice, Bosnian Genocide</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, para. 431). These points are relevant here, because the unanimous issuance of war crimes arrest warrants by three judges of an independent and impartial international court, with recognition that some of those crimes appear to be “ongoing,” is itself indicative of a foreseeable risk of IHL violations. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Moreover, although genocide is not among the allegations at the ICC, it is notable that, according to the </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/situation-state-palestine-icc-pre-trial-chamber-i-rejects-state-israels-challenges"><span style="font-weight: 400;">press release</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the Pre-Trial Chamber “found that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the lack of food, water, electricity and fuel, and specific medical supplies, created conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of part of the civilian population in Gaza.” This conspicuously tracks one of the underlying acts of genocide (</span><a href="https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/documents/atrocity-crimes/Doc.1_Convention%20on%20the%20Prevention%20and%20Punishment%20of%20the%20Crime%20of%20Genocide.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Genocide Convention</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, article II(c)). Of course, for genocide to be established, this underlying act would need to be combined with genocidal intent. However, that an independent court has determined there to be “reasonable grounds to believe” that the underlying act is occurring must be incorporated into any evaluation of the seriousness of risk that would trigger preventive duties under the Genocide Convention.</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Furthermore, the United States is party to the four Geneva Conventions and has codified their grave breaches into its domestic war crimes code. Jurisdiction relating to such offenses attaches whenever an alleged perpetrator is “present in” the United States (</span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/2441"><span style="font-weight: 400;">18 USC § 2441(b)(2)(B)</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">). Indeed, under Geneva Convention IV (the relevant treaty in this case), the United States would have an obligation to “bring such persons, regardless of their nationality, before its own courts” or “hand such persons over for trial to another High Contracting Party concerned, provided such High Contracting Party has made out a ‘prima facie ‘ case” (Geneva Convention IV, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-146?activeTab="><span style="font-weight: 400;">article 146</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">). As noted above, two of the Prosecutor’s </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/statement-icc-prosecutor-karim-aa-khan-kc-applications-arrest-warrants-situation-state"><span style="font-weight: 400;">allegations</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> omitted from yesterday’s </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/situation-state-palestine-icc-pre-trial-chamber-i-rejects-state-israels-challenges"><span style="font-weight: 400;">press release</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> are wilful killing and wilfully causing great suffering, or serious injury to body or health as grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions. These are codified as war crimes in </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/2441"><span style="font-weight: 400;">18 USC § 2441(c)(1)</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Even assuming the United States rejects the full </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/92592/israel-the-united-states-and-the-fourth-geneva-convention/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">application of Geneva Convention IV to the conflict in Gaza</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, instead deeming this a non-international armed conflict, the same facts underpin the Prosecutor’s alternative allegations of cruel treatment and murder as serious violations of Common Article 3, which also qualify as war crimes in US law under </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/2441"><span style="font-weight: 400;">18 USC § 2441(d)(B, D)</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Assuming that the omission of these war crimes from the press release is indeed an imprecision, rather than a substantive omission, the Court’s determination that there are reasonable grounds to believe that Netanyahu and Gallant have perpetrated these war crimes would imply that Netanyahu and Gallant are persons who ought to be brought before U.S. courts to face such allegations, should they enter the United States. The ICC’s determination on this is not binding on the United States, but the underlying IHL obligations are.</span></p> <p><b>Q-8: Is there a path for appealing the warrants? What does that look like and how likely is it to happen? Would the defendants need to appear in person to appeal?</b></p> <p><b>A: </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Prosecutor could request the Pre-Trial Chamber to amend the arrest warrants by presenting evidence in relation to allegations not included in the arrest warrants as they currently exist (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2024-05/Rome-Statute-eng.