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constitution</title> <meta name="description" content="Search results for: constitution"> <meta name="keywords" content="constitution"> <meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width, initial-scale=1, minimum-scale=1, maximum-scale=1, user-scalable=no"> <meta charset="utf-8"> <link href="https://cdn.waset.org/favicon.ico" type="image/x-icon" rel="shortcut icon"> <link href="https://cdn.waset.org/static/plugins/bootstrap-4.2.1/css/bootstrap.min.css" rel="stylesheet"> <link href="https://cdn.waset.org/static/plugins/fontawesome/css/all.min.css" rel="stylesheet"> <link href="https://cdn.waset.org/static/css/site.css?v=150220211555" rel="stylesheet"> </head> <body> <header> <div class="container"> <nav class="navbar navbar-expand-lg navbar-light"> <a class="navbar-brand" href="https://waset.org"> <img src="https://cdn.waset.org/static/images/wasetc.png" alt="Open Science Research Excellence" title="Open Science Research Excellence" /> </a> <button class="d-block d-lg-none navbar-toggler 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id="custom-search-input"> <div class="input-group"> <i class="fas fa-search"></i> <input type="text" class="search-query" name="q" placeholder="Author, Title, Abstract, Keywords" value="constitution"> <input type="submit" class="btn_search" value="Search"> </div> </div> </form> </div> </div> <div class="row mt-3"> <div class="col-sm-3"> <div class="card"> <div class="card-body"><strong>Commenced</strong> in January 2007</div> </div> </div> <div class="col-sm-3"> <div class="card"> <div class="card-body"><strong>Frequency:</strong> Monthly</div> </div> </div> <div class="col-sm-3"> <div class="card"> <div class="card-body"><strong>Edition:</strong> International</div> </div> </div> <div class="col-sm-3"> <div class="card"> <div class="card-body"><strong>Paper Count:</strong> 279</div> </div> </div> </div> <h1 class="mt-3 mb-3 text-center" style="font-size:1.6rem;">Search results for: constitution</h1> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">279</span> Women's Rights in the Constitution of Nepal: 2015</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Sudir%20Silwal">Sudir Silwal</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Surendra%20KC"> Surendra KC </a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Nepalese legal system was derived from Hindu sacred before the democratic movement in 1990. Before this movement, Nepal had a patrimonial system. Nepal has ratified the UN Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Women organizations of the various political parties, different social organizations and women activists are playing the significant role to empower the women through the social awareness campaign across the country. As a result, 33% women representation in the local government has ascertained by the current constitution. The Constitution of Nepal-2015 has mentioned the rights of women as a fundamental right and it also has provisioned the National Women Commission as the constitutional body. This constitution is the model of gender friendly constitution in the world. As per this constitution, the Citizenship certificate is issued based on the lineage of the mother or father along with gender identity. The current constitution has guaranteed 33% women participation in judiciary, bureaucracy and legislation. This constitution further states that the parliament must elect a woman either as the president or the vice president. Similarly same rule is applied to elect the speaker and the deputy speaker in the parliament. In the same constitution, rights of the third gender also has guaranteed. The guiding principles of the constitution further explain that the constitution has followed the rule of positive discrimination and proportional representation of women in all elements of the state. This study shows that the state is not only focused in the representation of women in all structure of the nation but also need to emphasize the enhancement of the capability of the women to make them equal to the men. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution" title="constitution">constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=empowerment" title=" empowerment"> empowerment</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=representation" title=" representation"> representation</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=women%27s%20rights" title=" women's rights"> women's rights</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/45986/womens-rights-in-the-constitution-of-nepal-2015" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/45986.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">519</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">278</span> Implied Fundamental Rights under Article 21 of the Constitution of India: Effects and Applicability </h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=N.%20Sathish%20Gowda">N. Sathish Gowda</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> A constitution without fundamental rights will become zero. The very object of constitution of three organs viz, legislature, executive and judiciary under the constitution of India is to protect, preserve and promote fundamental rights guaranteed under part-III. In India, along with express fundamental rights, Supreme Court has also recognized implied fundamental rights. But, unfortunately State has not been implementing these implied fundamental rights. In this regard, this research paper discusses the catalogue of implied fundamental rights evolved by the judiciary in interpreting Article 21 of the Constitution of India and seeks to examine the effects and applicability of these rights in India. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=fundamental%20rights" title="fundamental rights">fundamental rights</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=nuances%20of%20Article%2021" title=" nuances of Article 21"> nuances of Article 21</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=express%20fundamental%20rights" title=" express fundamental rights"> express fundamental rights</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=implied%20fundamental%20rights" title=" implied fundamental rights"> implied fundamental rights</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=procedure%20established%20by%20law" title=" procedure established by law"> procedure established by law</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/9956/implied-fundamental-rights-under-article-21-of-the-constitution-of-india-effects-and-applicability" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/9956.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">380</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">277</span> Constitution and Self-Consciousness in Hegel's Philosophy</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Akbar%20Jamali">Akbar Jamali</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> According to Hegel’s philosophy, constitution of any given nation is the best expression of its national Self-Consciousness. Since constitution is the place in which freedom and Universal Rights is expressed, and since the essence of Self-consciousness is freedom, the development of self-consciousness and consequently freedom, is the direct cause of the development of constitution. Self-consciousness develops in the human history according to its own internal and external dialectic; therefore, it is essentially a dynamic phenomenon. However, constitution is supposed to be a stable foundation for the legal system of state and society. Therefore, the dilemma is: how the dynamic and contradictory nature of Self-Consciousness is the foundation of constitution that supposed to be the stable base of legal system of state and society. According to Hegel’s philosophy, the contradiction between the dynamic self- consciousness and the static constitution and state has an essential role in the formation of social movements within any given state. Self-consciousness is the phenomenology of Spirit in the human history. Subjective Spirit expresses itself in the different shapes of Self-consciousness in human spirit. These different shapes of self-consciousness must be identical with its contradiction; Objective Spirit. State is the highest form of the objective Spirit. Therefore, state and its foundation namely ‘constitution’ must be identical with Self-consciousness. "Spirit cannot remain forever alienated from its expression." Hegel states. Self-consciousness is the Subjective Spirit, it freely develops according to its internal and external contradictions, but since it must be always identical with its expression namely constitution, its development results to alienation. They way by which self-consciousness became again identical with the constitution determines the nature of legal and political development of any given society and state. In the democratic states, self-consciousness shows itself partially in the public opinion. In the process of election, this public opinion changes the ruling parties that construct the government. In democracies, self-consciousness or subjective spirit is in a dialectical relationship with state or the Objective Spirit. Therefore, it cannot remain alienated with its expression that is political system and its constitution. But, in the autocracies Self-consciousness cannot easily express itself in the government and its constitution. More Self-consciousness develops more it becomes alienated with its expression that is the state and its constitution. Rebel and revolution are the symptom of alienation of Spirit (self-consciousness) with its expression (state and its constitution). <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=alienation" title="alienation">alienation</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution" title=" constitution"> constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=self-consciousness" title=" self-consciousness"> self-consciousness</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=spirit" title=" spirit"> spirit</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/50008/constitution-and-self-consciousness-in-hegels-philosophy" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/50008.