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In turn, there has been rapid policy movement towards greater state support for large-scale AI development.  This has surfaced in at least three […]" /> <meta property="og:url" content="https://ainowinstitute.org/publication/us-china-ai-race" /> <meta property="og:site_name" content="AI Now Institute" /> <meta property="article:published_time" content="2023-04-11T12:13:22+00:00" /> <meta property="og:image" content="https://ainowinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/GPN-2000-001588.jpg" /> <meta property="og:image:width" content="1536" /> <meta property="og:image:height" content="610" /> <meta property="og:image:type" content="image/jpeg" /> <meta name="author" content="AI Now Institute" /> <meta name="twitter:card" content="summary_large_image" /> <meta name="twitter:creator" content="@AINowInstitute" /> <meta name="twitter:site" content="@AINowInstitute" /> <meta name="twitter:label1" content="Written by" /> <meta name="twitter:data1" content="AI Now Institute" /> <meta name="twitter:label2" content="Est. reading time" /> <meta name="twitter:data2" content="18 minutes" /> <script type="application/ld+json" class="yoast-schema-graph">{"@context":"https://schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https://ainowinstitute.org/publication/us-china-ai-race#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https://ainowinstitute.org/publication/us-china-ai-race"},"author":{"name":"AI Now Institute","@id":"https://ainowinstitute.org/#/schema/person/80aea2f747c348014f0766c341ffbcc6"},"headline":"US-China AI Race: AI Policy as Industrial Policy","datePublished":"2023-04-11T12:13:22+00:00","dateModified":"2023-04-11T12:13:22+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https://ainowinstitute.org/publication/us-china-ai-race"},"wordCount":4096,"commentCount":0,"publisher":{"@id":"https://ainowinstitute.org/#organization"},"image":{"@id":"https://ainowinstitute.org/publication/us-china-ai-race#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https://ainowinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/GPN-2000-001588.jpg","keywords":["policy"],"articleSection":["policy","Publication"],"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"CommentAction","name":"Comment","target":["https://ainowinstitute.org/publication/us-china-ai-race#respond"]}]},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https://ainowinstitute.org/publication/us-china-ai-race","url":"https://ainowinstitute.org/publication/us-china-ai-race","name":"US-China AI Race: AI Policy as Industrial Policy - 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flex-grow-1 d-none align-items-center"> <form class="search-form d-flex align-items-center w-100" action="/"> <button aria-label="Submit entered search query" type="submit"></button> <input type="search" class=" pl-2 pl-lg-1 w-100" placeholder="search terms" value="" name="s" title="Search" autocomplete="off" /> </form> <button id="close-search" onclick="closeSearch()" aria-label="Close search form and return to menu items" class="close"></button> </div> <button aria-label="Toggle menu" id="menu-toggle" class="menu-toggle-icon ml-1"></button> </div> <p class="options-bio desktop">The AI Now Institute produces diagnosis and actionable policy research on artificial intelligence.</p> </div> </div> </div> <p class="options-bio mobile py-1 alignwide">The AI Now Institute produces diagnosis and actionable policy research on artificial intelligence.</p> </div> </header> <main id="page-wrapper" class="d-flex flex-column flex-grow-1"> <div class="entry-content max-width-container"> <div class="d-grid grid alignwide wide-max-width my-2 my-md-3"> <div class="single-post-template grid-col-12"> <div id="post-header" class="post-header grid-col-12"> <div class="d-grid grid grid-gap-four"> <div class="grid-col-12 grid-md-col-6 p-relative"> <div class="wrapper-4x3 border-radius-large p-relative"> <img width="1536" height="610" src="https://ainowinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/GPN-2000-001588.jpg" class="grayscale contrast wp-post-image" alt="" decoding="async" fetchpriority="high" srcset="https://ainowinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/GPN-2000-001588.jpg 1536w, https://ainowinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/GPN-2000-001588-300x119.jpg 300w, https://ainowinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/GPN-2000-001588-1024x407.jpg 1024w, https://ainowinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/GPN-2000-001588-768x305.jpg 768w" sizes="(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px" /> <div class=" border-radius-large p-absolute w-100 h-100 top-0 left-0 mix-blend-mode-overlay border-radius-large opacity-80" style="background-color:#001aff"></div> </div> <a class="post-sticker box-shadow d-flex align-items-center p-absolute border-2 border-radius-small has-off-white-background-color has-black-color align-self-end" href="/series/2023-landscape"><h4 class="has-black-color">PART OF<br>2023 Landscape</h4></a> </div> <div class="grid-col-12 grid-md-col-6 d-flex flex-column align-self-center ml-lg-4"> <div class="d-flex flex-row flex-wrap taxonomy-label"><h4 class="mr-1 mr-lg-2"><a href="https://ainowinstitute.org/series/2023-landscape">2023 Landscape</a></h4><h4 class="mr-1 mr-lg-2"><a href="https://ainowinstitute.org/research-areas/ai-industrial-policy">AI Industrial Policy</a></h4></div> <h1 class="line-height-100 mb-2 mt-1 medium mr-lg-2">US-China AI Race: AI Policy as Industrial Policy</h1> <div class="d-flex flex-row flex-wrap mt-2 justify-content-between w-lg-90"> <div class="post-author max-w-lg-350px"> <span class="mb-0"><span class="addtl-authors d-inline-flex mono mb-0"><p class="mono mb-0">AI Now Institute</p></span></span> </div> <p class="mono mb-0 mt-1 mt-md-0">Apr 11, 2023</p> </div> </div> </div> </div> <div class="d-grid grid mt-2 mt-lg-4"> <div class="post-container d-grid grid grid-col-12 mx-0 mx-xl-3"> <div class="post-body grid-col-12 d-grid grid mt-3 mt-lg-5"> <div class="post-content grid-col-12 grid-lg-col-8 mx-0 ml-lg-2 mr-lg-3"> <h3 class="wp-block-heading" id="ai-race">The so-called “AI race” between the US and China is increasingly used by a constellation of industry and national security actors to push back against regulatory intervention targeting US Big Tech companies. In turn, there has been rapid policy movement towards greater state support for large-scale AI development. </h3> <h3 class="wp-block-heading">This has surfaced in at least three policy domains: antitrust or pro-competition regulation; data privacy; and industrial policy that increases government support for AI development.</h3> <hr class="wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity is-style-wide"/> <p><strong>The rhetoric around the US-China AI race has evolved from a sporadic talking point to an increasingly institutionalized position, represented by collaborative initiatives between government, military, and tech-industry actors and reinforced by legislation and regulatory debates.</strong></p> <p>These initiatives crystallize the notion of AI systems (and the companies that produce them) not merely as commercial products but foremost as strategic national assets.</p> <p>In the 2019 AI Now Report, we flagged the emergence of the so-called “AI arms race” between US and China as a lens gaining currency in public discourse.<a data-contents=" See Kate Crawford, Roel Dobbe, Theodora Dryer, Genevieve Fried, Ben Green, Elizabeth Kaziunas, Amba Kak, Varoon Mathur, Erin McElroy, Andrea Nill Sánchez, Deborah Raji, Joy Lisi Rankin, Rashida Richardson, Jason Schultz, Sarah Myers West, and Meredith Whittaker, AI Now 2019 Report, AI Now Institute, December 2019; see also Meredith Whittaker, Shazeda Ahmed, and Amba Kak, “China in Global Tech Discourse,” AI Now Institute, Medium, May 27, 2021." class="footnote" id="footnote-1" href="#footnote-list-1">1</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color"> See Kate Crawford, Roel Dobbe, Theodora Dryer, Genevieve Fried, Ben Green, Elizabeth Kaziunas, Amba Kak, Varoon Mathur, Erin McElroy, Andrea Nill Sánchez, Deborah Raji, Joy Lisi Rankin, Rashida Richardson, Jason Schultz, Sarah Myers West, and Meredith Whittaker, <em><a href="https://ainowinstitute.org/AI_Now_2019_Report.pdf">AI Now 2019 Report</a></em>, AI Now Institute, December 2019; see also Meredith Whittaker, Shazeda Ahmed, and Amba Kak, “<a href="https://medium.com/@AINowInstitute/china-in-global-tech-discourse-2524017ca856">China in Global Tech Discourse</a>,” AI Now Institute, Medium, May 27, 2021.