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ICC Statute</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, article 58(6)). Assuming new evidence has been gathered in the period since the initial warrant request, such an amendment could potentially include extermination (the sole requested crime clearly excluded from the Netanyahu and Gallant warrants). Where there is a legal issue relating to the issuance of the warrant, the Prosecutor could apply for leave to appeal that aspect of the warrant (article 82(1)(d)). This was done previously in relation to the arrest warrant for Omar al-Bashir, where the Prosecutor </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/court-record/icc-02/05-01/09-73"><span style="font-weight: 400;">successfully</span></a> <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/court-record/icc-02/05-01/09-25"><span style="font-weight: 400;">challenged</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the omission of genocide from the initial warrant on the ground that the Court had used an incorrect evidentiary standard, leading to the issuance of a </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/court-record/icc-02/05-01/09-94"><span style="font-weight: 400;">new warrant</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> including genocide.</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The person for whom arrest is sought may challenge the jurisdiction or admissibility of the case against them pursuant to article 19(2)(a). Importantly, such a challenge does not require the presence of the individual. Initially, that challenge would go to the Pre-Trial Chamber. However, it would be subject to appeal (article 82(1)(a)). Saif Gaddafi, for example, has challenged the admissibility of the case against him and taken that </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/CourtRecords/CR2020_00904.PDF"><span style="font-weight: 400;">challenge</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to the Appeals Chamber, without ever having appeared in person before the ICC. </span></p> <p><b>Q-9: What does it mean that the Pre-Trial Chamber said Israel could contest jurisdiction at a later stage? How does that work given the Pre-Trial Chamber suggested it was bound by its earlier ruling on jurisdiction (invoking </b><b><i>res judicata</i></b><b>)?</b></p> <p><b>A: </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">As I read the Pre-Trial Chamber’s </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/court-record/icc-01/18-374"><span style="font-weight: 400;">decision</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the Chamber sought to separate two distinct, albeit interrelated issues here: the source of Israel’s standing and the question of ICC jurisdiction.</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Court invoked </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">res judicata </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">on the question of whether Israel has the specific standing of a “State from which acceptance of jurisdiction is required under article 12” (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2024-05/Rome-Statute-eng.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ICC Statute</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, article 19(2)(c)). If Palestine qualifies as a State Party (as a differently composed Pre-Trial Chamber I </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/court-record/icc-01/18-143"><span style="font-weight: 400;">found</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> it did in 2021), then Israel’s acceptance of jurisdiction would not be “required” under article 12 in relation to any activity with respect to which Palestine’s acceptance of jurisdiction would be sufficient. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Of course, as the Court </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/court-record/icc-01/18-374"><span style="font-weight: 400;">notes</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, Israel claims that Palestine is not a State Party and insists that the question of whether Israel’s acceptance of jurisdiction is required must itself be subject to litigation. Specifically, Israel argued that it “would be problematic … to deny standing on the basis that a State needs to establish the merits of a jurisdictional challenge as a prerequisite to its standing to make it.” This was the basis for Israel’s claim that it needed only to make a “prima facie tenable” claim on this point to have standing under article 19(2)(c) (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/CourtRecords/0902ebd180a0ebd8.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">para. 14</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">). It is specifically in relation to this claim that the Chamber invoked </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">res judicata</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">. As the Court puts it, “there is a fundamental difference between granting a State standing on the presumptive validity of its claim to have jurisdiction over a situation or a case and granting it standing on the basis of an argument – which was already ruled upon – that a particular State Party does not have jurisdiction.” (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/CourtRecords/0902ebd180a0ebd8.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">para. 15</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">).