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">362</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">276</span> The Onus of Human to Society in Accordance with Constitution and Traditions</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Qamar%20Raza">Qamar Raza</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> This paper deals with the human concern and onus which every person should provide to his/her society. Especially the rules and regulations described in constitution or traditions which we have inherited from ancestors should be followed, and also our lives should be led in accordance with them. The main concern of paper would be personal behavior with others in a good manner especially what he/she should exercise for society’s welfare. As human beings are the fundamental organ of society, who play a crucial role in reforming the society, they should try their best to develop it as well as maintain harmony, peace, we-feeling and mutual contact in the society. Focusing on how the modern society and its elements keep society successful. Regulations of our constitution and tradition are essential for reforming the society. In a nutshell, a human has to mingle in his society and keep mutual respect and understand the value of others as well as for himself. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution" title="constitution">constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=human%20beings" title=" human beings"> human beings</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=society" title=" society"> society</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=traditions" title=" traditions"> traditions</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/87042/the-onus-of-human-to-society-in-accordance-with-constitution-and-traditions" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/87042.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">223</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">275</span> Religion and the Constitutional Regulation</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Valbona%20Metaj">Valbona Metaj</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The relationship between the state and the religion is different based on the fact that how powerful is the religion faith in a state and of the influences that affected the views of the constitution drafters according to the constitutional system they were based to draft their constitution. This paper aims at providing, through a comparative methodology, how it is regulated by the constitution the relationship between the state and the religion. The object of this study are the constitutions of Italy as a nation with catholic religious tradition, Greece as a nation with orthodox religion tradition, and Turkey as a nation which represents Muslim religion, while Albania as a nation known for its religious plurality. In particular, the analysis will be focused on the secular or religious principle provided in the constitution of each respective state. This comparative overview intends to discern which of the states analyzed is more tolerant and fully respects the freedom of religion. It results that most of the states subject of this study, despite their religious tradition have chosen the secular principle in their constitutions, but the religious freedom is differently guaranteed. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution" title="constitution">constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=religion" title=" religion"> religion</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=religious%20freedom" title=" religious freedom"> religious freedom</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=secular" title=" secular"> secular</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/23612/religion-and-the-constitutional-regulation" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/23612.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">514</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">274</span> The Constitution of Kenya, 2010, and the Feminist Legal Theory</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Tecla%20Rita%20Karendi">Tecla Rita Karendi</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Andy%20Cons%20Matata"> Andy Cons Matata</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Although before and at the advent of colonial administration, several women such as Mekatilili wa Menza and Muthoni Nyanjiru took up leadership positions in resisting the colonial administration. Kenya is generally considered a patriarchal society. Many women who tried to take up positions of leadership in postcolonial Kenya, such as the Nobel Prize winner Wangari Maathai, were branded as prostitutes or generally immoral women. However, the Constitution of Kenya, 2010, has since made a huge impact not only in the area of affirmative action but also in various aspects of the feminist legal theory such as the constitutional requirement that no more than two-thirds of the members of the elective or appointive bodies should be of the same gender. This favours women who are often sidelined in elective posts such as parliament or county assemblies and state-appointed posts in the parastatals and commissions. The constitution also recognizes the right to abortion, which was outrightly outlawed in the independence constitution. Certain practices adverse to women’s health, such as wife inheritance, female genital mutilation, and property rights, are either outlawed or framed to recognized women’s rights. The education of the girl-child is also now considered a priority, unlike in the past. Despite these developments, a lot remains to be done. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=feminist%20legal%20theory" title="feminist legal theory">feminist legal theory</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution%20of%20Kenya" title=" constitution of Kenya"> constitution of Kenya</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=2010" title=" 2010"> 2010</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=affirmative%20action" title=" affirmative action"> affirmative action</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=leadership" title=" leadership"> leadership</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/117636/the-constitution-of-kenya-2010-and-the-feminist-legal-theory" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/117636.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">224</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">273</span> Skin Care through Ayurveda</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=K.%20L.%20Virupaksha%20Gupta">K. L. Virupaksha Gupta </a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Ayurveda offers a holistic outlook regarding skin care. Most Initial step in Ayurveda is to identify the skin type and care accordingly which is highly personalized. Though dermatologically there are various skin type classifications such Baumann skin types (based on 4 parameters i) Oily Vs Dry ii) Sensitive Vs Resistant iii) Pigmented Vs Non-Pigmented iv) Wrinkled Vs Tight (Unwrinkled) etc but Skin typing in Ayurveda is mainly determined by the prakriti (constitution) of the individual as well as the status of Doshas (Humors) which are basically of 3 types – i.e Vata Pitta and Kapha,. Difference between them is mainly attributed to the qualities of each dosha (humor). All the above said skin types can be incorporated under these three types. The skin care modalities in each of the constitution vary greatly. Skin of an individual of Vata constitution would be lustreless, having rough texture and cracks due to dryness and thus should be given warm and unctuous therapies and oil massage for lubrication and natural moisturizers for hydration. Skin of an individual of Pitta constitution would look more vascular (pinkish), delicate and sensitive with a fair complexion, unctuous and tendency for wrinkles and greying of hair at an early age and hence should be given cooling and nurturing therapies and should avoid tanning treatments. Skin of an individual of kapha constitution will have oily skin, they are delicate and look beautiful and radiant and hence these individuals would require therapies to mainly combat oily skin. Hence, the skin typing and skin care in Ayurveda is highly rational and scientific. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Ayurveda" title="Ayurveda">Ayurveda</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=dermatology" title=" dermatology"> dermatology</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Dosha" title=" Dosha"> Dosha</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=skin%20types" title=" skin types"> skin types</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/19790/skin-care-through-ayurveda" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/19790.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">407</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">272</span> Constitutional Courts as Positive Legislators: The Role of Indonesian Constitutional Court in Interpreting and Applying the Constitution</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Masnur%20Marzuki">Masnur Marzuki</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> As in other democratic countries, the constitutional court of Indonesia has the role of interpreting and applying the Constitution in order to preserve its supremacy testing the constitutionality of statutes. With its strong power to enforce and guard the Constitution, the court is now challenged to provide people an opportunity to understand their constitutional rights close up. At the same time, the court has built up an enviable reputation among constitutional courts in new democracies for the technical quality of its legitimacy in the legal sense. Since its establishment in 2003, the Constitutional Court of Indonesia has decided more than 190 statutes in judicial review case. It has been remarkably successful to make a credible start on its work of guarding the Constitution. Unsurprisingly, many argue that the Court has elevated Indonesia’s democracy to a whole new level. In accomplishing its roles judicial review, the basic principle that can be identified is that the Constitutional Court must always be subordinated to the Constitution. It is not being allowed to invade the field of the legislator. In doing so, the court does not have any discretionary political basis in order to create legal norms or provisions that could not be deducted from the Constitution itself. When interpreting a statute “in accordance with the constitution”, the court recognizes and reasserts that it is strictly forbidden to extend the scope of a legal provision in such a way that would create a general norm not established