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<!DOCTYPE html><html lang="en" dir="ltr"><head><meta charSet="utf-8"/><meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width,initial-scale=1"/><link rel="icon" href="https://cdn.theatlantic.com/_next/static/images/favicon-3888b0e329526a975703e3059a02b92d.ico"/><link rel="apple-touch-icon" href="https://cdn.theatlantic.com/_next/static/images/apple-touch-icon-default-b504d70343a9438df64c32ce339c7ebc.png"/><link rel="apple-touch-icon" sizes="76x76" href="https://cdn.theatlantic.com/_next/static/images/apple-touch-icon-76x76-d5accc11b8265af76495fbfa9d38dd3b.png"/><link rel="apple-touch-icon" sizes="120x120" href="https://cdn.theatlantic.com/_next/static/images/apple-touch-icon-120x120-419ba228184c040a691628d3dd82c206.png"/><link rel="apple-touch-icon" sizes="152x152" href="https://cdn.theatlantic.com/_next/static/images/apple-touch-icon-152x152-aafde20dd981a38fcd549b29b2b3b785.png"/><meta name="application-name" content="theatlantic"/><meta name="msapplication-TileColor" content="#FFFFFF"/><meta name="msapplication-TileImage" content="https://cdn.theatlantic.com/_next/static/images/apple-touch-icon-default-b504d70343a9438df64c32ce339c7ebc.png"/><meta property="og:site_name" content="The Atlantic"/><meta property="og:locale" content="en_US"/><meta property="fb:admins" content="577048155,17301937"/><meta property="fb:app_id" content="100770816677686"/><meta property="fb:pages" content="29259828486,1468531833474495,1061579677251147,457711054591520,370457103090695,1631141167169115,148681772342453,1510507419185410,128344747344340,128377530562508,236061986423933"/><meta name="p:domain_verify" content="68e1a0361a557708fefc992f3309ed70"/><meta name="twitter:site" content="@theatlantic"/><meta name="twitter:domain" content="theatlantic.com"/><script type="application/ld+json">{"@context":"https://schema.org","@type":"WebSite","name":"The Atlantic","url":"https://www.theatlantic.com","inLanguage":"en-US","issn":"1072-7825","potentialAction":{"@type":"SearchAction","target":"https://www.theatlantic.com/search/?q={q}","query-input":"required name=q"}}</script><script type="application/ld+json">{"@context":"https://schema.org","@type":"Organization","@id":"https://www.theatlantic.com/#publisher","name":"The Atlantic","url":"https://www.theatlantic.com","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","width":{"@type":"QuantitativeValue","unitCode":"E37","value":224},"height":{"@type":"QuantitativeValue","unitCode":"E37","value":224},"url":"https://cdn.theatlantic.com/assets/media/files/atlantic-logo--224x224.png"},"sameAs":["https://www.facebook.com/TheAtlantic","https://twitter.com/theatlantic"]}</script><style id="_vis_opt_path_hide">#paywall,#nonMeteredNudge,#gate {opacity:0;}</style><title>The Case Against Spinning Off Chrome - The Atlantic</title><meta name="description" content="There are better ways to address Google’s dominance."/><meta property="krux:title" content="The Case Against Spinning Off Chrome - The Atlantic"/><meta property="krux:description" content="There are better ways to address Google’s dominance."/><link rel="canonical" href="https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2024/11/let-google-keep-chrome/680747/"/><link rel="image_src" href="https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/aB5Svkl5dBXpAWlG68TuwX8ZWwk=/0x43:2000x1085/1200x625/media/img/mt/2024/11/chrome_antitrust/original.jpg"/><meta name="author" content="Ian Bogost"/><link rel="ia:markup_url" href="https://www.theatlantic.com/facebook-instant/article/680747/"/><meta property="article:publisher" content="https://www.facebook.com/TheAtlantic/"/><meta property="article:opinion" content="false"/><meta property="article:content_tier" content="metered"/><meta property="article:tag" content="technology"/><meta property="article:section" content="Technology"/><meta property="article:published_time" content="2024-11-22T15:27:21Z"/><meta property="article:modified_time" content="2024-11-22T16:38:00Z"/><meta name="robots" content="index, follow, max-image-preview:large"/><meta property="og:title" content="The Case Against Spinning Off Chrome"/><meta property="og:description" content="There are better ways to address Google’s dominance."/><meta property="og:url" content="https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2024/11/let-google-keep-chrome/680747/"/><meta property="og:type" content="article"/><meta property="og:image" content="https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/aB5Svkl5dBXpAWlG68TuwX8ZWwk=/0x43:2000x1085/1200x625/media/img/mt/2024/11/chrome_antitrust/original.jpg"/><meta property="twitter:card" content="summary_large_image"/><meta name="FacebookShareMessage" content="Google has too much power, writes @ibogost. But forcing it to spin off Chrome is not the answer:"/><meta name="TwitterShareMessage" content="Google has too much power, writes @ibogost. 