</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The second question, however, is not about whether to </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">grant presumptive validity</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to Israel’s claim to be a state whose acceptance is necessary for ICC jurisdiction, but about whether the ICC actually has jurisdiction. On that point, the Court holds that Israel has standing based on the distinct ground that it is a “State which has jurisdiction over a case,” per article 19(2)(b) of the </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2024-05/Rome-Statute-eng.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Statute</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/CourtRecords/0902ebd180a0ebd8.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">para. 16</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">). The Pre-Trial Chamber’s reasoning appears to be that granting that does not require granting standing on the presumptive invalidity of a prior ruling of the Chamber that continues to govern. Rather, it entails recognizing Israel’s clear standing to litigate under article 19(2)(b) and affirming that jurisdiction is one of the issues that can be litigated in that context, including on appeal. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The distinction could have been articulated more clearly, particularly since the two questions raise overlapping substantive issues. Nonetheless, ultimately it appears that the Chamber does not consider the question of jurisdiction to be </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">res judicata </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">for the purposes of a challenge under article 19(2)(b), following the issuance of an arrest warrant (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/CourtRecords/0902ebd180a0ebd8.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">para. 18</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">). It is worth noting that the Pre-Trial Chamber’s 2021 </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/CourtRecords/CR2021_01165.PDF"><span style="font-weight: 400;">decision</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, which recognized the Court’s territorial jurisdiction in Palestine, emphasized that “the Chamber’s conclusions pertain to the current stage of the proceedings, namely the initiation of an investigation” and affirmed that if a State or “submits a challenge under article 19(2) of the Statute, the Chamber will be in a position to examine </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">further</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> questions of jurisdiction which may arise at that point in time.” (para. 131) (emphasis added). The one point of uncertainty here is whether the reference to “further” questions limits the grounds on which jurisdiction may be challenged.</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Separately, it is worth noting that Israel’s standing to contest jurisdiction under article 19(2)(b) is not straightforward, as one can read the provision to allow challenges based only on admissibility. However, the Pre-Trial Chamber seems to indicate that a party whose standing is predicated on 19(2)(b) can “challenge the Court’s jurisdiction in relation to a particular case.” (2024 decision, </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/CourtRecords/0902ebd180a0ebd8.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">para. 18</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">). The reason Israel was not positioned to do that yet is that a “case” exists only “after the relevant Pre-Trial Chamber ruled that there are reasonable grounds to believe that a person has committed a crime within the jurisdiction of the Court and issued a warrant of arrest or a summons to ensure the person’s appearance before the Court.” (</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/CourtRecords/0902ebd180a0ebd8.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">para. 17</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">) That has now happened. As such, Israel now has standing under article 19(2)(b) to raise an admissibility challenge “on the ground that it is investigating or prosecuting the case or has investigated or prosecuted” the case, or, as the Pre-Trial Chamber seems to indicate, on questions regarding “the Court’s jurisdiction.”</span></p> <h6><em><strong>IMAGE: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (C) speaks to Defence Minister Yoav Gallant (L) at the opening of the 25th Parliament session in Jerusalem on October 28, 2024. (Photo by DEBBIE HILL/POOL/AFP via Getty Images)</strong></em></h6> <div class="icon-end-post"></div><div class="mobile-post-tags"><div class="post-tags"><h3>Filed under:</h3><p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/accountability/" rel="tag">Accountability</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/benjamin-netanyahu/" rel="tag">Benjamin Netanyahu</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/expert-backgrounder/" rel="tag">Expert Backgrounder</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/gaza/" rel="tag">Gaza</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/hamas/" rel="tag">Hamas</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/international-criminal-court/" rel="tag">International Criminal Court (ICC)</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/israel-hamas-war/" rel="tag">Israel-Hamas War</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/karim-khan/" rel="tag">Karim Khan</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/starvation/" rel="tag">Starvation</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/symposium-on-icc-action-in-israel-hamas-war/" rel="tag">Symposium on ICC Action in Israel-Hamas War</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/war-crimes/" rel="tag">War Crimes</a></p></div></div></article></main><div id="secondary-right" class="secondary" role="complementary"><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/early-edition-signup/" class="button has-icon icon-pm">Signups for A.M. & P.M. 