</span> Identifying the loudest proponents of this narrative—predominantly voices from the tech industry and the US defense establishment—illuminated the interests and interlocking power structures that are bolstered by this particular view of technological progress. In the US, it was clear that the so-called “AI race” against China not only kindled an appetite, across party lines<a data-contents=" See Peter Thiel, “Good for Google, Bad for America,” New York Times, August 1, 2019; Jake Harrington and Riley McCabe, “What the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act Gets Right (and What It Gets Wrong),” Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), July 1, 2021; and David E. Sanger, Catie Edmondson, David McCabe, and Thomas Kaplan, “Senate Poised to Pass Huge Industrial Policy Bill to Counter China,” New York Times, June 7, 2021." class="footnote" id="footnote-2" href="#footnote-list-2">2</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color"> See Peter Thiel, “<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/01/opinion/peter-thiel-google.html">Good for Google, Bad for America</a>,” <em>New York Times</em>, August 1, 2019; Jake Harrington and Riley McCabe, “<a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/what-us-innovation-and-competition-act-gets-right-and-what-it-gets-wrong">What the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act Gets Right (and What It Gets Wrong)</a>,” Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), July 1, 2021; and David E. Sanger, Catie Edmondson, David McCabe, and Thomas Kaplan, “<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/06/07/us/politics/senate-china-semiconductors.html">Senate Poised to Pass Huge Industrial Policy Bill to Counter China</a>,” <em>New York Times,</em> June 7, 2021.</span>, for increased support of escalated AI development and deployment, but also served to push back against calls for slower, more intentional development and stronger regulatory protections. </p> <p>Since then, this rhetoric has not just persisted, but has expanded in influence, and is being more deliberately wielded in the policy sphere to advocate for interests aligned with the biggest tech corporations. Efforts to stoke the fear that this is a race (or an “AI-accelerated competition”<a data-contents="National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence, Final Report, 2021. See page 8." class="footnote" id="footnote-3" href="#footnote-list-3">3</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence, <a href="https://nscai.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Full-Report-Digital-1.pdf"><em>Final Report</em></a>, 2021. See page 8.</span>) in which the US is already lagging behind—or, in the words of the Special Competitive Studies Project (SCSP), an organization chaired by Eric Schmidt, former CEO of Google (now Alphabet), is “perilously and unwittingly close to ceding”<a data-contents=" Special Competitive Studies Project, “Mid-Decade Challenges to National Competitiveness,” September 2022. See page 18." class="footnote" id="footnote-4" href="#footnote-list-4">4</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color"> Special Competitive Studies Project, “<a href="https://www.scsp.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/SCSP-Mid-Decade-Challenges-to-National-Competitiveness.pdf">Mid-Decade Challenges to National Competitiveness</a>,” September 2022. See page 18.</span>—are designed to emphasize urgency and spur policy action.<a data-contents="See Meredith Whittaker and Lucy Suchman, “The Myth of Artificial Intelligence,” American Prospect, December 8, 2021." class="footnote" id="footnote-5" href="#footnote-list-5">5</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See Meredith Whittaker and Lucy Suchman, “<a href="https://prospect.org/culture/books/myth-of-artificial-intelligence-kissinger-schmidt-huttenlocher">The Myth of Artificial Intelligence</a>,” <em>American Prospect</em>, December 8, 2021.</span> The<strong> </strong><a href="https:// ainowinstitute.org/publication/tracking-the-us-and-china-ai-arms-race" data-type="post" data-id="1573">timeline</a> below shows that the AI race against China has evolved from a sporadic talking point to an increasingly institutionalized position, represented by collaborative initiatives between government, military, and tech-industry actors and reinforced by legislation and regulatory debates. We see, for example, the seamless evolution of the congressionally mandated National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence (NSCAI)<a data-contents="The National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence, accessed March 3, 2023. Note that the NSCAI ceased operations on October 1, 2021. Permanent archive of the NSCAI website." class="footnote" id="footnote-6" href="#footnote-list-6">6</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color"><a href="https://www.nscai.gov">The National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence</a>, accessed March 3, 2023. Note that the NSCAI ceased operations on October 1, 2021. <a href="https://cybercemetery.unt.edu/nscai/20211005220330/https://www.nscai.gov">Permanent archive of the NSCAI website</a>.</span> to the privately funded SCSP<a data-contents="Special Competitive Studies Project, accessed March 3, 2023." class="footnote" id="footnote-7" href="#footnote-list-7">7</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color"><a href="https://www.scsp.ai">Special Competitive Studies Project</a>, accessed March 3, 2023.</span>, founded in October 2021, with the same leadership (Eric Schmidt and former NSA official Ylli Bajraktari) and stated goals as the NSCAI. The SCSP explicitly builds on the legacy of the 1956 Rockefeller Cold War Special Studies Project and is framed around adapting Cold War-era thinking to “the age of AI.”<a data-contents="See “What We Do,” Special Competitive Studies Project, accessed March 3, 2023; see also Henry Kissinger, Eric Schmidt, and Daniel Huttenlocher, The Age of AI: And Our Human Future (New York: Back Bay Books, 2022)." class="footnote" id="footnote-8" href="#footnote-list-8">8</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See “<a href="https://www.scsp.ai/about/what-we-do/#mission; https://www.rbf.org/about/our-history/timeline/special-studies-project/in-depth">What We Do</a>,” Special Competitive Studies Project, accessed March 3, 2023; see also Henry Kissinger, Eric Schmidt, and Daniel Huttenlocher, <em>The Age of AI: And Our Human Future</em> (New York: Back Bay Books, 2022).</span></p> <div id="featured-post-block_c9e520238b7b855e1ac275af7dfc5d40" class="d-grid grid my-4 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href="https://ainowinstitute.org/research-areas/ai-industrial-policy">AI Industrial Policy</a></h4></div> <h2 class="mt-2 mb-0 w-100 "><a href="https://ainowinstitute.org/publication/tracking-the-us-and-china-ai-arms-race">Tracking the US and China AI Arms Race</a></h2> <div class="d-flex flex-row flex-wrap justify-content-between mt-4 w-100 "> <div class="post-author max-w-lg-300px"> <span class="mb-0"><span class="addtl-authors d-inline-flex mono mb-0"><p class="mono mb-0">AI Now Institute</p></span></span> </div> <p class="mono mb-0">Apr 11, 2023</p> </div> </div> </div> </div> </div> </div> </div> <p>These initiatives crystallize the notion of AI (and a growing list of other technologies like 5G, quantum computing, and blockchain) as strategic technologies that must be viewed not merely as commercial products but foremost as strategic national assets, along with the companies that produce them. (The SCSP refers to tech platforms as “tools of statecraft too powerful to ignore.”<a data-contents="Special Competitive Studies Project, “Mid-Decade Challenges to National Competitiveness.” See page 22. " class="footnote" id="footnote-9" href="#footnote-list-9">9</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">Special Competitive Studies Project, “Mid-Decade Challenges to National Competitiveness.” See page 22. </span>) This logic translates into the policy sphere as a way to push back against regulatory intervention targeting these companies and in pursuit of greater state support for a specific kind of large-scale AI innovation. This is most noticeable in at least three policy domains: antitrust or pro-competition regulation; data privacy regulation; and industrial policy measures that allocate public funding toward AI development. </p> <hr class="wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity is-style-star-divider"/> <h3 class="wp-block-heading" id="competition-enforcement">Arguments against antitrust based on the US-China “AI race” are being cynically promoted by industry interests—yet the Biden administration, with its Executive Order on Promoting Competition in the American Economy, offers a clear refutation to this logic: it proposes a competitive tech industry as the clearest path to advocating for the national interest. For those genuinely working toward that goal, competition enforcement is a key part of how we get there.</h3> <p>In 2019, Sheryl Sandberg (then COO at Facebook) warned that the backlash against American tech companies like her employer ignored that Chinese companies weren’t under similar scrutiny: “While people are concerned with the size and power of tech companies, there’s also a concern in the United States with the size and power of Chinese companies, and the realization that these companies are not going to be broken up.”