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4.94.681 7 1.873l1.874-3.246z" fill="currentColor"></path><path d="M14.28 23.607h2.367v-4.615l-1.782.997-.692-1.263 2.687-1.49h1.503v6.371h2.367v1.33h-6.45v-1.33zm13.857-1.25c0 1.57-1.264 2.7-3.166 2.713-1.064.013-1.981-.186-3.311-.758l.598-1.277c1.117.492 1.77.665 2.594.665.878 0 1.61-.425 1.61-1.237 0-.678-.56-1.13-1.437-1.13-.519 0-1.17.173-1.822.505l-1.118-.439.28-4.163h5.267v1.33h-4.017l-.106 1.902a3.645 3.645 0 011.822-.465c1.689 0 2.806.997 2.806 2.354z" fill="currentColor"></path></svg></button></div></div></div></div><p class="ArticleAudio_promo__4zkGZ">Produced by ElevenLabs and <a class="ArticleAudio_link__bjoip" href="https://newsoveraudio.com/?offerId=atl_reader_exclusive_jks1kjl"> News Over Audio (Noa)</a> using AI narration. Listen to more stories on the Noa app.</p></div><section class="ArticleBody_root__2gF81" data-event-module="article body" data-flatplan-body="true"><p class="ArticleParagraph_root__4mszW" data-flatplan-paragraph="true">This past summer, a U.S. district court <a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://cdn.theatlantic.com/media/files/pr24-59-google.pdf">declared</a> Google a monopolist. On Wednesday, the Department of Justice filed <a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.223205/gov.uscourts.dcd.223205.1062.0.pdf">its proposed remedy</a>. This plan—the government’s “proposed final judgment,” or PFJ—must be approved by the judge who is overseeing the case. But it outlines changes the government believes would be sufficient to loosen Google’s grip on the search market.</p><p class="ArticleParagraph_root__4mszW" data-flatplan-paragraph="true">Notably, the DOJ has proposed that Google sell off its Chrome web browser—which currently accounts for about two-thirds of the browser market—and stay out of that business for five years. That proposal may seem righteous and effective, and stripping Google of its browser does make the government look bold. The proposal also seems to right a cosmic wrong from more than two decades ago, when the DOJ tried (and failed) to get Microsoft to unbundle its own Internet Explorer browser <a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2018/04/dot-coms-were-better-than-facebook/557945/">during a prior antitrust enforcement</a>. This time around, the government’s lawyers insist that wresting Chrome from Google’s mitts is necessary to prevent Google from setting a default search engine for the majority of internet surfers, and pushing those same people to other Google products too. (By the same logic, the PFJ prevents Google from paying rivals such as Apple for default-search placement.)</p><p class="ArticleParagraph_root__4mszW" data-flatplan-paragraph="true">This is a mistake. Google’s control of Chrome has surely benefited its market position and its bottom line. But Chrome might remain a boon for Google even if it’s under outside ownership. Instead, why not force Google to strip Chrome of its Google-promoting features, and let the browser be a burden rather than a tool for market domination?</p><p class="ArticleParagraph_root__4mszW" data-flatplan-paragraph="true">In August, I argued that declaring Google a monopoly might not matter, because the company <a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2024/08/google-monopoly-ruling/679379/">had already won</a> the search wars. Searching the web effectively via text typed into input boxes was Google’s first and perhaps only innovation; the competitors that arose—DuckDuckGo, Bing, and so on—offered their own takes on Googling, which became the generic term for searching the web. People returned to Google because they wanted to, not just because the company had strong-armed them.</p><p id="injected-recirculation-link-0" class="ArticleRelatedContentLink_root__VYc9V" data-view-action="view link - injected link - item 1" data-event-element="injected link" data-event-position="1"><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2024/08/google-monopoly-ruling/679379/">Read: Google already won</a></p><p class="ArticleParagraph_root__4mszW" data-flatplan-paragraph="true">Google did incentivize competitors to maintain that status quo. Mozilla’s Firefox browser offers a case study. The foundation’s <a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://assets.mozilla.net/annualreport/2022/mozilla-fdn-2022-fs-final-0908.pdf">most recent annual report</a> lists $510 million in royalty revenue for 2022, some of which surely comes from Google in the form of referral fees for Google searches. The PFJ appears to prohibit these kinds of payments, and whatever revenue they generate for Mozilla. If those are off the table, browser companies may end up letting users choose their own default search service. But the results could ultimately look very much the same: People who like and are familiar with Google might just choose it again.