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Scott Adams</a></p> <p class="date">Oct 3rd, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/103406/iran-israel-escalation/">Threats and Response Options in the Escalating Israel-Iran Conflict</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" title="Profile and articles by Brianna Rosen" class="author url fn" rel="author">Brianna Rosen</a></p> <p class="date">Oct 2nd, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/103380/un-future-pact-reform/">The UN’s New Pact for the Future: A Milestone That Can Set a Path for Change</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/ponziorichard/" title="Profile and articles by Richard Ponzio" class="author url fn" rel="author">Richard Ponzio</a></p> <p class="date">Oct 2nd, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/103339/artificial-intelligence-at-2024-united-nations/">AI at UNGA79: Recapping Key Themes</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/aptclara/" title="Profile and articles by Clara Apt" class="author url fn" rel="author">Clara Apt</a></p> <p class="date">Oct 1st, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/88039/trumps-legal-and-political-calendar-all-the-dates-you-need-to-know/">Master Calendar of Trump Court Dates: Criminal and Civil Cases</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/eisennorman/" title="Profile and articles by Norman L. Eisen" class="author url fn" rel="author">Norman L. 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Michael Kirby" class="author url fn" rel="author">The Hon. 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Buchwald</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 22nd, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98787/icc-disability-slave-trade/">Time for the International Criminal Court to Recognize Persons with Disabilities and the Slave Trade</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/lordjanet/" title="Profile and articles by Janet Lord" class="author url fn" rel="author">Janet Lord</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/schwarzpace/" title="Profile and articles by Pace Schwarz" class="author url fn" rel="author">Pace Schwarz</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/smithmatthew/" title="Profile and articles by Matthew "Hezzy" Smith" class="author url fn" rel="author">Matthew "Hezzy" Smith</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/steinmichael/" title="Profile and articles by Michael Ashley Stein" class="author url fn" rel="author">Michael Ashley Stein</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/greenalex/" title="Profile and articles by Alex Green" class="author url fn" rel="author">Alex Green</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kayessrosemary/" title="Profile and articles by Rosemary Kayess" class="author url fn" rel="author">Rosemary Kayess</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 21st, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98801/podcast-international-law-israel-palestine/">The Just Security Podcast: Assessing the Recent Response of International Law and Institutions in Palestine and Israel</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/imseisardi/" title="Profile and articles by Ardi Imseis" class="author url fn" rel="author">Ardi Imseis</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hammourishahd/" title="Profile and articles by Shahd Hammouri" class="author url fn" rel="author">Shahd Hammouri</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kattanvictor/" title="Profile and articles by Victor Kattan" class="author url fn" rel="author">Victor Kattan</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/sirleafmatiangai/" title="Profile and articles by Matiangai Sirleaf" class="author url fn" rel="author">Matiangai Sirleaf</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shahparas/" title="Profile and articles by Paras Shah" class="author url fn" rel="author">Paras Shah</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/aptclara/" title="Profile and articles by Clara Apt" class="author url fn" rel="author">Clara Apt</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 21st, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98754/biden-end-iraq-war/">A Presidential Proclamation to End the Iraq War: Unilateral Executive Action to Defang a Zombie AUMF</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/finucanebrian/" title="Profile and articles by Brian Finucane" class="author url fn" rel="author">Brian Finucane</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 20th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a 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Craig" class="author url fn" rel="author">Gregory B. Craig</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 12th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98501/israel-trans-border-torture/">Justice for Trans-border Torture Requires Rethinking the International Criminal Court’s Jurisdiction in the Israel-Palestine Conflict</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/ben-natansmadar/" title="Profile and articles by Smadar Ben-Natan" class="author url fn" rel="author">Smadar Ben-Natan</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/mannitamar/" title="Profile and articles by Itamar Mann" class="author url fn" rel="author">Itamar Mann</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 7th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98445/our-lives-depend-on-cloud/">Our Lives Depend on the Cloud. Now What?