<a data-contents="Nitasha Tiku, “Big Tech: Breaking Us Up Will Only Help China,” Wired, May 23, 2019." class="footnote" id="footnote-10" href="#footnote-list-10">10</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">Nitasha Tiku, “<a href="https://www.wired.com/story/big-tech-breaking-will-only-help-china">Big Tech: Breaking Us Up Will Only Help China</a>,” <em>Wired</em>, May 23, 2019.</span> Mark Zuckerberg’s personal notes for a congressional hearing, photographed by the Associated Press<a data-contents="See Alix Langone, “The Photojournalist Who Took a Picture of Mark Zuckerberg’s Notes Reveals Why He Did It,” Time, April 11, 2018, https://time.com/5236407/mark-zuckerberg-notes-testimony-photo; and Andrea Woo (@AndreaWoo), “Mark Zuckerberg’s notes today, from AP photojournalist Andrew Harnik,” Twitter, April 10, 2018, 8:36 p.m." class="footnote" id="footnote-11" href="#footnote-list-11">11</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See Alix Langone, “The Photojournalist Who Took a Picture of Mark Zuckerberg’s Notes Reveals Why He Did It,” <em>Time</em>, April 11, 2018, <a href="https://time.com/5236407/mark-zuckerberg-notes-testimony-photo">https://time.com/5236407/mark-zuckerberg-notes-testimony-photo</a>; and Andrea Woo (@AndreaWoo), “<a href="https://twitter.com/AndreaWoo/status/983866296264810496">Mark Zuckerberg’s notes today, from AP photojournalist Andrew Harnik</a>,” Twitter, April 10, 2018, 8:36 p.m.</span>, were even more explicit: “Break up FB? US tech companies key asset for America; break up strengthens Chinese companies.”</p> <p>As renewed antitrust enforcement and pro-competition regulation gain global momentum<a data-contents="See Sam Shead, “The Walls Are Closing in on Big Tech as Global Regulators Crack Down,” CNBC, December 15, 2020; European Commission, “Digital Markets Act: Rules for Digital Gatekeepers to Ensure Open Markets Enter into Force,” press release, October 31, 2022; Ivan Mehta, “South Korea to Probe Apple and Google Over In-App Payment Rule Break,” TechCrunch, August 9, 2022; and Australian Competition & Consumer Commission, “Digital Platform Services Inquiry 2020–25: Project Overview,” n.d., accessed March 3, 2023." class="footnote" id="footnote-12" href="#footnote-list-12">12</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See Sam Shead, “<a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2020/12/15/regulators-crack-down-big-tech-dsa.html">The Walls Are Closing in on Big Tech as Global Regulators Crack Down</a>,” CNBC, December 15, 2020; European Commission, “<a href="https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/IP_22_6423">Digital Markets Act: Rules for Digital Gatekeepers to Ensure Open Markets Enter into Force</a>,” press release, October 31, 2022; Ivan Mehta, “<a href="https://techcrunch.com/2022/08/09/south-korea-to-probe-apple-and-google-over-in-app-payment-rule-break">South Korea to Probe Apple and Google Over In-App Payment Rule Break</a>,” TechCrunch, August 9, 2022; and Australian Competition & Consumer Commission, “<a href="https://www.accc.gov.au/focus-areas/inquiries-ongoing/digital-platform-services-inquiry-2020-25">Digital Platform Services Inquiry 2020–25: Project Overview</a>,” n.d., accessed March 3, 2023.</span>, not least in the Biden administration<a data-contents="See White House, “Executive Order on Promoting Competition in the American Economy,” July 9, 2021; American Innovation and Choice Online Act, S. 2992, 117th Congress (2021–2022); and Ending Platform Monopolies Act, H.R. 3825, 117th Congress (2021–2022)." class="footnote" id="footnote-13" href="#footnote-list-13">13</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See White House, “<a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/07/09/executive-order-on-promoting-competition-in-the-american-economy">Executive Order on Promoting Competition in the American Economy</a>,” July 9, 2021; <a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/2992">American Innovation and Choice Online Act, S. 2992</a>, 117th Congress (2021–2022); and <a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/3825/text">Ending Platform Monopolies Act, H.R. 3825</a>, 117th Congress (2021–2022).</span>, this defense and its proponents have only grown louder. One version of this argument exploits the bipartisan concern about Chinese economic dominance and warns that anyone considering “dismantling US firms that invest heavily in AI […] should think twice.”<a data-contents=" See Theadora Soter, “Direction of Antitrust Enforcement Could Harm American Global Competitiveness, Says Head of Think Tank,” Broadband Breakfast, April 11, 2022; Robert D. Atkinson, “Why the United States Needs a National Advanced Industry and Technology Agency,” Information Technology & Innovation Foundation (ITIF), June 17, 2021; Robert D. Atkinson, “Advanced Industries Are Essential for U.S. Competitiveness,” Information Technology & Innovation Foundation (ITIF), February 3, 2023; and Ian Clay and Robert D. Atkinson, “Wake Up, America: China Is Overtaking the United States in Innovation Capacity,” Information Technology & Innovation Foundation (ITIF), January 23, 2023." class="footnote" id="footnote-14" href="#footnote-list-14">14</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color"> See Theadora Soter, “<a href="https://broadbandbreakfast.com/2022/04/direction-of-antitrust-enforcement-could-harm-american-global-competitiveness-says-head-of-think-tank">Direction of Antitrust Enforcement Could Harm American Global Competitiveness, Says Head of Think Tank</a>,” Broadband Breakfast, April 11, 2022; Robert D. Atkinson, “<a href="https://itif.org/publications/2021/06/17/why-united-states-needs-national-advanced-industry-and-technology-agency">Why the United States Needs a National Advanced Industry and Technology Agency</a>,” Information Technology & Innovation Foundation (ITIF), June 17, 2021; Robert D. Atkinson, “<a href="https://itif.org/publications/2023/02/03/advanced-industries-are-essential-for-us-competitiveness">Advanced Industries Are Essential for U.S. Competitiveness</a>,” Information Technology & Innovation Foundation (ITIF), February 3, 2023; and Ian Clay and Robert D. Atkinson, “<a href="https://itif.org/publications/2023/01/23/wake-up-america-china-is-overtaking-the-united-states-in-innovation-capacity">Wake Up, America: China Is Overtaking the United States in Innovation Capacity</a>,” Information Technology & Innovation Foundation (ITIF), January 23, 2023.</span> More notable has been the proliferation of a national security-focused rationale for this same argument. In 2021, CCIA, an industry lobby group whose members include Amazon, Apple, Google, Facebook, and others, published a white paper called “National Security Issues Posed by House Antitrust Bills”<a data-contents="Computer & Communications Industry Association, “National Security Issues Posed by House Antitrust Bills,” September 2021." class="footnote" id="footnote-15" href="#footnote-list-15">15</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">Computer & Communications Industry Association, “<a href="https://ccianet.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/CCIA-KS-NatSec-White-Paper.pdf">National Security Issues Posed by House Antitrust Bills</a>,” September 2021.</span> that canvases several reasons why pro-competition legislation threatens the national interest, including:</p> <ul class="wp-block-list"> <li>The American Innovation and Choice Online Act<a data-contents="American Innovation and Choice Online Act, S. 2992." class="footnote" id="footnote-16" href="#footnote-list-16">16</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">American Innovation and Choice Online Act, S. 2992.</span> would affect companies’ ability to resist malicious activity.</li> <li>The Augmenting Compatibility and Competition by Enabling Service Switching (ACCESS) Act<a data-contents="ACCESS Act of 2021, H.R. 3849, 117th Congress (2021–2022)." class="footnote" id="footnote-17" href="#footnote-list-17">17</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color"><a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/3849/text">ACCESS Act of 2021, H.R. 3849</a>, 117th Congress (2021–2022).</span> could impact national security by compelling leading US tech companies to share data and ensure interoperability with other organizations, including foreign entities.  </li> <li>The Platform Competition and Opportunity Act<a data-contents="Platform Competition and Opportunity Act of 2021, H.R. 3826, 117th Congress (2021–2022)." class="footnote" id="footnote-18" href="#footnote-list-18">18</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color"><a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/3826/text">Platform Competition and Opportunity Act of 2021, H.R. 3826</a>, 117th Congress (2021–2022).</span> would severely restrict US companies’ ability to make mergers and acquisitions but would not apply to foreign rivals. </li> <li>The Ending Platform Monopolies Act<a data-contents="Ending Platform Monopolies Act, H.R. 3825, 117th Congress (2021–2022)." class="footnote" id="footnote-19" href="#footnote-list-19">19</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color"><a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/3825/text">Ending Platform Monopolies Act, H.R. 3825</a>, 117th Congress (2021–2022).