</p><p class="ArticleParagraph_root__4mszW" data-flatplan-paragraph="true">Google built the Chrome browser in part to steer web users to its services—Search (and the ads it serves), Gmail, Google Docs, and so forth. Search was, of course, the most important of these. (Chrome was the first major browser to integrate web-search functionality directly into the address bar, a design known as the <a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://www.chromium.org/user-experience/omnibox/">omnibox</a>.) But over time, other Google features have become more and more entwined with Chrome’s operation. When I opened my Chrome browser in order to write this article, it presented me with a user-profile screen, strongly encouraging me to log in to my Google account, which gives Google insights into what I do online. That facility also offers me seamless access to Google Docs and Gmail, because I am already logged in.</p><p class="ArticleParagraph_root__4mszW" data-flatplan-paragraph="true">Given that Chrome accounts for so much of the web-browser market, a more effective way to quash Google’s bad tendencies might involve sabotaging its browser rather than selling it off. Instead of making Google divest Chrome, the DOJ could have it keep the browser running (<a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://www.businessinsider.com/google-sell-chrome-search-winners-losers-doj-2024-11">and secure</a>) while stripping it of all the features that make Google services ready to hand. Killing the omnibox would be the boldest of these acts, because search, which basically means Googling, would no longer be presented as the default act on the web. Likewise, removing the tight Google-account integration and associated benefits for Google’s services and data collection would frustrate the company’s monopoly more effectively than a spun-off browser ever could.</p><div class="ArticleBody_divider__GpNxD" id="article-end"></div></section><div data-event-module="footer"><div class="ArticleWell_root__fueCa"><div data-event-module="author footer" class="ArticleFooter_authorFooter__5NsdY"><div class="SectionHeading_root__3GnqT"><h3 class="SectionHeading_heading__iNkek">About the Author</h3></div><div class="ArticleBio_root__ua8zj"><address id="article-writer-0" class="ArticleBio_author__6pDyl" data-event-element="author" data-event-position="1" data-flatplan-bio="true"><div class="ArticleBio_content__O0ZVF"><div class="ArticleBio_topContainer__QYRU4"><a class="ArticleBio_headshotContainer__Am2nR" href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/ian-bogost/" data-event-element="image"><img alt="" loading="lazy" class="Image_root__XxsOp Image_lazy__hYWHV ArticleBio_headshot__6Aykd" src="https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/dMbJwBoshVoOt2SGSV-7Y1D29xI=/38x38:1890x1890/120x120/media/None/ibogost_atlantic_new/original.jpg" width="60" height="60"/></a><div><div class="ArticleBio_bioNameMulti__gvg_b"><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/ian-bogost/" data-event-element="author name">Ian Bogost</a></div><div class="ArticleAuthorFollow_root__Oyvdr"><button class="ArticleAuthorFollow_followButton__0_Sod" aria-haspopup="true" aria-controls=":Rkt8pb32qm:" aria-expanded="false" aria-label="Open Author Newsletter Signup" data-event-verb="followed" data-event-element="follow button"><div class="ArticleAuthorFollow_buttonIcon__ofx09"></div>Follow</button></div></div></div><div class="ArticleBio_bioSection__Hef4P"><div class="ArticleBio_bioSection__Hef4P" data-flatplan-bio="true"><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/ian-bogost/" class="author-link" data-label="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/ian-bogost/" data-action="click author - name" >Ian Bogost</a> is a contributing writer at <em>The Atlantic</em>.<strong> </strong></div><div class="ArticleBio_moreStories__LKpwT"><p class="ArticleBio_contentHeading__cmbmT">More Stories</p><a class="ArticleBio_storyLink__xuRiU" href="https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2025/02/nih-trump-university-crisis/681634/" data-event-element="more stories" data-event-position="1"><p>A New Kind of Crisis for American Universities</p></a><a class="ArticleBio_storyLink__xuRiU" href="https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2025/02/elon-musk-doge-security/681600/" data-event-element="more stories" data-event-position="2"><p>The Government’s Computing Experts Say They Are Terrified</p></a></div></div></div></address></div></div><div class="ArticleTags_root__zS_pT"><div class="ArticleTags_tagTitle__WjjAt">Explore More Topics</div><div><span