</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/pendletonjohn/" title="Profile and articles by John Pendleton" class="author url fn" rel="author">John Pendleton</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/leviteariel/" title="Profile and articles by Ariel Levite" class="author url fn" rel="author">Ariel Levite</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 6th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98429/security-council-report-isis-qaeda/">Wake Up Call: UN Security Council’s Report on ISIS and al-Qaeda</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/joscelyntom/" title="Profile and articles by Tom Joscelyn" class="author url fn" rel="author">Tom Joscelyn</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 5th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98378/podcast-assessing-laws-of-war/">The Just Security Podcast: Assessing the Laws of War</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/droegecordula/" title="Profile and articles by Cordula Droege" class="author url fn" rel="author">Cordula Droege</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bridgemantess/" title="Profile and articles by Tess Bridgeman" class="author url fn" rel="author">Tess Bridgeman</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shahparas/" title="Profile and articles by Paras Shah" class="author url fn" rel="author">Paras Shah</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/blankharrison/" title="Profile and articles by Harrison Blank" class="author url fn" rel="author">Harrison Blank</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 2nd, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98313/podcast-hostage-policy/">The Just Security Podcast: The Evolution of U.S. Hostage Policy</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/foleydiane/" title="Profile and articles by Diane Foley" class="author url fn" rel="author">Diane Foley</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hartigluke/" title="Profile and articles by Luke Hartig" class="author url fn" rel="author">Luke Hartig</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/violagienger/" title="Profile and articles by Viola Gienger" class="author url fn" rel="author">Viola Gienger</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shahparas/" title="Profile and articles by Paras Shah" class="author url fn" rel="author">Paras Shah</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/blankharrison/" title="Profile and articles by Harrison Blank" class="author url fn" rel="author">Harrison Blank</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 1st, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98273/the-aftermath-of-the-haniyeh-killing-how-to-avoid-a-new-middle-east-war/">The Aftermath of the Haniyeh Killing: How to Avoid a New Middle East War</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" title="Profile and articles by Brianna Rosen" class="author url fn" rel="author">Brianna Rosen</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 31st, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98261/disability-think-differently-trump/">Donald Trump’s Dangerous Views on Disability and the Power to Think Differently</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shahparas/" title="Profile and articles by Paras Shah" class="author url fn" rel="author">Paras Shah</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 31st, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97738/just-security-analysis-supreme-court/">Collecting Just Security’s Analysis of the Supreme Court’s Term</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/blankharrison/" title="Profile and articles by Harrison Blank" class="author url fn" rel="author">Harrison Blank</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bridgemantess/" title="Profile and articles by Tess Bridgeman" class="author url fn" rel="author">Tess Bridgeman</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 29th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98205/prudential-trump-v-united-states/">A Prudential Way Forward in <i>Trump v. United States</i></a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bobbittphilip/" title="Profile and articles by Philip Bobbitt" class="author url fn" rel="author">Philip Bobbitt</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 29th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98091/negotiations-with-iran-now/">Space May be Opening for Negotiations with Iran</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/brewgregory/" title="Profile and articles by Gregory Brew" class="author url fn" rel="author">Gregory Brew</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 29th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98128/united-nations-pact-for-future/">What the Draft UN “Pact for the Future” Tells Us About International Insecurity</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/gowanrichard/" title="Profile and articles by Richard Gowan" class="author url fn" rel="author">Richard Gowan</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 