</span> would also disadvantage US firms compared to their international competitors due to restrictions on mergers and acquisitions. </li> </ul> <p>These lobbyists argue that together, these bills would threaten national security by risking the misuse of US intellectual property and data; reducing US law enforcement’s access to effective data; reducing the US’s ability to combat foreign misinformation; impeding cybersecurity efforts; giving foreign companies an advantage over US companies without any reciprocity; and “undermining U.S. tech leadership.”<a data-contents="Computer & Communications Industry Association, “National Security Issues Posed by House Antitrust Bills.”" class="footnote" id="footnote-20" href="#footnote-list-20">20</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">Computer & Communications Industry Association, “National Security Issues Posed by House Antitrust Bills.”</span></p> <p>This lobbying attempt was followed by a similarly worded letter<a data-contents="Zachary Basu and Margaret Harding McGill, “Ex-intel officials claim antitrust could hurt U.S. in China tech race,” Axios, September 15, 2021." class="footnote" id="footnote-21" href="#footnote-list-21">21</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">Zachary Basu and Margaret Harding McGill, “<a href="https://www.axios.com/2021/09/15/china-antitrust-big-tech-national-security">Ex-intel officials claim antitrust could hurt U.S. in China tech race</a>,” Axios, September 15, 2021.</span> from former senior defense officials. A subsequent <em>Politico</em> investigation exposed that all twelve signatories were tied to organizations linked to or funded by Big Tech.<a data-contents="Emily Birnbaum, “Group Backed by Tech Giants Claims Thousands of Members. Many Have Never Heard of It,” Politico, March 30, 2022." class="footnote" id="footnote-22" href="#footnote-list-22">22</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">Emily Birnbaum, “<a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2021/09/22/former-security-officials-antitrust-tech-ties-513657">Group Backed by Tech Giants Claims Thousands of Members. Many Have Never Heard of It</a>,” <em>Politico</em>, March 30, 2022.</span></p> <p>However, there are also promising signals that this narrative is not being internalized wholesale within the US government. In a bold pro-competition statement in July 2021, the Biden administration’s Executive Order on Competition took direct aim at the logic of this kind of anti-competition lobbying, declaring that “the answer to the rising power of foreign monopolies and cartels is not the tolerance of domestic monopolization, but rather the promotion of competition and innovation by firms small and large, at home and worldwide.”<em> </em><a data-contents="White House, “Executive Order on Promoting Competition in the American Economy.”" class="footnote" id="footnote-23" href="#footnote-list-23">23</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">White House, “Executive Order on Promoting Competition in the American Economy.”</span></p> <p>Meanwhile, and rather awkwardly for those using the argument that China’s threat should preclude pro-competition regulation in the US, the Chinese government has made several public moves toward tougher antitrust enforcement of its own national champions such as Alibaba and Tencent.<a data-contents="See Jana Kasperkevic, “Chinese Antitrust 2.0: Why Is China Going After Its Big Tech?” ProMarket, April 9, 2021; and “Alibaba And Tencent Fined In China Tech Crackdown,” Forbes, July 13, 2022." class="footnote" id="footnote-24" href="#footnote-list-24">24</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See Jana Kasperkevic, “<a href="https://www.promarket.org/2021/04/09/chinese-antitrust-exceptionalism-enforcement-trade-alibaba-zhang">Chinese Antitrust 2.0: Why Is China Going After Its Big Tech?</a>” ProMarket, April 9, 2021; and “<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/qai/2022/07/13/alibaba-and-tencent-fined-in-china-tech-crackdown">Alibaba And Tencent Fined In China Tech Crackdown</a>,” <em>Forbes</em>, July 13, 2022.</span> Some argue this signals the Chinese state reasserting control over private industry, by using the threat of competition enforcement to nudge the companies to align their business strategies with the government’s industrial policy.<a data-contents="See Angela Huyue Zhang, “What Does Beijing Achieve from Regulating Its Big Tech?” U.S.-Asia Law Institute (USALI), April 20, 2021; and see generally Angela Huyue Zhang, Chinese Antitrust Exceptionalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021)." class="footnote" id="footnote-25" href="#footnote-list-25">25</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See Angela Huyue Zhang, “<a href="https://usali.org/usali-perspectives-blog/what-does-beijing-achieve-from-regulating-its-big-tech">What Does Beijing Achieve from Regulating Its Big Tech?</a>” U.S.-Asia Law Institute (USALI), April 20, 2021; and see generally Angela Huyue Zhang, <em>Chinese Antitrust Exceptionalism</em> (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021).</span> FTC chair Lina Khan, when asked to make sense of China’s growing and aggressive stance toward its own Big Tech players, tacitly gestured to this analysis: “There’s been a recognition across jurisdictions that if you allow unfettered monopoly power to concentrate, its power can rival that of the state.”<a data-contents="“CNBC Transcript: Federal Trade Commission Chair Lina Khan Speaks Exclusively with Andrew Ross Sorkin and Kara Swisher Live from Washington, D.C. Today,” CNBC, January 19, 2022." class="footnote" id="footnote-26" href="#footnote-list-26">26</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">“<a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2022/01/19/cnbc-transcript-federal-trade-commission-chair-lina-khan-speaks-exclusively-with-andrew-ross-sorkin-and-kara-swisher-live-from-washington-dc-today.html">CNBC Transcript: Federal Trade Commission Chair Lina Khan Speaks Exclusively with Andrew Ross Sorkin and Kara Swisher Live from Washington, D.C. Today</a>,” CNBC, January 19, 2022.</span></p> <hr class="wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity is-style-star-divider"/> <h3 class="wp-block-heading" id="a-race-to-the-bottom">Loosely backed claims around Chinese approaches to privacy regulation are being used to advocate for a race to the bottom. </h3> <p>In the sphere of data privacy and AI accountability, similar to the conversation around antitrust, the US-China “AI race” is wielded as a lever advocating against further regulation. In this case, any restrictions or added friction proposed in how companies utilize the data of its users is contrasted against the notion that Chinese companies operate with unfettered access to citizen’s data, and that the Chinese state exclusively supports rather than hinders this access.<a data-contents="See Graham Webster and Scarlet Kim, “The Data Arms Race Is No Excuse for Abandoning Privacy,” Foreign Policy, August 14, 2018; and “AI Arms Race: China and the Confucian-Communist Edge,” Eye on AI, March 8, 2019." class="footnote" id="footnote-27" href="#footnote-list-27">27</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See Graham Webster and Scarlet Kim, “<a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/08/14/the-data-arms-race-is-no-excuse-for-abandoning-privacy">The Data Arms Race Is No Excuse for Abandoning Privacy</a>,” Foreign Policy, August 14, 2018; and “<a href="https://www.eye-on.ai/ai-articles/2019/3/8/ai-arms-race-china-and-the-confucian-communist-edge">AI Arms Race: China and the Confucian-Communist Edge</a>,” Eye on AI, March 8, 2019.</span> Mark Zuckerberg noted that consent requirements for facial recognition create the risk of “falling behind Chinese competitors.”<a data-contents="Natasha Lomas, “Zuckerberg Urges Privacy Carve Outs to Compete with China,” TechCrunch, April 10, 2018." class="footnote" id="footnote-28" href="#footnote-list-28">28</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">Natasha Lomas, “<a href="https://techcrunch.com/2018/04/10/zuckerberg-urges-privacy-carve-outs-to-compete-with-china">Zuckerberg Urges Privacy Carve Outs to Compete with China</a>,” TechCrunch, April 10, 2018.</span> More recently, the vice president of the US Chamber of Commerce argued that the proposed federal privacy bill, American Data Privacy and Protection Act, intended to bring the US in line with the EU and a growing number of countries with data privacy laws, could hinder the competitiveness of US companies at a time when “the US is in a global race with China to lead the world in AI.”