by the law-maker. This paper aims to identify and assess the latest role of Indonesian Constitutional Court in interpreting and applying the Constitution. In particular, it questions 1) the role of the Constitutional Court in judicial review; and 2) the role of the court to assist the legislators in the accomplishment of their functions in order to preserve its supremacy testing the constitutionality of statutes. Concerning positive legislator, jurisprudential and judicial review theories will be approached. The empirical part will include qualitative and comparative research. Main questions to be addressed: Can the Constitutional Court be functionalized as positive legislator? What are the criteria for conducting role of Constitutional Courts as Positive Legislators and how can it be accepted? Concerning the subordination of Constitutional Courts to the Constitution and judicial review, both qualitative and quantitative methods will be used, and differences between Indonesia and German Constitutional Court will be observed. Other questions to be addressed: Can Constitutional Courts have any discretionary political basis in order to create legal norms or provisions that could not be deducted from the Constitution itself. Should the Constitutional Court always act as a negative legislator? However, the Constitutional Court in Indonesia has played role as positive legislators which create dynamic of Indonesian legal development. In performing the task of reviewing the constitutionality of statutes, the Constitutional Court has created legal norms or provisions that could be deducted from the Constitution itself. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution" title="constitution">constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=court" title=" court"> court</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=law" title=" law"> law</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=rights" title=" rights"> rights</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/30793/constitutional-courts-as-positive-legislators-the-role-of-indonesian-constitutional-court-in-interpreting-and-applying-the-constitution" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/30793.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">425</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">271</span> Authority and Function of Administrative Organs According to the Constitution: A Construction of Democracy in the Administrative Law of Indonesia</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Andhika%20Danesjvara">Andhika Danesjvara</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Nur%20Widyastanti"> Nur Widyastanti</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The constitution regulates the forms, types, and powers of sState organs in a government. The powers of the organs are then regulated in more detail in the legislation. One of these organs is a government organ, headed by a president or by another name that serves as the main organizer of government. The laws and regulations will govern how the organs of government shall exercise their authority and functions. In a modern state, the function of enacting laws or called executive power does not exercise the functions of government alone, but there are other organs that help the government run the country. These organs are often called government agencies, government accelerating bodies, independent regulatory bodies, commissions, councils or other similar names. The legislation also limits the power of officials within the organs to keep from abusing its authority. The main question in this paper is whether organs are the implementation of a democratic country, or as a form of compromise with the power of stakeholders. It becomes important to see how the administrative organs perform their functions. The administrative organs that are bound by government procedures work in the public service; therefore the next question is how far the function of public service is appropriate and not contradictory to the constitution. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=administrative%20organs" title="administrative organs">administrative organs</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution" title=" constitution"> constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=democracy" title=" democracy"> democracy</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=government" title=" government"> government</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/81909/authority-and-function-of-administrative-organs-according-to-the-constitution-a-construction-of-democracy-in-the-administrative-law-of-indonesia" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/81909.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">303</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">270</span> Separation of Powers and Judicial Review vis-a-vis Judicial Overreach in South Africa: A Critical Analysis</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Linda%20Muswaka">Linda Muswaka</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 ranks the Constitution as the Supreme law of the Republic. Law or conduct, inconsistent with the provisions of the Constitution is invalid to the extent of the inconsistency. The Constitution binds all persons and legislative, executive and judicial organs of the State at all levels of government. The Constitution embodies a Bill of Rights and expressly allows for judicial review. The introduction of a chapter of rights requires the judiciary to examine the decisions of the legislature and the executive. In a situation where these conflicts with the Bill of Rights, the judiciary have the constitutional power to overrule such decisions. In exercising its adjudicatory and interpretative powers, the judiciary sometimes arrives at unpopular decisions and accusations of judicial overreach are made. A problem, therefore, emerges on the issue of the separation of powers and judicial review. This paper proposes to, through the South African perspective, investigate the application of the doctrine of separation of powers and judicial review. In this regard, the qualitative method of research will be employed. The reason is that it is best suited to this type of study which entails a critical analysis of legal issues. The following findings are made: (i) a complete separation of powers is not possible. This is because some overlapping of the functions of the three branches of state are unavoidable; (ii) the powers vested in the judiciary does not make it more powerful than the executive and the legislature; (iii) interference by the judiciary in matters concerning other branches is not automatically, judicial overreach; and (iv) if both the executive and legislative organs of government adhere to their constitutional obligations there would be a decrease in the need for judicial interference through court adjudication. The researcher concludes by submitting that the judiciary should not derogate from their constitutionally mandated function of judicial review. The rationale being that that if the values contained in the Constitution are not scrupulously observed and their precepts not carried out conscientiously, the result will be a constitutional crisis of great magnitude. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution" title="constitution">constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=judicial%20review" title=" judicial review"> judicial review</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=judicial%20overreach" title=" judicial overreach"> judicial overreach</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=separation%20of%20powers" title=" separation of powers"> separation of powers</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/86532/separation-of-powers-and-judicial-review-vis-a-vis-judicial-overreach-in-south-africa-a-critical-analysis" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/86532.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">216</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">269</span> The Impact of Constitutional and Legal Provisions on the Indian Women’s Status in 21st Century</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Mamta%20Chandrashekhar">Mamta Chandrashekhar </a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Women’s participation in mainstream political and social activity has important implications for the broader arena of governance in any country. This research work will highlights some of the key issues that concerned with the impact of constitutional & Legal provision on the Indian women Status in present century. The principle of gender equality is enshrined in the Indian Constitution in its Preamble, Fundamental Rights, Fundamental Duties and Directive Principles. The Constitution not only grants equality to women, but also empowers the State to adopt measures of positive discrimination in favour of women. In recent years, the empowerment of women has been recognized as the central issue in determining the status of women. The main objective of this research is to analyzed the status of Indian women and the existing wide gap between the goals enunciated in the Constitution, legislation, policies, plans, programmes, and related mechanisms on the one hand and the situational reality of the status of women in India, This work encourage and inspire to women empowerment, will be beneficial to build a well-organized ideal society through Gender Equality and Development & Peace in the 21st century. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=awareness" title="awareness">awareness</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution" title=" constitution"> constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=development" title=" development"> development</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=empowerment" title=" empowerment"> empowerment</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/12345/the-impact-of-constitutional-and-legal-provisions-on-the-indian-womens-status-in-21st-century" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/12345.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">515</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">268</span> The Application of Article 111 of the Constitution of Bangladesh in the Criminal Justice System as a Sentencing Guideline</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Sadiya%20S.