class="ArticleTags_tagLink__SZysG"><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/tag/organization/google/">Google</a>, </span><span class="ArticleTags_tagLink__SZysG"><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/tag/organization/united-states-department-of-justice/">United States Department of Justice</a></span></div></div></div></div><gpt-ad class="GptAd_root__pAvcS ArticleInjector_root__I7x9v s-native s-native--standard s-native--streamline" format="injector" sizes-at-0="mobile-wide,native,house" targeting-pos="injector-most-popular" sizes-at-976="desktop-wide,native,house"></gpt-ad><div class="ArticleInjector_clsAvoider__dqIAm"></div></article><div></div></main><div></div><div></div></div></div><script id="__NEXT_DATA__" type="application/json">{"props":{"isLoggedIn":false,"hasPaywallAccess":false,"hasAdFree":false,"pageProps":{"id":"BlogArticle:680747","isTnfCompatible":true,"layout":"standard","hasMeter":true,"url":"https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2024/11/let-google-keep-chrome/680747/","dateModified":"2024-11-22T16:38:00Z","__typename":"BlogArticle","notFound":false,"urqlState":{"2021745665":{"data":"{\"breakingNews\":null}"},"2075524490":{"data":"{\"article\":{\"__typename\":\"BlogArticle\",\"id\":\"BlogArticle:680747\",\"authors\":[{\"url\":\"https://www.theatlantic.com/author/ian-bogost/\",\"displayName\":\"Ian Bogost\",\"__typename\":\"Author\",\"id\":\"Author:3000\",\"isFollowable\":true,\"biography\":{\"default\":\"\u003ca href=\\\"https://www.theatlantic.com/author/ian-bogost/\\\" class=\\\"author-link\\\" data-label=\\\"https://www.theatlantic.com/author/ian-bogost/\\\" data-action=\\\"click author - 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On Wednesday, the Department of Justice filed \u003ca data-event-element=\\\"inline link\\\" href=\\\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.223205/gov.uscourts.dcd.223205.1062.0.pdf\\\"\u003eits proposed remedy\u003c/a\u003e. This plan—the government’s “proposed final judgment,” or PFJ—must be approved by the judge who is overseeing the case. But it outlines changes the government believes would be sufficient to loosen Google’s grip on the search market.\"},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleParagraphContent\",\"subtype\":null,\"idAttr\":\"\",\"innerHtml\":\"Notably, the DOJ has proposed that Google sell off its Chrome web browser—which currently accounts for about two-thirds of the browser market—and stay out of that business for five years. That proposal may seem righteous and effective, and stripping Google of its browser does make the government look bold. The proposal also seems to right a cosmic wrong from more than two decades ago, when the DOJ tried (and failed) to get Microsoft to unbundle its own Internet Explorer browser \u003ca data-event-element=\\\"inline link\\\" href=\\\"https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2018/04/dot-coms-were-better-than-facebook/557945/\\\"\u003eduring a prior antitrust enforcement\u003c/a\u003e. This time around, the government’s lawyers insist that wresting Chrome from Google’s mitts is necessary to prevent Google from setting a default search engine for the majority of internet surfers, and pushing those same people to other Google products too. (By the same logic, the PFJ prevents Google from paying rivals such as Apple for default-search placement.)\"},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleParagraphContent\",\"subtype\":null,\"idAttr\":\"\",\"innerHtml\":\"This is a mistake. Google’s control of Chrome has surely benefited its market position and its bottom line. But Chrome might remain a boon for Google even if it’s under outside ownership. Instead, why not force Google to strip Chrome of its Google-promoting features, and let the browser be a burden rather than a tool for market domination?\"},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleParagraphContent\",\"subtype\":null,\"idAttr\":\"\",\"innerHtml\":\"In August, I argued that declaring Google a monopoly might not matter, because the company \u003ca data-event-element=\\\"inline link\\\" href=\\\"https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2024/08/google-monopoly-ruling/679379/\\\"\u003ehad already won\u003c/a\u003e the search wars. Searching the web effectively via text typed into input boxes was Google’s first and perhaps only innovation; the competitors that arose—DuckDuckGo, Bing, and so on—offered their own takes on Googling, which became the generic term for searching the web. People returned to Google because they wanted to, not just because the company had strong-armed them.