<a data-contents="Jordan Crenshaw, “What Should and Should Not Be Included in a National Privacy Bill,” U.S. Chamber of Commerce, September 13, 2022." class="footnote" id="footnote-29" href="#footnote-list-29">29</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">Jordan Crenshaw, “<a href="https://www.uschamber.com/technology/data-privacy/what-should-and-should-not-be-included-in-a-national-privacy-bill">What Should and Should Not Be Included in a National Privacy Bill</a>,” U.S. Chamber of Commerce, September 13, 2022.</span> While the Chinese government’s record of surveillance and intrusion into its citizens’ lives is well documented, these claims that frame China as a regulatory vacuum are contradicted by the growing body of data security and data protection regulation in China.<a data-contents="See Rogier Creemers, “China’s Emerging Data Protection Framework,” Journal of Cybersecurity 8, no. 1 (2022); Amba Kak and Samm Sacks, “Shifting Narratives and Emergent Trends in Data-Governance Policy: Developments in China, India, and the EU,” policy memo, Yale Law School, Paul Tsai China Center, August 2021; Samm Sacks, Qiheng Chen, and Graham Webster, “Five Important Takeaways From China’s Draft Data Security Law,” New America, July 9, 2020; Graham Webster, “Chinese Experts Push Data Privacy as Epidemic Systems Proliferate,” New America, March 2, 2020; and Graham Webster and Rogier Creemers, “A Chinese Scholar Outlines Stakes for New ‘Personal Information’ and ‘Data Security’ Laws (Translation),” New America, May 28, 2020." class="footnote" id="footnote-30" href="#footnote-list-30">30</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See Rogier Creemers, “<a href="https://academic.oup.com/cybersecurity/article/8/1/tyac011/6674794">China’s Emerging Data Protection Framework</a>,” <em>Journal of Cybersecurity</em> 8, no. 1 (2022); Amba Kak and Samm Sacks, “<a href="https://law.yale.edu/sites/default/files/area/center/china/document/shifting_narratives.pdf">Shifting Narratives and Emergent Trends in Data-Governance Policy: Developments in China, India, and the EU</a>,” policy memo, Yale Law School, Paul Tsai China Center, August 2021; Samm Sacks, Qiheng Chen, and Graham Webster, “<a href="https://www.newamerica.org/cybersecurity-initiative/digichina/blog/five-important-take-aways-chinas-draft-data-security-law">Five Important Takeaways From China’s Draft Data Security Law</a>,” New America, July 9, 2020; Graham Webster, “<a href="https://www.newamerica.org/cybersecurity-initiative/digichina/blog/chinese-experts-push-data-privacy-epidemic-systems-proliferate">Chinese Experts Push Data Privacy as Epidemic Systems Proliferate</a>,” New America, March 2, 2020; and Graham Webster and Rogier Creemers, “<a href="https://www.newamerica.org/cybersecurity-initiative/digichina/blog/chinese-scholar-outlines-stakes-new-personal-information-and-data-security-laws-translation">A Chinese Scholar Outlines Stakes for New ‘Personal Information’ and ‘Data Security’ Laws (Translation),</a>” New America, May 28, 2020.</span> While these analysts neither endorse Chinese privacy regulation as sufficient nor equate these laws with guaranteeing meaningful enforcement, they do dispel any lazy assertions that Chinese companies have unregulated access to the personal data they are permitted to collect and use.<a data-contents=" Samm Sacks and Lorand Laskai, “China’s Privacy Conundrum,” Slate, February 7, 2019." class="footnote" id="footnote-31" href="#footnote-list-31">31</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color"> Samm Sacks and Lorand Laskai, <a href="https://slate.com/technology/2019/02/china-consumer-data-protection-privacy-surveillance.html">“China’s Privacy Conundrum</a>,” <em>Slate</em>, February 7, 2019.</span> They also draw more attention to the US as a global outlier when it comes to the lack of federal privacy protections.<a data-contents="Ralph Jennings, “What the US Might Learn From China’s Data Privacy Rules,” Voice of America (VOA), March 28, 2022. For example, the US government’s proposed ban on Chinese social media company TikTok, based on potential theft or misuse of American’s data, has prompted many to point out that a federal privacy law, much more than an app ban, would go further to protect and mitigate the abuse of personal data in the US. See Glenn S. Gerstell, “The Problem with Taking TikTok Away from Americans,” New York Times, February 1, 2023; and Evan Greer (@evan_greer), “Let’s say the Chinese government was using TikTok to surveil Americans. If you ban TikTok, the Chinese gov can just legally purchase the same info from data brokers, because the US has almost no privacy laws. Don’t ban TikTok, pass a damn privacy law,” Twitter, February 1, 2023, 6:42 p.m." class="footnote" id="footnote-32" href="#footnote-list-32">32</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">Ralph Jennings, “<a href="https://www.voanews.com/a/what-the-us-might-learn-from-china-s-data-privacy-rules-/6505203.html">What the US Might Learn From China’s Data Privacy Rules,</a>” Voice of America (VOA), March 28, 2022. For example, the US government’s proposed ban on Chinese social media company TikTok, based on potential theft or misuse of American’s data, has prompted many to point out that a federal privacy law, much more than an app ban, would go further to protect and mitigate the abuse of personal data in the US. See Glenn S. Gerstell, “<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/02/01/opinion/tiktok-ban-china.html">The Problem with Taking TikTok Away from Americans</a>,” <em>New York Times</em>, February 1, 2023; and Evan Greer (@evan_greer), “Let’s say the Chinese government was using TikTok to surveil Americans. If you ban TikTok, the Chinese gov can just legally purchase the same info from data brokers, because the US has almost no privacy laws. Don’t ban TikTok, pass a damn privacy law,” <a href="https://twitter.com/evan_greer/status/1620930744725143552">Twitter</a>, February 1, 2023, 6:42 p.m.</span> </p> <p>The other loosely backed argument in policy circles is that Chinese tech companies benefit from the claim that Chinese society doesn’t care as much about privacy.<a data-contents="See “AI Arms Race: China and the Confucian-Communist Edge”; and Qian Zhecheng, “Chinese Consumers Most Willing to Trade Privacy for Convenience,” Sixth Tone, June 15, 2018." class="footnote" id="footnote-33" href="#footnote-list-33">33</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See “AI Arms Race: China and the Confucian-Communist Edge”; and Qian Zhecheng, “<a href="https://www.sixthtone.com/news/1002467/chinese-consumers-most-willing-to-trade-privacy-for-convenience">Chinese Consumers Most Willing to Trade Privacy for Convenience</a>,” Sixth Tone, June 15, 2018.</span> Kai-Fu Lee (a venture capitalist and former Big Tech engineer), for example, notes that “Chinese users tend to be more willing to trade some degree of privacy for security or convenience.”<a data-contents=" Lee also argues that “views about privacy are deeply embedded culturally. In China, there’s pretty strong enforcement of laws against those who sell users’ private data. The punishments are probably stronger even than in the U.S. or Europe. At the same time, Chinese users tend to be more willing to trade some degree of privacy for security or convenience.” See Peter Schwartz, “Dr. Kai-Fu Lee on Why AI Redefines What It Means to Be Human,” Salesforce, September 7, 2018." class="footnote" id="footnote-34" href="#footnote-list-34">34</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color"> Lee also argues that “views about privacy are deeply embedded culturally. In China, there’s pretty strong enforcement of laws against those who sell users’ private data. The punishments are probably stronger even than in the U.S. or Europe. At the same time, Chinese users tend to be more willing to trade some degree of privacy for security or convenience.” See Peter Schwartz, “<a href="https://www.salesforce.com/content/blogs/us/en/2018/09/kai-fu-lee-ai-redefines-human-machine.html">Dr. Kai-Fu Lee on Why AI Redefines What It Means to Be Human</a>,” Salesforce, September 7, 2018.</span> Indeed, policy experts point out that US legislative proposals to counter Chinese data collection do not address the enormous amounts of user data collected and monetized by the likes of US-based Google, Apple, Facebook, and Amazon.<a data-contents="See Alexandra S. Levine, “A U.S. Privacy Law Seemed Possible This Congress. Now, Prospects Are Fading Fast,” Politico, June 1, 2022; and Danny Crichton, “GDPR, China and Data Sovereignty Are Ultimately Wins for Amazon and Google,” TechCrunch, May 29, 2018." class="footnote" id="footnote-35" href="#footnote-list-35">35</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See Alexandra S. Levine, “<a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2021/06/01/washington-plan-protect-american-data-silicon-valley-491405">A U.S. Privacy Law Seemed Possible This Congress. Now, Prospects Are Fading Fast</a>,” <em>Politico</em>, June 1, 2022; and Danny Crichton, “<a href="https://techcrunch.com/2018/05/29/gdpr-and-the-cloud-winners">GDPR, China and Data Sovereignty Are Ultimately Wins for Amazon and Google</a>,” TechCrunch, May 29, 2018.