%20Silvee">Sadiya S. Silvee</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Generally, the decision of the higher court is binding on its subordinate courts. As provided in Article 111 of the Constitution, 'the law declared by the Appellate Division (AD) shall be binding on the High Court Division (HCD) and the law declared by either division of the Supreme Court shall be binding on all courts subordinate to it.' This means the judicial discipline requires the HCD to follow the decision of the AD and that it is necessary for the lower tiers of courts to accept the decision of the higher tiers as a binding precedent. Analyzing the application of Article 111 of the Constitution in the criminal justice system as a sentencing guideline, the paper, by examining whether there is any consistency in decision between one HC Bench and another HC Bench, explores whether HCD can per incuriam its previous decision. In doing so, the Death Reference (DR) Cases are contemplated. Furthermore, the paper shall examine whether the Court of Session follows the decision of the HCD while using their discretion to make the choice between death and imprisonment for life under section 302 of PC. The paper argues due to the absence of any specific direction for sentencing and inconsistency in jurisprudence among the HCD; the subordinate courts are in a dilemma. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=death%20reference" title="death reference">death reference</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=sentencing%20factor" title=" sentencing factor"> sentencing factor</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=sentencing%20guideline" title=" sentencing guideline"> sentencing guideline</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=criminal%20justice%20system%20and%20constitution" title=" criminal justice system and constitution"> criminal justice system and constitution</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/100647/the-application-of-article-111-of-the-constitution-of-bangladesh-in-the-criminal-justice-system-as-a-sentencing-guideline" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/100647.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">176</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">267</span> A Comparative Analysis of the Enforceability of Social and Economic Rights: Nigeria and South Africa as Case Studies</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Foluke%20Abimbola">Foluke Abimbola</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> There are two separate groups of a recognised body of human rights. These are known as Civil and Political Rights, and Economic and Social Rights. There is however an impression that civil and political rights are enforceable in courts while socio-economic rights are not. Nigeria is an example of one of such countries whose constitution has social, economic and cultural rights’ provisions as well as civil and political rights. However, the socio-economic rights provided in the Nigerian constitution are not justiciable or are unenforceable in a court of law. On the other hand, a comparative examination of the socio-economic right provisions in the South African constitution and judgments of the constitutional court of South Africa reveals that socio-economic rights may be enforceable. This position may ensure the protection of the socio-economic rights of the poor and vulnerable groups. These rights include the rights to food, adequate shelter, health, and education. Moreover, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Charter) which incorporates similar socio-economic right provisions, has been recognized as a domestic law in Nigeria and its provisions are enforceable by the domestic courts by virtue of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act Cap A9 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004. It is not only a regional treaty signed and adopted by Nigeria but has been passed into law by the National Assembly and can be enforced like any other local law. This paper will propose that in view of the provisions of the African Charter and mechanisms for implementation as well as other international conventions and national constitutional provisions on human rights, domestic courts may be able to assess state responsibilities in the light of socio-economic rights. Cases decided by South African courts and other jurisdictions will be discussed in order to lend weight to the notion that socio-economic rights can be enforced in jurisdictions such as Nigeria even though the constitution provides otherwise. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=african%20charter" title="african charter">african charter</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitutional%20court%20of%20south%20africa" title=" constitutional court of south africa"> constitutional court of south africa</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=nigerian%20constitution" title=" nigerian constitution"> nigerian constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=socio-economic%20rights" title=" socio-economic rights"> socio-economic rights</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=south%20african%20constitution" title=" south african constitution"> south african constitution</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/105506/a-comparative-analysis-of-the-enforceability-of-social-and-economic-rights-nigeria-and-south-africa-as-case-studies" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/105506.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">151</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">266</span> The Effectiveness of the Workers' Constitutional Rights of Citizenship as One of the Embodiments of the Democratic and Social State of the Brazilian Law</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Christine%20S.%20Veviani">Christine S. Veviani</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> By observing the Brazilian labor reality, considered as degrading and oppressive, as well as responsible for creating obstacles to rights, this paper is aimed at demonstrating the obligatoriness of complying with the Constitution, as an effective instrument of the Democratic and Social State of Law established in the country since 1988, which identifies and determines the recognition of a single type of citizenship, as representation of equality, social inclusion and human dignity. To achieve this purpose, that is, to awake to a new culture focused on human respect / fundamental rights engraved in the Brazilian Constitution, doctrinal works, case law and labor courts (how they work) will be used as methodology. Thus, by concluding that there is a need for a change in behavior, by employers, intended to respect the Constitution, especially with regard to the concept and citizenship content if an attempt is made to achieve as a result few steps effectiveness of fundamental social rights protective of the Brazilian working class. Thus, by analyzing the Brazilian labor reality, the result is the employers' denial of full and single citizenship of workers, whose effects are directly related to the violation of rights, which leads to the conclusion that there is a need for a change in the behavior regarding the respect for the Constitution, especially concerning the effectiveness of fundamental social rights, which protect the working class in Brazil. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=employment%20relationships" title="employment relationships">employment relationships</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=opposing%20citizenships" title=" opposing citizenships"> opposing citizenships</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitutionalism" title=" constitutionalism"> constitutionalism</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=capitalism" title=" capitalism"> capitalism</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/49892/the-effectiveness-of-the-workers-constitutional-rights-of-citizenship-as-one-of-the-embodiments-of-the-democratic-and-social-state-of-the-brazilian-law" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/49892.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">358</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">265</span> Education in the Constitutions: The Comparison of Turkey with Indonesia, France, Japan, South Africa, and the United States of America</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Mehmet%20Durnali">Mehmet Durnali</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The main purpose of this study is to find out, analyze and discuss basic principles of education and training in the constitutions, including the latest amendment, of France, Indonesia, Japan, South Africa, the United States of America, and Turkey. This research specifically aims at establishing a framework in order to compare educational values such as right of education, responsibilities of states and those of people, and other issues pertaining to education in the Constitution of Turkey to others. Additionally, it emphasizes the meaning of education in constitution, the reasons for references to education in constitutions and why it is important for people, states or nations and state organs. Qualitative analysis technique is performed to accomplish the aim of this study. Maximum variation sampling is used. The main data source of the analysis is official organic laws of those countries. The data is examined by using descriptive and content analysis method. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=education%20in%20the%20constitution" title="education in the constitution">education in the constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=education%20law" title=" education law"> education law</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=legal%20principles%20of%20education" title=" legal principles of education"> legal principles of education</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=right%20to%20education" title=" right to education"> right to education</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/44890/education-in-the-constitutions-the-comparison-of-turkey-with-indonesia-france-japan-south-africa-and-the-united-states-of-america" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/44890.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">316</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">264</span> Ambiguity in Anti-conversion Laws in the Indian States – A Limitation to the Freedom of Religion Guaranteed under the Constitution of India</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Roy%20Alex">Roy Alex</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Dr.