\"},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleRelatedContentLink\",\"idAttr\":\"injected-recirculation-link-0\",\"innerHtml\":\"\u003ca href=\\\"https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2024/08/google-monopoly-ruling/679379/\\\"\u003eRead: Google already won\u003c/a\u003e\",\"index\":0},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleParagraphContent\",\"subtype\":null,\"idAttr\":\"\",\"innerHtml\":\"Google did incentivize competitors to maintain that status quo. Mozilla’s Firefox browser offers a case study. The foundation’s \u003ca data-event-element=\\\"inline link\\\" href=\\\"https://assets.mozilla.net/annualreport/2022/mozilla-fdn-2022-fs-final-0908.pdf\\\"\u003emost recent annual report\u003c/a\u003e lists $510 million in royalty revenue for 2022, some of which surely comes from Google in the form of referral fees for Google searches. The PFJ appears to prohibit these kinds of payments, and whatever revenue they generate for Mozilla. If those are off the table, browser companies may end up letting users choose their own default search service. But the results could ultimately look very much the same: People who like and are familiar with Google might just choose it again.\"},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleParagraphContent\",\"subtype\":null,\"idAttr\":\"\",\"innerHtml\":\"Google built the Chrome browser in part to steer web users to its services—Search (and the ads it serves), Gmail, Google Docs, and so forth. Search was, of course, the most important of these. (Chrome was the first major browser to integrate web-search functionality directly into the address bar, a design known as the \u003ca data-event-element=\\\"inline link\\\" href=\\\"https://www.chromium.org/user-experience/omnibox/\\\"\u003eomnibox\u003c/a\u003e.) But over time, other Google features have become more and more entwined with Chrome’s operation. When I opened my Chrome browser in order to write this article, it presented me with a user-profile screen, strongly encouraging me to log in to my Google account, which gives Google insights into what I do online. That facility also offers me seamless access to Google Docs and Gmail, because I am already logged in.\"},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleParagraphContent\",\"subtype\":null,\"idAttr\":\"\",\"innerHtml\":\"Given that Chrome accounts for so much of the web-browser market, a more effective way to quash Google’s bad tendencies might involve sabotaging its browser rather than selling it off. Instead of making Google divest Chrome, the DOJ could have it keep the browser running (\u003ca data-event-element=\\\"inline link\\\" href=\\\"https://www.businessinsider.com/google-sell-chrome-search-winners-losers-doj-2024-11\\\"\u003eand secure\u003c/a\u003e) while stripping it of all the features that make Google services ready to hand. Killing the omnibox would be the boldest of these acts, because search, which basically means Googling, would no longer be presented as the default act on the web. Likewise, removing the tight Google-account integration and associated benefits for Google’s services and data collection would frustrate the company’s monopoly more effectively than a spun-off browser ever could.\"}],\"editorialProject\":null,\"primaryCategory\":{\"__typename\":\"Channel\",\"displayName\":\"Technology\",\"url\":\"https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/\",\"slug\":\"technology\"},\"reviews\":[],\"embeds\":[],\"preview\":null,\"tags\":[{\"name\":\"economy, business and finance\",\"url\":null,\"__typename\":\"Tag\",\"slug\":\"economy-business-and-finance\"},{\"name\":\"products and services\",\"url\":null,\"__typename\":\"Tag\",\"slug\":\"products-and-services\"},{\"name\":\"computing and information technology\",\"url\":null,\"__typename\":\"Tag\",\"slug\":\"computing-and-information-technology\"},{\"name\":\"Firefox\",\"url\":null,\"__typename\":\"Tag\",\"slug\":\"firefox\"},{\"name\":\"Google\",\"url\":\"https://www.theatlantic.com/tag/organization/google/\",\"__typename\":\"Tag\",\"slug\":\"google\"},{\"name\":\"Google Chrome\",\"url\":null,\"__typename\":\"Tag\",\"slug\":\"google-chrome\"},{\"name\":\"Mozilla\",\"url\":null,\"__typename\":\"Tag\",\"slug\":\"mozilla\"},{\"name\":\"government\",\"url\":null,\"__typename\":\"Tag\",\"slug\":\"government\"},{\"name\":\"United States Department of Justice\",\"url\":\"https://www.theatlantic.com/tag/organization/united-states-department-of-justice/\",\"__typename\":\"Tag\",\"slug\":\"united-states-department-of-justice\"},{\"name\":\"United States of America\",\"url\":null,\"__typename\":\"Tag\",\"slug\":\"united-states-of-america\"}],\"layout\":\"standard\",\"secondaryByline\":\"\",\"dek\":\"There are better ways to address Google’s dominance.\",\"url\":\"https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2024/11/let-google-keep-chrome/680747/\",\"shareText\":\"Google has too much power, writes @ibogost. 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