</span> This assertion, too, is contradicted by the growing consumer and worker activism in China that resists technology-related concerns, such as the hotly debated issue of the use of facial recognition in public spaces and residential areas.<a data-contents="See Lakshmi Iyengar, “Major Chinese City Pushes Back Against Widespread Facial Recognition,” Radii, October 30, 2020; and Whittaker, Ahmed, and Kak, “China in Global Tech Discourse.”" class="footnote" id="footnote-36" href="#footnote-list-36">36</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See Lakshmi Iyengar, “<a href="https://radii.co/article/hangzhou-facial-recognition">Major Chinese City Pushes Back Against Widespread Facial Recognition</a>,” Radii, October 30, 2020; and Whittaker, Ahmed, and Kak, “China in Global Tech Discourse.”</span>   </p> <p>We’re starting to see similar anti-regulation arguments emerge in the context of algorithmic or AI accountability frameworks. The SCSP (the privately funded lobbying organization run by former tech industry executives and national security officials), for example, distances the US from the EU, which is debating legislation intended to regulate AI technologies. Instead, one argument goes, the US should aim for “non-regulatory approaches to governance” for AI, without clearly defining what those approaches are or how they might work in practice.<a data-contents="Special Competitive Studies Project, “Mid-Decade Challenges to National Competitiveness.” See page 35." class="footnote" id="footnote-37" href="#footnote-list-37">37</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">Special Competitive Studies Project, “Mid-Decade Challenges to National Competitiveness.” See page 35.</span></p> <hr class="wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity is-style-star-divider"/> <h3 class="wp-block-heading" id="bipartisan">Increasing bipartisan consensus favors greater government intervention for developing AI as a strategic technology to ensure future prosperity. </h3> <h3 class="wp-block-heading">While policy initiatives often pitch this as a means to “democratize” and deconsolidate the AI industry, without a deliberate effort, this claim is on shaky ground. Current industrial policy proposals claim to “democratize AI,” but risk being ultimately structured to in ways that entrench Big Tech firms’ advantage and power.</h3> <p>The “AI race” with China has perhaps been the single most productive argument behind the proliferation of policy instruments that increase government support and funding for the development of AI and other ancillary strategic technologies like semiconductors.<a data-contents="Joel Mathis, “The CHIPS Act and Industrial Policy, Explained,” The Week, August 2, 2022." class="footnote" id="footnote-38" href="#footnote-list-38">38</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">Joel Mathis, “<a href="https://theweek.com/economy/1015566/the-chips-act-and-industrial-policy-explained">The CHIPS Act and Industrial Policy, Explained</a>,” <em>The Week</em>, August 2, 2022.</span> While the phrase “industrial policy” has historically been an uncomfortable and polarizing term in US politics given its associations with centrally directed economies (the SCSP has called it a “fraught label”), it is receiving increasing bipartisan support—a reflection of a growing trend in US politics to associate the national interest with the promotion of certain sectors of the economy.<a data-contents="See David Leonhardt, “An Investment With a Big Return,” New York Times, June 8, 2021; Scott Lincicome, “Conservative Industrial Policy and the ‘China Threat’,” Cato Institute (blog), August 28, 2020; Scott Lincicome and Huan Zhu, “Questioning Industrial Policy: Why Government Manufacturing Plans Are Ineffective and Unnecessary,” Cato Institute, 2021; and David E. Sanger, Catie Edmondson, David McCabe, and Thomas Kaplan, “Senate Poised to Pass Huge Industrial Policy Bill to Counter China,” New York Times, June 7, 2021." class="footnote" id="footnote-39" href="#footnote-list-39">39</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See David Leonhardt, “<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/06/08/briefing/investment-senate-china-bill.html">An Investment With a Big Return</a>,” <em>New York Times</em>, June 8, 2021; Scott Lincicome, “<a href="https://www.cato.org/blog/conservative-industrial-policy-china-threat">Conservative Industrial Policy and the ‘China Threat</a>’,” Cato Institute (blog), August 28, 2020; Scott Lincicome and Huan Zhu, “<a href="https://www.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/2021-09/white-paper-questioning-industrial-policy-updated.pdf">Questioning Industrial Policy: Why Government Manufacturing Plans Are Ineffective and Unnecessary</a>,” Cato Institute, 2021; and David E. Sanger, Catie Edmondson, David McCabe, and Thomas Kaplan, “<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/06/07/us/politics/senate-china-semiconductors.html">Senate Poised to Pass Huge Industrial Policy Bill to Counter China</a>,” <em>New York Times</em>, June 7, 2021.</span></p> <p>Notably, this argument in favor of greater government support to develop the AI industry originally took shape in the form of a critique of private-sector consolidation in the tech industry. The NSCAI was forthcoming in its 2022 final report that the consolidation of the AI industry is a “threat” to US competitiveness, with a detailed analysis of how the “brain drain” from other sectors of the economy (from small AI startups to local, state, and federal government) to a few big Silicon Valley tech firms, alongside the astronomical compute costs required to train large-scale AI models means that “AI startups have narrowing paths to growth in the United States.”<a data-contents="National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence, Final Report. See page 187." class="footnote" id="footnote-40" href="#footnote-list-40">40</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence, <em>Final Report</em>. See page 187.</span> They even argue that a highly concentrated tech industry is contributing to the lack of diversity in the AI field, which limits the ability to “build equitable, inclusive systems.”<a data-contents="Ibid." class="footnote" id="footnote-41" href="#footnote-list-41">41</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">Ibid.</span> This is a problem, the argument goes, because commercial priorities are driving the technology agenda rather than an organized public-private effort, and so the eventual recommendations are to “blend” public and private resources into these strategic technology domains.</p> <p>This concern with consolidation in private industry, however, has remained superficial in policy proposals that have followed from other organizations in the space. The National AI Research Resource (NAIRR), an initiative designed by the National Science Foundation and the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy, cites the NSCAI’s report while proposing a kind of AI data and compute infrastructure commons that researchers around the country can access, with the aim of “democratizing AI” and addressing consolidation.<a data-contents="See Amba Kak, Brittany Smith, Sarah Myers West, and Meredith Whittaker, “Request for Information (RFI) on an Implementation Plan for a National Artificial Intelligence Research Resource,” AI Now Institute and Data and Society, October 1, 2021; and NAIRR Task Force, “Envisioning a National Artificial Intelligence Research Resource (NAIRR): Preliminary Findings and Recommendations, NAIRR-TF-Interim-Report-2022.pdf." class="footnote" id="footnote-42" href="#footnote-list-42">42</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See Amba Kak, Brittany Smith, Sarah Myers West, and Meredith Whittaker, “<a href="https://ainowinstitute.org/AINow-DS-NAIRR-comment.pdf">Request for Information (RFI) on an Implementation Plan for a National Artificial Intelligence Research Resource</a>,” AI Now Institute and Data and Society, October 1, 2021; and NAIRR Task Force, “Envisioning a National Artificial Intelligence Research Resource (NAIRR): Preliminary Findings and Recommendations, <a href="https://www.ai.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/NAIRR-TF-Interim-Report-2022.pdf">NAIRR-TF-Interim-Report-2022.pdf</a>.</span> However, as we pointed out in an official submission to the NAIRR task force, the NAIRR project as it is currently envisioned falls back on “leveraging public-private partnerships” to provide this resource rather than the government creating these compute resources themselves, building an alternative to Big Tech infrastructure.<a data-contents="Kak, Smith, West, and Whittaker, “Request for Information (RFI) on an Implementation Plan for a National Artificial Intelligence Research Resource.”" class="footnote" id="footnote-43" href="#footnote-list-43">43</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">Kak, Smith, West, and Whittaker, “Request for Information (RFI) on an Implementation Plan for a National Artificial Intelligence Research Resource.”