%20Shampa%20I%20Dev"> Dr. Shampa I Dev</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Abstract Nine out of twenty-eight states in India have enacted anti-conversion laws to regulate religious conversions by use of force, allurement, inducement, or fraudulent means. The vagueness of the definitions of the terms used in these laws makes them inconsistent with the provisions of the right to freedom of religion guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a critical question whether these laws protect the religious freedom of groups that are “vulnerable” to missionary inducements, or are they restricting the freedom of citizens to propagate their religion to others or change their religious identity? This article looks into the constitutionality of the anti-conversion laws passed in the Indian States and argues that these laws limit the freedom of religion guaranteed under Article 25 of the Constitution of India. The ambiguity in the anti-conversion laws passed in various states of India is brought out by critically analyzing multiple cases charged under anti-conversion laws. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Freedom%20of%20Religion" title="Freedom of Religion">Freedom of Religion</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Anti-conversion%20Laws" title=" Anti-conversion Laws"> Anti-conversion Laws</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=allurement" title=" allurement"> allurement</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=inducement" title=" inducement"> inducement</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=and%20fraudulent%20means." title=" and fraudulent means."> and fraudulent means.</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/154609/ambiguity-in-anti-conversion-laws-in-the-indian-states-a-limitation-to-the-freedom-of-religion-guaranteed-under-the-constitution-of-india" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/154609.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">106</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">263</span> Crisis, Identity and Challenge: Next Steps for the ‘English’ Constitution</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Carol%20Howells">Carol Howells</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Edwin%20Parks"> Edwin Parks</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> This paper explores the existing and evolving constitutional arrangements within the United Kingdom and within the wider international context of the EU. It considers the nature of an ‘English’ constitution and internal colonialism that underpins it. The debates over the UK’s exit from the EU have been many however the constitutional position of the devolved nations (Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales) is little understood or explored. Their constitutional position has been touched upon in academic debate (but not widely) and is only now beginning to receive attention. The paper considers the constitutional role of the legislatures within the UK; the UK Parliament Bill for exiting the European Union and provides a commentary on the Brexit process in relation to constitutional arrangements within the UK and EU. Questions arise over the constitutional framework and, whether, having delegated competencies, the UK Parliament can now legislate in relation to delegated competencies without the consent. The Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly are a permanent and a fixed feature of the UK’s constitution, but their position is set within the traditional concept of the ‘English’ constitution. The current situation is opaque and complex and raises significant constitutional questions. In relation to exit from the EU two of the nations did not vote in favour of Brexit and the third is in receipt of an inequitable funding settlement. Questions arise as to whether the work of modernising the UK’s constitution over the past twenty years in recognising the Nations and governments within those nations is now being unpicked and whether the piecemeal and unequal process of devolution and new constitutional arrangements hold weight. Questions of democratic legitimacy arise throughout. An advisory referendum (where no definition of the EU was provided) in which two of the four nations voted to leave the EU and two voted to remain has led the UK Government negotiating a wholesale exit from the EU based on ‘English’ constitutional law principles. Previous constitutional referendums in relation to devolution within the UK have been treated differently. Within the EU questions are being raised in relation to the focus on member states. The goals of the EU mention member countries and its purpose is seen as being to promote greater social, political and economic harmony among the nations of Europe. The emphasis on member states is proving challenging and has led flawed processes. Scrutiny of legislative proposals, historical developments, and social commentary reveal distinct national identities within the UK. Analysis of the debate, legislation and case law surrounding the exiting process from the EU reveal a muddled picture of a constitution in crisis and significant challenges to principles underpinning the rule of law. Suggestions are made for future reforms and a move towards new constitutional arrangements beyond the current ‘English’ constitution. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=English" title="English">English</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution" title=" constitution"> constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=parliament" title=" parliament"> parliament</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=devolved" title=" devolved"> devolved</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/102143/crisis-identity-and-challenge-next-steps-for-the-english-constitution" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/102143.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">124</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">262</span> Nigerian Central Bank Governor’s Autonomy: Disregard of Procedure for Removal Vis-A-Vis the Rule of Law</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Adeola%20Ayodele%20Oluwabiyi">Adeola Ayodele Oluwabiyi </a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The study undertook an in depth examination of the relevant sections of the Nigerian Constitution and the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Act as it relates to the appointment and removal of the CBN Governor; It analysed the Constitutional issues that arose from the removal of the immediate past Governor of the CBN; and made recommendations as appropriate. The study relied on primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Statutes, Conventions and Judicial decisions, while the secondary sources included Books, Journals Articles, Newspapers and Internet Materials. The study revealed that the removal of the CBN Governor was not in accordance with the Nigerian Constitution and the CBN Act that Guarantee such. It also revealed some of the arguments in support of the removal. The study concluded that the removal of the immediate past Governor of CBN was an outright disregard for the rule of law. The study concluded that if Government treat the laws in question with levity and contempt the confidence of the citizens in such government will be seriously eroded and the effect of that will be the beginning of anarchy in replacement of the rule of law. It could also have serious economic implications on the economy of any nation. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=central%20bank" title="central bank">central bank</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=governor" title=" governor"> governor</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=laws" title=" laws"> laws</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Nigeria" title=" Nigeria"> Nigeria</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/26475/nigerian-central-bank-governors-autonomy-disregard-of-procedure-for-removal-vis-a-vis-the-rule-of-law" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/26475.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">396</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">261</span> Investigating Conflict Between Traditional Cultural Practices for Women and South African Government Laws</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Hebert%20Sihle%20Ntuli">Hebert Sihle Ntuli</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Traditional cultural practices mirror or replicate the values and beliefs held by members of the community. Throughout the world, every social grouping has specific traditional practices, some of which are beneficial to all, while others have become harmful to specific group such as women. Like in some African states, these traditional cultural practices are performed in South Africa and are violating women’s rights. Women’s rights are human rights. The South African Constitution is one of the most progressive in the world, and notable includes the Bill of Rights which provides protection of socio-economic and cultural rights. Cultural rights are protected in Section 30 and 31 of the constitution, although such protection is not without limitation. This highly complex interplay and competition between human rights and cultural rights, which are manifested through cultural practices, is the golden thread that traces through this paper. The paper argues that there is conflict and the lack of balance between diverse cultural and legal or constitutional framework which promotes the value of human dignity and equality, especially for women. These practices are reviewed in connection with the South African government laws. This work adopted qualitative research method. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=cultural%20practices" title="cultural practices">cultural practices</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=conflict" title=" conflict"> conflict</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=South%20African%20constitution" title=" South African constitution"> South African constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=laws" title=" laws"> laws</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/156679/investigating-conflict-between-traditional-cultural-practices-for-women-and-south-african-government-laws" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/156679.