26th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98082/international-court-of-justices-call-on-all-states-to-end-israels-occupation-and-find-a-path-to-peace/">International Court of Justice’s Call on All States to End Israel’s Occupation and Find a Path to Peace</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/nowrojeebinaifer/" title="Profile and articles by Binaifer Nowrojee" class="author url fn" rel="author">Binaifer Nowrojee</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 25th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98037/doj-special-counsel/"><i> United States v. Nixon </i> at Fifty: Why Judge Cannon Is Wrong About the Attorney General’s Authority to Select a Special Counsel</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/ledermanmarty/" title="Profile and articles by Marty Lederman" class="author url fn" rel="author">Marty Lederman</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 24th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97937/azerbaijan-arbitrary-detentions-host-cop29/">Azerbaijan’s Aliyev Extends Arbitrary Detentions Even as He Prepares to Host Global Climate Conference COP29</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bayramovazhala/" title="Profile and articles by Zhala Bayramova" class="author url fn" rel="author">Zhala Bayramova</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bayramovibad/" title="Profile and articles by Ibad Bayramov" class="author url fn" rel="author">Ibad Bayramov</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bayramliemin/" title="Profile and articles by Emin Bayramli" class="author url fn" rel="author">Emin Bayramli</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 23rd, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/92714/american-autocracy-threat-tracker/">American Autocracy Threat Tracker</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/eisennorman/" title="Profile and articles by Norman L. Eisen" class="author url fn" rel="author">Norman L. Eisen</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/ben-ghiatruth/" title="Profile and articles by Ruth Ben-Ghiat" class="author url fn" rel="author">Ruth Ben-Ghiat</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/wattsiven/" title="Profile and articles by Siven Watt" class="author url fn" rel="author">Siven Watt</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kolbjoshua/" title="Profile and articles by Joshua Kolb" class="author url fn" rel="author">Joshua Kolb</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/warrenandrew/" title="Profile and articles by Andrew Warren" class="author url fn" rel="author">Andrew Warren</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kovacs-goodmanjacob/" title="Profile and articles by Jacob Kovacs-Goodman" class="author url fn" rel="author">Jacob Kovacs-Goodman</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/barrilleauxfrancois/" title="Profile and articles by Francois Barrilleaux" class="author url fn" rel="author">Francois Barrilleaux</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 22nd, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97922/non-state-civilian-political-institutions/">Assessing the Civilian and Political Institutions of Armed Non-State Actors under International Law</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/fortinkatharine/" title="Profile and articles by Katharine Fortin" class="author url fn" rel="author">Katharine Fortin</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 22nd, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97826/state-departments-civilian-harm-incident-response/">The State Department’s Civilian Harm Incident Response Guidance: How to Make a Good Thing Better</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/blahacharles/" title="Profile and articles by Charles O. (Cob) Blaha" class="author url fn" rel="author">Charles O. (Cob) Blaha</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 18th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97781/three-flaws-supreme-court-immunity/">Three Flaws in the Supreme Court’s Decision on Presidential Criminal Immunity</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/weissmannandrew/" title="Profile and articles by Andrew Weissmann" class="author url fn" rel="author">Andrew Weissmann</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 17th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97760/economic-security-presidential-power/">How ‘Economic Security’ is Re-shaping Presidential Power</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/claussenkathleen/" title="Profile and articles by Kathleen Claussen" class="author url fn" rel="author">Kathleen Claussen</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/meyertimothy/" title="Profile and articles by Timothy Meyer" class="author url fn" rel="author">Timothy Meyer</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 16th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97747/trump-docs-case-dismissed/">Judge Cannon Finds Special Counsel Unconstitutional in Trump Classified Documents Case: What’s Next for Jack Smith?