</span> This reinforces that the only plausible short- to mid-term scenario is that the infrastructure required for NAIRR would be licensed from the very same Big Tech companies that currently control them. The director of the Stanford Institute for Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence (HAI), which credits itself with first conceptualizing the NAIRR project, makes these dependencies explicit, arguing that “the commercial cloud providers are already doing the innovation, and they invest massive amounts of money to keep it up-to-date,” and that therefore there is no need for the government to create these resources themselves.<a data-contents="See Jeffrey Mervis, “U.S. Law Sets Stage for Boost to Artificial Intelligence Research,” Stanford Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence, January 19, 2021; John Etchemendy and Fei-Fei Li, “National Research Cloud: Ensuring the Continuation of American Innovation,” Stanford Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence, March 28, 2020; and John Thornhill, “A Public Research Cloud Would Stimulate Innovation,” Financial Times, October 18, 2020." class="footnote" id="footnote-44" href="#footnote-list-44">44</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See Jeffrey Mervis, “<a href="https://hai.stanford.edu/news/us-law-sets-stage-boost-artificial-intelligence-research">U.S. Law Sets Stage for Boost to Artificial Intelligence Research</a>,” Stanford Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence, January 19, 2021; John Etchemendy and Fei-Fei Li, “<a href="https://hai.stanford.edu/news/national-research-cloud-ensuring-continuation-american-innovation">National Research Cloud: Ensuring the Continuation of American Innovation</a>,” Stanford Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence, March 28, 2020; and John Thornhill, “<a href="https://www.ft.com/content/b5928d21-602e-4f10-bdf6-f0c123a96bfe">A Public Research Cloud Would Stimulate Innovation</a>,” <em>Financial Times</em>, October 18, 2020.</span> The NSCAI and SCSP’s recommendations have also paved the way for a slew of legislation that explicitly focuses on bolstering government R&D spending toward American tech development (including subsidies for manufacturing) with no discernible focus on reducing the dependencies on Big Tech data or compute infrastructures.<a data-contents="See United States Innovation and Competition Act of 2021, S. 1260, 117th Congress (2021–2022), (passed Senate); United States Innovation and Competition Act of 2021, H.R. 4521, 117th Congress (2021–2022), (passed Senate); and Advancing American AI Act, S. 1353, 117th Congress (2021–2022), (reported to Senate)." class="footnote" id="footnote-45" href="#footnote-list-45">45</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">See <a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/1260">United States Innovation and Competition Act of 2021, S. 1260</a>, 117th Congress (2021–2022), (passed Senate); <a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/45212021">United States Innovation and Competition Act of 2021, H.R. 4521</a>, 117th Congress (2021–2022), (passed Senate); and <a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/1353/text">Advancing American AI Act, S. 1353</a>, 117th Congress (2021–2022), (reported to Senate).</span> </p> <p>The inherent contradictions abound, though they are rarely broken down in any detail. On the one hand, rhetorical moves that draw on the “arms race” narrative position the “command and control” Chinese economy with its often-caricatured lack of state-private divide in contrast to the freedom of private enterprise in the Western liberal political economy (this is a key justification for the recent restrictions on Americans investing in Chinese technology.<a data-contents="White House, “Executive Order on Addressing the Threat from Securities Investments That Finance Certain Companies of the People’s Republic of China,” June 3, 2021." class="footnote" id="footnote-46" href="#footnote-list-46">46</a><span class="p-absolute d-none footnote-full has-white-background-color">White House, “<a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/06/03/executive-order-on-addressing-the-threat-from-securities-investments-that-finance-certain-companies-of-the-peoples-republic-of-china">Executive Order on Addressing the Threat from Securities Investments That Finance Certain Companies of the People’s Republic of China</a>,” June 3, 2021.</span>) But policy recommendations designed to address the arms race are designed around the development of US industrial policy in the sphere of AI and related strategic technologies, putting this differentiator on increasingly shaky ground. While the infusion of public investment has been loosely conflated with the “democratization” of AI, in practice the identification of AI as a strategic national asset would end up bolstering the advantage of the largest tech companies and eventually protect these companies from structural regulation. All of these movements are presently unfolding largely unchecked, and deserve close scrutiny.</p> <hr class="wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity is-style-star-divider"/> <p>See a timeline of events related to the US / China AI Arms Race below.</p> <div id="featured-post-block_c9e520238b7b855e1ac275af7dfc5d40" class="d-grid grid my-4 featured-post alignauto"> <div class="d-grid grid grid-col-12 featured-post-card"> <div class="d-grid grid grid-col-12 single-featured-post "> <div class="grid-col-12 grid-md-col-5 p-relative"> <a aria-label="Post thumbnail" href="https://ainowinstitute.org/publication/tracking-the-us-and-china-ai-arms-race"> <div class="wrapper-4x3 border-radius-small"> <img decoding="async" width="3103" height="2222" src="https://ainowinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/us-navy.png" class="grayscale contrast wp-post-image" alt="" srcset="https://ainowinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/us-navy.png 3103w, 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74.7864L70.6569 72.4186C70.6597 72.3067 70.7358 72.2322 70.847 72.2322H73.8139C74.6668 72.2322 75.1719 72.7915 75.1512 73.6118C75.132 74.3762 74.5977 74.9728 73.7448 74.9728H70.778C70.6667 74.9728 70.5944 74.8983 70.5972 74.7864Z" fill="#222222"/> <path d="M79.6872 82.4864H81.6527C81.9123 82.4864 82.0839 82.3 82.0905 82.0389L82.2089 77.3406C82.2131 77.1728 82.4371 77.1169 82.5446 77.2661L86.1647 82.244C86.2722 82.3932 86.3996 82.4864 86.6592 82.4864H89.1254C89.4963 82.4864 89.654 82.1135 89.4571 81.8339L85.1701 76.0915C85.0089 75.8678 85.0502 75.7 85.2032 75.5135L89.6609 70.0695C89.8334 69.8457 89.7325 69.4356 89.3802 69.4356H87.0067C86.7657 69.4356 86.6711 69.5101 86.5756 69.622L82.6132 74.544C82.4982 74.6932 82.2771 74.6373 82.2813 74.4695L82.3969 69.883C82.4035 69.622 82.2413 69.4356 81.9817 69.4356H80.0162C79.7566 69.4356 79.5665 69.622 79.5599 69.883L79.2535 82.0389C79.2469 82.3 79.4276 82.4864 79.6872 82.4864Z" fill="#222222"/> </svg> </a> </div> <div class="grid-col-12 grid-md-col-7 "> <div class="d-flex flex-column h-100 justify-content-lg-center"> <div class="d-flex flex-column"> <div class="d-flex flex-row flex-wrap taxonomy-label"><h4 class="mr-1 mr-lg-2"><a href="https://ainowinstitute.org/series/2023-landscape">2023 Landscape</a></h4><h4 class="mr-1 mr-lg-2"><a href="https://ainowinstitute.org/research-areas/ai-industrial-policy">AI Industrial Policy</a></h4></div> <h2 class="mt-2 mb-0 w-100 "><a href="https://ainowinstitute.org/publication/tracking-the-us-and-china-ai-arms-race">Tracking the US and China AI Arms Race</a></h2> <div class="d-flex flex-row flex-wrap justify-content-between mt-4 w-100 "> <div class="post-author max-w-lg-300px"> <span class="mb-0"><span class="addtl-authors d-inline-flex mono mb-0"><p class="mono mb-0">AI Now Institute</p></span></span> </div> <p class="mono mb-0">Apr 11, 2023</p> </div> </div> </div> </div> </div> </div> </div> <hr class="wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity is-style-star-divider"/> <div class="w-50" id="footnote-popup"></div> </div> <div class="post-sidebar grid-col-12 grid-lg-col-4 w-100 w-xl-90"> <div class="sidebar d-flex flex-row flex-wrap mb-5"><div class="research-area sidebar-group d-flex flex-row align-items-center w-100 mb-2"><a class="d-flex flex-row align-items-center" href="https://ainowinstitute.org/research-areas/ai-industrial-policy"><img class="research-area-icon mr-2" src="https://ainowinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/us-china-bw.png" alt=""><h2 class="line-height-100 mb-0">AI Industrial Policy</h2></a></div><div class="sidebar-group d-flex flex-row flex-wrap"><p class="mono mr-1 mb-0">Part of: </p><h4 class="mr-1 mb-1"><a href="https://ainowinstitute.org/series/2023-landscape">2023 Landscape</a></h4></div><hr class="sidebar"><div class="sidebar-group d-flex flex-row flex-wrap"><p class="mono mr-1 mb-0">See all: </p><h4 class="mr-1 mb-1"><a href="https://ainowinstitute.org/category/publication/policy">policy</a></h4></div><hr class="sidebar"><div class="sidebar-group d-flex flex-row flex-wrap"><p class="mono mr-1 mb-0">See all tagged: </p><h4 