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">112</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">260</span> Gender Equality: A Constitutional Myth When Featured with Domestic Violence</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Suja%20S.%20Nayar">Suja S. Nayar</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Mayuri%20Pandya"> Mayuri Pandya</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The foundation of legal system of any nation is its constitution and the strive to achieve equality amongst different classes prevailing in the social system. The most traditional form of inequality that is prevailing in the society is the gender inequality. The existence of inequality on the basis of gender prevails since the ancient era which has with the passing time merely continued and aggravated to a great extent. The founding fathers of our constitution were well aware of the then prevailing situation and being concerned about the future if this inequality continued to prevail, and in such view, the provisions of Article 14, 15, 38 and 44 of our Constitution were enacted with specific intent for the upliftment of women. The strive for equality is the rule of law embodied with the principle of foreseeability which is necessitated in the stability of justice system of any nation, and when it comes to equality, the first form of equality we need to achieve is gender equality. Time and again various initiatives have been announced and attempted to achieve the objective of gender equality, but analysis of the ground reality always have yielded disappointing results. The research that is proposed to be undertaken intends to cover all the above issues concerning the failures ineffective implementation of the gender-specific laws especially the provisions concerning the protection provided under Domestic Violence Act. The researchers will analyze the judgment of last five years' judgments of Supreme Court of India. In Hiral P. Harsora and ors. v Kusum Narottamdas Harsora and Ors. the Hon'ble Supreme Court recently deleting the words 'adult male' from the definition of respondent disclosed it is intent and understanding that domestic violence is being caused by a female on female also and not only restricted to males on females only. The procedure as prescribed under the act for claiming reliefs though is as per the criminal mandate, but the reliefs are of civil nature and so same needs to deal emphatically which now makes it a lengthier process. The pros and cons of such pronouncements are being weighed on the balance of constitution and social equality that is strived by the entire women fraternity. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=domestic" title="domestic">domestic</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=violence" title=" violence"> violence</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution" title=" constitution"> constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=gender" title=" gender"> gender</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=equality" title=" equality"> equality</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=women" title=" women"> women</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/85217/gender-equality-a-constitutional-myth-when-featured-with-domestic-violence" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/85217.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">502</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">259</span> The Impact of the Constitution of Myanmar on the Political Power of Aung San Suu Kyi and the Rohingya Conflict</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Nur%20R.%20Daut">Nur R. Daut</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The objective of this paper is to offer an insight on how political power inequality has contributed and exacerbated the political violence towards the Rohingya ethnic group in Myanmar. In particular, this paper attempts to illustrate how power inequality in the country has prevented Myanmar’s leader Aung San Suu Kyi from taking effective measures on the issue. The research centers on the question of why Aung San Suu Kyi has been seen as not doing enough to stop the persecution of the Rohingya ethnic group ever since she was appointed the State Counsellor to the Myanmar government. As a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Suu Kyi’s lack of action on the matter has come under severe criticism by the international community. Many have seen this as Suu Kyi’s failure to establish democracy and allowing mass killing to spread in the country. The real question that many perhaps should be asking, however, is how much power Suu Kyi actually holds within the government which is still heavily controlled by the military or Tatmadaw. This paper argues that Suu Kyi’s role within the government is limited which hinders constructive and effective measures to be taken on the Rohingya issue. Political power in this research is being measured by 3 factors: control over events such as burning of Rohingya villages, control over resources such as land ownership and media and control over actors such the Tatmadaw, police force and civil society who are greatly needed to ease and resolve the conflict. In order to illustrate which individuals or institution have control over all the 3 above factors, this paper will first study the constitution of Myanmar. The constitution will also be able to show the asymmetrical power relations as it will provide evidence as to how much political power Suu Kyi holds within the government in comparison to other political actors and institutions. Suu Kyi’s role as a state counsellor akin to a prime minister is a newly created position as the current constitution of Myanmar bars anyone with a foreign spouse from holding the post of a president in the country. This is already an indication of the inequality of political power between Suu Kyi and the military. Apart from studying the constitution of Myanmar, Suu Kyi’s speeches and various interviews are also studied in order to answer the research question. Unfortunately, Suu Kyi’s limited political power also involves the Buddhist monks in Myanmar who have held significant influence throughout the history of the country. This factor further prevents Suu Kyi from preserving the sanctity of human rights in Myanmar. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Aung%20San%20Suu%20Kyi" title="Aung San Suu Kyi">Aung San Suu Kyi</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution%20of%20Myanmar" title=" constitution of Myanmar"> constitution of Myanmar</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=inequality" title=" inequality"> inequality</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=political%20power" title=" political power"> political power</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=political%20violence" title=" political violence"> political violence</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Rohingya" title=" Rohingya"> Rohingya</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Tatmadaw" title=" Tatmadaw"> Tatmadaw</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/97168/the-impact-of-the-constitution-of-myanmar-on-the-political-power-of-aung-san-suu-kyi-and-the-rohingya-conflict" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/97168.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">116</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">258</span> Insights into The Oversight Functions of The Legislative Power Under The Nigerian Constitution</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Olanrewaju%20O.%20Adeojo">Olanrewaju O. Adeojo</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The constitutional system of government provides for the federating units of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the States and the Local Councils under a governing structure of the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary with attendant distinct powers and spheres of influence. The legislative powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and of a State are vested in the National Assembly and House of Assembly of the State respectively. The Local council exercises legislative powers in clearly defined matters as provided by the Constitution. Though, the executive as constituted by the President and the Governor are charged with the powers of execution and administration, the legislature is empowered to ensure that such powers are duly exercised in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. The vast areas do not make oversight functions indefinite and more importantly the purpose for the exercise of the powers are circumscribed. It include, among others, any matter with respect to which it has power to make laws. Indeed, the law provides for the competence of the legislature to procure evidence, examine all persons as witnesses, to summon any person to give evidence and to issue a warrant to compel attendance in matters relevant to the subject matter of its investigation. The exercise of functions envisaged by the Constitution seem to an extent to be literal because it lacks power of enforcing the outcome. Furthermore, the docility of the legislature is apparent in a situation where the agency or authority being called in to question is part of the branch of government to enforce sanctions. The process allows for cover up and obstruction of justice. The oversight functions are not functional in a situation where the executive is overbearing. The friction, that ensues, between the Legislature and the Executive in an attempt by the former to project the spirit of a constitutional mandate calls for concern. It is needless to state a power that can easily be frustrated. To an extent, the arm of government with coercive authority seems to have over shadowy effect over the laid down functions of the legislature. Recourse to adjudication by the Judiciary had not proved to be of any serious utility especially in a clime where the wheels of justice grinds slowly, as in Nigeria, due to the nature of the legal system. Consequently, the law and the Constitution, drawing lessons from other jurisdiction, need to insulate the legislative oversight from the vagaries of the executive. A strong and virile Constitutional Court that determines, within specific time line, issues pertaining to the oversight functions of the legislative power, is apposite. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution" title="constitution">constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=legislative" title=" legislative"> legislative</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=oversight" title=" oversight"> oversight</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=power" title=" power"> power</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/121148/insights-into-the-oversight-functions-of-the-legislative-power-under-the-nigerian-constitution" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/121148.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">130</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">257</span> Revisiting the Jurisprudence of the Appellate Courts on the Jurisdiction of the Shari'ah Court of Appeal under Selected Nigerian Constitutions</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Dahiru%20Jafaru%20Usman">Dahiru Jafaru Usman</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Nigerian courts have been sanctioned by a plethora of authorities to always employ the literal rule in interpreting statutes where the language of the statute is clear and unambiguous. This cardinal rule of interpretation appears not to be employed on Shari'ah issues in Nigeria. This is more pronounced in the interpretation of the jurisdiction of the Shari'ah Court of Appeal (hereinafter the court). The paper doctrinally assesses the judicial attitude of Nigerian appellate courts towards the construction of Section 277 of the 1999 Constitution as amended and other relevant statutory enactments by the State Houses of Assembly. The paper argues that a careful examination of the wordings of the constitution on the jurisdiction of the court literally reveals the intention of the constitutional drafters empowering the National Assembly and States' House of Assemblies to add to the itemised jurisdictional areas of the court other matters not mentioned. The paper found that the appellate courts failed in their construction of the constitutional provisions to accord the words and phrases used in the establishment, jurisdiction, and quorum sections of the court their ordinary and grammatical meaning. This results in consistent limitation of the jurisdiction of the court to matters of Islamic personal law. This remains so even when Decree No. 26 of 1986 was in force suspending and amending the provisions of the 1979 Constitution deleting the word 'personal' in the suspended Nigerian Constitutions. In order not to render section 277 futile, the paper recommends that appellate courts in Nigeria should as required by rules of statutory interpretation adopt literal and ordinary grammatical meaning in interpreting constitutional provisions on the jurisdiction of the court. It is further recommended that appellate courts must interpret the provisions of the 1999 constitution in a manner not to frustrate the several decades' yearnings of the Muslims for a court that would hear all their appellate criminal and civil matters on the path of Shari'ah from the lowest court to the highest. This is a duty the Nigerian Supreme Court placed on their shoulders. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=interpretation%20of%20statutes" title="interpretation of statutes">interpretation of statutes</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=jurisdiction" title=" jurisdiction"> jurisdiction</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=literal%20rule" title=" literal rule"> literal rule</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Nigeria" title=" Nigeria"> Nigeria</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Shari%27ah%20Court%20of%20Appeal" title=" Shari'ah Court of Appeal"> Shari'ah Court of Appeal</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=1999%20Constitution" title=" 1999 Constitution"> 1999 Constitution</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/119961/revisiting-the-jurisprudence-of-the-appellate-courts-on-the-jurisdiction-of-the-shariah-court-of-appeal-under-selected-nigerian-constitutions" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/119961.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">186</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">256</span> Genesis and Achievements of Madhesh Movement in Nepal</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Deepak%20Chaudhary">Deepak Chaudhary</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The main objective of the study is to explore the genesis and achievements of the Madhesh movement. Madhesh Movement is a social movement that brought massive political changes and contributed a lot to the nation-building process in the modern history of Nepal. This movement erupted in January 2007 in the Tarai/Madhesh region following the promulgation of the Interim Constitution that left the incorporation of federalism and proportional representation in the Constitution. The most excluded community in Nepal- Madheshi community, seemed to have angered against state-sponsored discrimination and exclusion that have been occurred for centuries. Since Madheshis were treated as non-Nepali, though the history of Nepal’s Tarai/Madhesh has been ancient. In the beginning, this movement was against Maoist, but later, it went against the state's prejudices and discriminations. It extended across the Tarai/Madhesh region of Nepal for a month. The movement was spontaneous to a large extent. A researcher himself is a witness to the movement. Key Informant Interviews with participants, including politicians, journalists, and activists, have mainly carried out for the study. This movement ensured Madheshi identity first. Secondly, the number of electoral constituencies was increased as it reached 120 in Tarai/Madhesh while it was 80 only. As a result, Madheshi representation in the Constitution Assembly reached 35 %, while it was 20% only. The main thing that this movement played a major role in ensuring the federalism as a political system in Nepal. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=dignity" title="dignity">dignity</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=exclusion" title=" exclusion"> exclusion</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=federalism" title=" federalism"> federalism</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=inclusion" title=" inclusion"> inclusion</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Madhesh%20movement" title=" Madhesh movement"> Madhesh movement</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=nation-building" title=" nation-building"> nation-building</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/121860/genesis-and-achievements-of-madhesh-movement-in-nepal" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/121860.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">169</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">255</span> Emerging Challenges with Collective Bargaining Agreements In Kenya: The Introduction of Salary and Remuneration Commission Through The Constitution of Kenya 2010</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Benard%20Omogo">Benard Omogo</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The Kenyan Constitution 2010 introduced various commissions to devolve the powers that were previously centralized through the imperial Presidency. One of the commissions that directly determine the levels of remuneration and terms of service of Kenyan workers is the Salary and Remuneration Commission (SRC). Article 230 of the Kenyan Constitution 2010 mandates this commission to regularly review the remuneration and benefits of all the state officers and to advise the national and county governments on the remuneration and benefits of all other public officers. At the same time, article 54 of the Kenyan Labor Relations Act 2007 provides for the recognition of trade unions and collective bargaining agreements. The emerging challenges, therefore, originate from the conflicts of the mandate of the Salary and Remuneration Commission, whose advice is almost adopted as the order and this undermines the outcome of the Collective Bargaining Agreements. This has seen so many trade unions in Kenya being rendered irrelevant. This research paper is therefore going to sample the various trade unions of Kenya to assess the challenges that result from the position of the Salary and Remuneration Commission. We will also extend it by purposively sampling several trade unions in Africa to determine how they handle such challenges. The results from this paper will be useful to the Kenyan Lawmakers and Africa at large and may inform them to consider reviewing the laws and acts that relate to the trade unions for prosperity. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=salary" title="salary">salary</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=remuneration" title=" remuneration"> remuneration</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=collective" title=" collective"> collective</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=bargaining" title=" bargaining"> bargaining</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=labor%20laws" title=" labor laws"> labor laws</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/146893/emerging-challenges-with-collective-bargaining-agreements-in-kenya-the-introduction-of-salary-and-remuneration-commission-through-the-constitution-of-kenya-2010" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/146893.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">178</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">254</span> Positive Obligations of the State Concerning the Protection of Human Rights</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Monika%20Florczak-Wator">Monika Florczak-Wator</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The model of positive obligations of the state concerning the protection of the rights of an individual was created within the jurisdiction of the German Federal Constitutional Court in the 1970s. That model assumes that the state should protect an individual against infringement of their fundamental rights by another individual. It is based on the idea concerning the modification of the function and duties of the state towards an individual and society. Initially the state was perceived as the main infringer of the fundamental rights of an individual formulating the individual’s obligations of negative nature (obligation of noninterference), however, at present the state is perceived as a guarantor and protector of the fundamental rights of an individual of positive nature (obligation of protection). Examination of the chosen judicial decisions of that court will enable us to determine what the obligation of protection is specifically about, when it is updated and whether it is accompanied by claims of an individual requesting the state to take actions protecting their fundamental rights against infringement by the private entities. The comparative perspective for the German model of positive obligations of the state will be an analogous model present in the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights. It is justified to include it in the research as the Convention, similarly to the constitution, focuses on the protection of an individual against the infringement of their rights by the state and both models have been developed within the jurisdiction for several dozens of years. Analysis of the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland as well as judgements of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal will allow for the presentation of the application the model of the protective duties of the state in Poland. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=human%20rights" title="human rights">human rights</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=horizontal%20relationships" title=" horizontal relationships"> horizontal relationships</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution" title=" constitution"> constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=state%20protection" title=" state protection"> state protection</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/21404/positive-obligations-of-the-state-concerning-the-protection-of-human-rights" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/21404.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">484</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">253</span> Sociological Review of the Implantation of New Religious Movements in Spain</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Mar%C3%ADa%20Del%20Mar%20Ramos-Lorente">María Del Mar Ramos-Lorente</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Rafael%20Mart%C3%ADnez-Mart%C3%ADn"> Rafael Martínez-Martín</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> More than 40 years have passed since the Spanish Constitution in force today was approved in 1978. The period prior to that Constitution, which marked the transition to democracy, was marked by National Catholicism, which actively limited the existence of religions other than Catholicism in the national territory. The approval of this norm allowed the opening in many aspects, including the religious one. This work will profusely describe the evolution of the appearance of religious minorities in Spain from the moment of the transition, in which the space for religious freedom appears up to the present. The methodology is twofold. On the one hand, qualitative analysis of the legislation has allowed the religious opening. On the other, the quantitative analysis of the NMRs implemented in Spain. The entire analysis establishes the increase in religious organizations as a result, with notable variations across the territory. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=new%20religious%20movements" title="new religious movements">new religious movements</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=religious%20minorities" title=" religious minorities"> religious minorities</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=sociological%20analysis" title=" sociological analysis"> sociological analysis</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Spain" title=" Spain"> Spain</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/156551/sociological-review-of-the-implantation-of-new-religious-movements-in-spain" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/156551.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">164</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">252</span> Horizontal Dimension of Constitutional Social Rights</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Monika%20Florczak-W%C4%85tor">Monika Florczak-Wątor</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The main purpose of this paper is to determine the applicability of the constitutional social rights in the so-called horizontal relations, i.e. the relations between private entities. Nowadays the constitutional rights are more and more often violated by private entities and not only by the state. The private entities interfere with the privacy of individuals, limit their freedom of expression or disturb their peaceful gatherings. International corporations subordinate individuals in a way which may limit their constitutional rights. These new realities determine the new role of the constitution in protecting human rights. The paper will aim at answering two important questions. Firstly, are the private entities obliged to respect the constitutional social rights of other private entities and can they be liable for violation of these rights? Secondly, how the constitutional social rights can receive horizontal effect? Answers to these questions will have a significant meaning for the popularization of the practice of applying the Constitution among the citizens as well as for the courts which settle disputes between them. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=social%20rights" title="social rights">social rights</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=private%20relations" title=" private relations"> private relations</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=horizontality" title=" horizontality"> horizontality</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitutional%20rights" title=" constitutional rights"> constitutional rights</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/14718/horizontal-dimension-of-constitutional-social-rights" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/14718.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">324</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">251</span> Mixed Method Analysis to Propose a Policy Action against Racism and Xenophobia in India</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Anwesha%20Das">Anwesha Das</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> There are numerous cases of racism and discriminatory practices in India against the northeast citizens and the African migrants. The right-wing extremism of the presently ruling political party in India has resulted in increased cases of xenophobia and Afrophobia. The rigid Indian caste system contributes to such practices of racism. The establishment of the ‘Hindu race’ by the present right-wing government, leading to instilling pride among Hindus being of a superior race, has resulted in more atrocious racist practices. This paper argues that policy action is required against racist, discriminatory practices. Policy actors in India do not ask the right questions and fail to give the needed redirection. It critically analyses Acts 14 and 15 of the Indian constitution in order to examine the cause of a policy action. In proposing the need for policy action, this paper places its arguments as a vital extension of the existing scholarship on public policy studies in India. It uses mixed-method analysis to examine the factors responsible for the policy problem and aims to suggest specific points of intervention in a policy progression. The study finds that despite anti-discriminatory policies in the mentioned Acts of the Indian constitution, there are rampant cases of racism owing to religious and cultural factors. The major findings of the study show how the present right-wing government violated the constitution in aggravating xenophobia. This paper proposes a policy action required to stop such further practices. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=India" title="India">India</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=migrants" title=" migrants"> migrants</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=policy%20action" title=" policy action"> policy action</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=racism" title=" racism"> racism</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=xenophobia" title=" xenophobia"> xenophobia</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/186525/mixed-method-analysis-to-propose-a-policy-action-against-racism-and-xenophobia-in-india" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/186525.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">46</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">250</span> From Protector to Violator: Assessing State's Role in Protecting Freedom of Religion in Indonesia</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Manotar%20Tampubolon">Manotar Tampubolon</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Indonesia is a country that upholds the law, human rights and religious freedom. The freedom that implied in various laws and constitution (Undang-undang 1945) is not necessarily applicable in practice of religious life. In one side, the state has a duty as protector and guarantor of freedom, on the other side, however, it turns into one of the actors of freedom violations of religion minority. State action that interferes freedom of religion is done in various ways both intentionally or negligently or not to perform its obligations in the enforcement of human rights (human rights due diligence). Besides the state, non-state actors such as religious organizations, individuals also become violators of the rights of religious freedom. This article will discuss two fundamental issues that interfere freedom of religion in Indonesia after democratic era. In addition, this article also discusses a comprehensive state policy that discriminates minority religions to manifest their faith. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=religious%20freedom" title="religious freedom">religious freedom</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution" title=" constitution"> constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=minority%20faith" title=" minority faith"> minority faith</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=state%20actor" title=" state actor"> state actor</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/64690/from-protector-to-violator-assessing-states-role-in-protecting-freedom-of-religion-in-indonesia" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/64690.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info 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