</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/klasfeldadam/" title="Profile and articles by Adam Klasfeld" class="author url fn" rel="author">Adam Klasfeld</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 15th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97718/nato-summit-ukraine-russia-china/">After the NATO Summit, Allies Need to Step Up Their Game on Ukraine, Russia, and China</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kramerdavidj/" title="Profile and articles by David J. Kramer" class="author url fn" rel="author">David J. Kramer</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kellyian/" title="Profile and articles by Ambassador (ret) Ian Kelly" class="author url fn" rel="author">Ambassador (ret) Ian Kelly</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 15th, 2024</p> </li></ul></div></aside><div class="capitol-breaker"><h3 class="widget-title">Resources</h3></div><aside id="js-scrolling-content-4" class="widget js-scrolling-content clearfix"><h3 class="flexible-content-title">Trackers</h3><div class="flexible-content posts clearfix" style="height:auto;"><ul class="posts-list-min"><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/81789/russias-eliminationist-rhetoric-against-ukraine-a-collection/">Russia’s Eliminationist Rhetoric Against Ukraine: A Collection</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/aptclara/" title="Profile and articles by Clara Apt" class="author url fn" rel="author">Clara Apt</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 26th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/100235/unga-79-expert-analysis-resources/">UNGA 79: Expert Analysis & Resources</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/aptclara/" title="Profile and articles by Clara Apt" class="author url fn" rel="author">Clara Apt</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/nirmaya/" title="Profile and articles by Maya Nir" class="author url fn" rel="author">Maya Nir</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/violagienger/" title="Profile and articles by Viola Gienger" class="author url fn" rel="author">Viola Gienger</a></p> <p class="date">Sep 19th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/77022/january-6-clearinghouse/">January 6 Clearinghouse</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/goodmanryan/" title="Profile and articles by Ryan Goodman" class="author url fn" rel="author">Ryan Goodman</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hendrixjustin/" title="Profile and articles by Justin Hendrix" class="author url fn" rel="author">Justin Hendrix</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/eisennorman/" title="Profile and articles by Norman L. Eisen" class="author url fn" rel="author">Norman L. Eisen</a></p> <p class="date">Mar 14th, 2024</p> </li></ul></div></aside><aside id="js-scrolling-content-6" class="widget js-scrolling-content clearfix"><h3 class="flexible-content-title">Series</h3><div class="flexible-content posts custom-scroll clearfix" style="height:350px;"><ul class="posts-list-min"><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/96975/icc-prosecutor-policy-complementarity-cooperation/">Symposium: ICC Prosecutor Launches Policy on Complementarity and Cooperation</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/uruenarene/" title="Profile and articles by René Urueña" class="author url fn" rel="author">René Urueña</a></p> <p class="date">Jun 20th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/96881/symposium-on-ai-and-human-rights/">Introducing the Symposium on AI and Human Rights</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/peakejessica/" title="Profile and articles by Jessica Peake" class="author url fn" rel="author">Jessica Peake</a></p> <p class="date">Jun 17th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/94368/symposium-view-from-lviv/">Symposium: International Law in Ukraine – The View from Lviv</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/just-security-admin/" title="Profile and articles by Just Security" class="author url fn" rel="author">Just Security</a></p> <p class="date">Apr 5th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/95879/symposium-international-criminal-court-gaza/">A Symposium on the International Criminal Court and the Israel-Hamas War</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/just-security-admin/" title="Profile and articles by Just Security" class="author url fn" rel="author">Just Security</a></p> <p class="date">Nov 22nd, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/90411/2024-and-beyond-just-securitys-us-election-protection-coverage/">2024 and Beyond: Just Security’s US Election Protection Coverage</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/mollenkampallison2/" title="Profile and articles by Allison Mollenkamp" class="author url fn" rel="author">Allison Mollenkamp</a></p> <p class="date">Dec 4th, 2023</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/92429/introducing-just-securitys-series-on-reparations-in-russias-war-against-ukraine/">Introducing Just Security’s Series on Reparations in Russia’s War Against Ukraine</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/corrarinomegan/" title="Profile and articles by Megan Corrarino" class="author url fn" rel="author">Megan Corrarino</a></p> <p class="date">Feb 20th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/92446/establish-syria-victims-fund/">It’s Time to Establish a Syria Victims Fund</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/seifjoumana/" title="Profile and articles by Joumana Seif" class="author url fn" rel="author">Joumana Seif</a></p> <p class="date">Feb 19th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/89838/the-future-of-atrocity-prevention-a-joint-symposium/">The Future of Atrocity Prevention: A Joint Symposium</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/whiddengwendolyn/" title="Profile and articles by Gwendolyn Whidden" class="author url fn" rel="author">Gwendolyn Whidden</a></p> <p class="date">Oct 31st, 