class="mr-1 mb-1"><a href="https://ainowinstitute.org/tag/policy">policy</a></h4></div><hr class="sidebar"><button aria-label="Download" class="download-pdf" onclick="window.print()"><div class="d-flex align-items-center"> <svg width="15" height="22" viewBox="0 0 15 22" fill="none" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2000/svg"> <path d="M4.20708 12.3673L4.20708 13.2923L4.20708 12.3673ZM1.9022 13.9692L2.64088 13.4124L1.9022 13.9692ZM6.90051 20.6007L7.63919 20.0439L6.90051 20.6007ZM7.63919 20.0439L2.64088 13.4124L1.16352 14.5259L6.16184 21.1574L7.63919 20.0439ZM12.7573 13.4124L7.75898 20.0439L9.23633 21.1574L14.2346 14.5259L12.7573 13.4124ZM11.0017 13.2923L12.6974 13.2923L12.6974 11.4423L11.0017 11.4423L11.0017 13.2923ZM9.07672 2L9.07672 11.3673L10.9267 11.3673L10.9267 2L9.07672 2ZM6.20708 1.925L9.00172 1.925L9.00172 0.075L6.20708 0.0750001L6.20708 1.925ZM6.13208 11.3673L6.13208 2L4.28208 2L4.28208 11.3673L6.13208 11.3673ZM2.70077 13.2923L4.20708 13.2923L4.20708 11.4423L2.70077 11.4423L2.70077 13.2923ZM4.28208 11.3673C4.28208 11.4087 4.24851 11.4423 4.20708 11.4423L4.20708 13.2923C5.27023 13.2923 6.13208 12.4304 6.13208 11.3673L4.28208 11.3673ZM6.20708 0.0750001C5.14394 0.0750001 4.28208 0.936853 4.28208 2L6.13208 2C6.13208 1.95858 6.16566 1.925 6.20708 1.925L6.20708 0.0750001ZM10.9267 2C10.9267 0.936852 10.0649 0.075 9.00172 0.075L9.00172 1.925C9.04314 1.925 9.07672 1.95858 9.07672 2L10.9267 2ZM11.0017 11.4423C10.9603 11.4423 10.9267 11.4087 10.9267 11.3673L9.07672 11.3673C9.07672 12.4304 9.93857 13.2923 11.0017 13.2923L11.0017 11.4423ZM14.2346 14.5259C15.1907 13.2575 14.2858 11.4423 12.6974 11.4423L12.6974 13.2923C12.7224 13.2923 12.7323 13.298 12.7372 13.3012C12.7452 13.3064 12.7561 13.3169 12.7645 13.3338C12.7729 13.3507 12.7748 13.3657 12.7741 13.3752C12.7737 13.3811 12.7724 13.3924 12.7573 13.4124L14.2346 14.5259ZM2.64088 13.4124C2.62581 13.3924 2.6245 13.3811 2.62408 13.3752C2.6234 13.3657 2.62524 13.3507 2.63365 13.3338C2.64205 13.3169 2.65294 13.3064 2.66099 13.3012C2.66588 13.298 2.67573 13.2923 2.70077 13.2923L2.70077 11.4423C1.11238 11.4423 0.20746 13.2575 1.16352 14.5259L2.64088 13.4124ZM6.16184 21.1574C6.93198 22.1792 8.46619 22.1792 9.23633 21.1574L7.75898 20.0439C7.72897 20.0837 7.6692 20.0837 7.63919 20.0439L6.16184 21.1574Z" fill="black"/> </svg> <h4 class="ml-1">DOWNLOAD PDF</h4> </div></button><hr class="sidebar"><div class="d-flex flex-row flex-wrap post-author"><p class="mono mb-0">By: </p><span class="mb-0"><span class="addtl-authors d-inline-flex mono mb-0"><p class="mono mb-0">AI Now Institute</p></span></span></div><hr class="sidebar"><div class="d-flex flex-row flex-wrap"><p class="mono mr-1 mb-0">Posted:</p><p class="mono mb-0">Apr 11, 2023</p></div></div> <div id="anchor-links" class="anchor-links transition-all grid-col-12 grid-lg-col-4 mb-4"> <div class="anchor-group-title"> <h4 class="mb-2">In this Chapter:</h4> </div> <div class="anchor-link-menu-link w-100 d-flex flex-row align-items-center mb-2"><svg width="32" height="16" viewBox="0 0 32 16" fill="none" stroke="currentColor" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2000/svg"> <path d="M3.45766 5.29262H19.4859C19.7112 5.29262 19.8955 5.10892 19.8955 4.88439V1.63894C19.8955 1.32052 20.2437 1.12456 20.5181 1.29194L30.8034 7.51749C31.0655 7.6767 31.0655 8.05636 30.8034 8.21557L20.5181 14.4411C20.2437 14.6044 19.8955 14.4085 19.8955 14.0941V10.7956C19.8955 10.5711 19.7112 10.3874 19.4859 10.3874H1.40961C1.18432 10.3874 1 10.2037 1 9.97914V5.70494C1 5.48041 1.18432 5.29671 1.40961 5.29671L3.45766 5.29262Z" stroke="black" stroke-width="1.5"/> </svg> <p class=" mono mb-0 ml-2 w-100"><a href="#ai-race">The so-called “AI race” between the US and China</p></a></div><div class="anchor-link-menu-link w-100 d-flex flex-row align-items-center mb-2"><svg width="32" height="16" viewBox="0 0 32 16" fill="none" stroke="currentColor" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2000/svg"> <path d="M3.45766 5.29262H19.4859C19.7112 5.29262 19.8955 5.10892 19.8955 4.88439V1.63894C19.8955 1.32052 20.2437 1.12456 20.5181 1.29194L30.8034 7.51749C31.0655 7.6767 31.0655 8.05636 30.8034 8.21557L20.5181 14.4411C20.2437 14.6044 19.8955 14.4085 19.8955 14.0941V10.7956C19.8955 10.5711 19.7112 10.3874 19.4859 10.3874H1.40961C1.18432 10.3874 1 10.2037 1 9.97914V5.70494C1 5.48041 1.18432 5.29671 1.40961 5.29671L3.45766 5.29262Z" stroke="black" stroke-width="1.5"/> </svg> <p class=" mono mb-0 ml-2 w-100"><a href="#rhetoric">From sporadic talking point to institutionalized position</p></a></div><div class="anchor-link-menu-link w-100 d-flex flex-row align-items-center mb-2"><svg width="32" height="16" viewBox="0 0 32 16" fill="none" stroke="currentColor" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2000/svg"> <path d="M3.45766 5.29262H19.4859C19.7112 5.29262 19.8955 5.10892 19.8955 4.88439V1.63894C19.8955 1.32052 20.2437 1.12456 20.5181 1.29194L30.8034 7.51749C31.0655 7.6767 31.0655 8.05636 30.8034 8.21557L20.5181 14.4411C20.2437 14.6044 19.8955 14.4085 19.8955 14.0941V10.7956C19.8955 10.5711 19.7112 10.3874 19.4859 10.3874H1.40961C1.18432 10.3874 1 10.2037 1 9.97914V5.70494C1 5.48041 1.18432 5.29671 1.40961 5.29671L3.45766 5.29262Z" stroke="black" stroke-width="1.5"/> </svg> <p class=" mono mb-0 ml-2 w-100"><a href="#competition-enforcement">A competitive tech industry promotes the national interest</p></a></div><div class="anchor-link-menu-link w-100 d-flex flex-row align-items-center mb-2"><svg width="32" height="16" viewBox="0 0 32 16" fill="none" stroke="currentColor" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2000/svg"> <path d="M3.45766 5.29262H19.4859C19.7112 5.29262 19.8955 5.10892 19.8955 4.88439V1.63894C19.8955 1.32052 20.2437 1.12456 20.5181 1.29194L30.8034 7.51749C31.0655 7.6767 31.0655 8.05636 30.8034 8.21557L20.5181 14.4411C20.2437 14.6044 19.8955 14.4085 19.8955 14.0941V10.7956C19.8955 10.5711 19.7112 10.3874 19.4859 10.3874H1.40961C1.18432 10.3874 1 10.2037 1 9.97914V5.70494C1 5.48041 1.18432 5.29671 1.40961 5.29671L3.45766 5.29262Z" stroke="black" stroke-width="1.5"/> </svg> <p class=" mono mb-0 ml-2 w-100"><a href="#a-race-to-the-bottom">A race to the bottom</p></a></div><div class="anchor-link-menu-link w-100 d-flex flex-row align-items-center mb-2"><svg width="32" height="16" viewBox="0 0 32 16" fill="none" stroke="currentColor" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2000/svg"> <path d="M3.45766 5.29262H19.4859C19.7112 5.29262 19.8955 5.10892 19.8955 4.88439V1.63894C19.8955 1.32052 20.2437 1.12456 20.5181 1.29194L30.8034 7.51749C31.0655 7.6767 31.0655 8.05636 30.8034 8.21557L20.5181 14.4411C20.2437 14.6044 19.8955 14.4085 19.8955 14.0941V10.7956C19.8955 10.5711 19.7112 10.3874 19.4859 10.3874H1.40961C1.18432 10.3874 1 10.2037 1 9.97914V5.70494C1 5.48041 1.18432 5.29671 1.40961 5.29671L3.45766 5.29262Z" stroke="black" stroke-width="1.5"/> </svg> <p class=" mono mb-0 ml-2 w-100"><a href="#bipartisan">Bipartisan consensus favors greater government intervention</p></a></div> </div> <div class="next-prev-arrows d-flex flex-row"> </div> </div> </div> <div class="star-divider-footer grid-col-12 grid-lg-col-8 d-flex flex-row justify-content-center align-items-center my-2 my-lg-4 mr-lg-5"> <svg width="73" height="20" viewBox="0 0 73 20" fill="none" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2000/svg"> <path fill-rule="evenodd" clip-rule="evenodd" d="M16.8038 3.98989C16.7565 3.90585 16.6493 3.87714 16.5662 3.92624L10.4853 7.52145C10.3705 7.58931 10.2255 7.50658 10.2255 7.37325V0.172169C10.2255 0.0770828 10.1484 0 10.0533 0H8.19356C8.09848 0 8.02139 0.0770828 8.02139 0.172169V7.44301C8.02139 7.57634 7.87637 7.65907 7.7616 7.59122L1.66974 3.98956C1.5867 3.94046 1.47952 3.96917 1.43214 4.05321L0.498784 5.70868C0.452762 5.79031 0.480473 5.89375 0.561137 5.94144L6.67801 9.55789C6.79074 9.62453 6.79074 9.78765 6.67801 9.8543L0.733956 13.3686C0.653292 13.4163 0.625581 13.5197 0.671603 13.6013L1.60639 15.2593C1.65377 15.3434 1.76094 15.3721 1.84398 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Prof. Francesca Bria</p></span> <p class="mono mb-0">Oct 15, 2024</p> </div> </div> </div> </div> <div class="d-flex pagination navigation"> <span class="d-flex swiper-button-prev"><svg width="251" height="93" viewBox="0 0 251 93" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2000/svg"> <path fill-rule="evenodd" clip-rule="evenodd" d="M186.963 12.1555L238.931 46.2247L186.963 80.3359V56.5553H9.90517V48.7878H186.963V12.1555ZM9.90517 38.8826H177.058V31.1151H9.90517V38.8826ZM177.058 21.2099V7.3673C177.058 1.71354 183.365 -2.06594 188.355 1.22387C188.358 1.22613 188.361 1.2284 188.365 1.23068L247.599 40.0633C247.603 40.0657 247.607 40.0681 247.61 40.0705C252.037 42.9554 252.038 49.4891 247.612 52.3751C247.608 52.3779 247.604 52.3807 247.599 52.3835L188.343 91.2782L188.336 91.2827C183.34 94.5389 177.058 90.7942 177.058 85.1273V66.4605H7.25753C3.08482 66.4605 0 62.998 0 59.1197V28.5507C0 24.6724 3.08482 21.2099 7.25753 21.2099H177.058Z" fill="black"/> </svg>   <strong><h4>PREV</h4></strong></span> <span 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