2023</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/89583/introduction-to-symposium-governing-artificial-intelligence-power-justice-and-the-limits-of-the-law/">Introducing the Symposium on AI Governance: Power, Justice, and the Limits of the Law</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" title="Profile and articles by Brianna Rosen" class="author url fn" rel="author">Brianna Rosen</a></p> <p class="date">Oct 18th, 2023</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/88143/introduction-to-symposium-ending-perpetual-war/">Introduction to Symposium: Ending Perpetual War</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" title="Profile and articles by Brianna Rosen" class="author url fn" rel="author">Brianna Rosen</a></p> <p class="date">Sep 11th, 2023</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/87280/joint-symposium-on-u-s-cooperation-with-the-international-criminal-courts-ukraine-investigation/">Joint Symposium on U.S. Cooperation with the International Criminal Court’s Ukraine Investigation</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/just-security-admin/" title="Profile and articles by Just Security" class="author url fn" rel="author">Just Security</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 17th, 2023</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/86748/u-n-general-assembly-and-international-criminal-tribunal-for-the-crime-of-aggression-against-ukraine/">U.N. General Assembly and International Criminal Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression Against Ukraine</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/just-security-admin/" title="Profile and articles by Just Security" class="author url fn" rel="author">Just Security</a></p> <p class="date">May 9th, 2023</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/85110/introducing-the-symposium-on-u-s-support-for-the-iccs-trust-fund-for-victims/">Introducing the Symposium on U.S. Support for the ICC’s Trust Fund for Victims</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/williamspaul/" title="Profile and articles by Paul R. Williams" class="author url fn" rel="author">Paul R. Williams</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/steriomilena/" title="Profile and articles by Milena Sterio" class="author url fn" rel="author">Milena Sterio</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/duttonyvonne/" title="Profile and articles by Yvonne Dutton" class="author url fn" rel="author">Yvonne Dutton</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kochalexandra/" title="Profile and articles by Alexandra Koch" class="author url fn" rel="author">Alexandra Koch</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/waldocklilian/" title="Profile and articles by Lilian Waldock" class="author url fn" rel="author">Lilian Waldock</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/lavaudfloriane/" title="Profile and articles by Floriane Lavaud" class="author url fn" rel="author">Floriane Lavaud</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/singhashika/" title="Profile and articles by Ashika Singh" class="author url fn" rel="author">Ashika Singh</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/glimcherisabelle/" title="Profile and articles by Isabelle Glimcher" class="author url fn" rel="author">Isabelle Glimcher</a></p> <p class="date">Feb 13th, 2023</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/84901/antisemitism-and-threats-to-american-democracy/">Antisemitism and Threats to American Democracy</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hershenoveileen/" title="Profile and articles by Eileen B. Hershenov" class="author url fn" rel="author">Eileen B. Hershenov</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/greerryan/" title="Profile and articles by Ryan B. Greer" class="author url fn" rel="author">Ryan B. Greer</a></p> <p class="date">Jan 26th, 2023</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/84636/toward-a-values-based-foreign-policy-developing-an-ethical-checklist/">Toward a Values-Based Foreign Policy: Developing an Ethical Checklist</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/mulreanpeter/" title="Profile and articles by Ambassador Peter Mulrean (ret.)" class="author url fn" rel="author">Ambassador Peter Mulrean (ret.)</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hawkwilliamj/" title="Profile and articles by William J. Hawk" class="author url fn" rel="author">William J. 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clearfix"><div class="secondary-left"><h3>About the Author(s)</h3></div><div class="primary"><div class="post-author-bio"><h4 title="Read bio and view posts by this author"><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/dannenbaumtom/">Tom <span>Dannenbaum</span></a></h4><p>Tom Dannenbaum (<a href="https://twitter.com/tomdannenbaum">@tomdannenbaum</a>) is Associate Professor of International Law at the Fletcher School of Law & Diplomacy, where he is also Co-Director of the Center for International Law & Governance.</p> </div><p class="clearfix"> <a href="mailto:lte@justsecurity.org" class="button has-icon icon-fa"> <i class="fa fa-envelope-o" aria-hidden="true"></i> Send A Letter To The Editor </a> </p></div></div><div class="post-bottom-row related-posts clearfix"><div class="secondary-left"><h3>Read these related stories next:</h3></div><div class="primary archive-wrap"><div class="result-entry type-post"> <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105064/mapping-state-reactions-icc/" 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