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class="b-article__refs-text"><a class="b-article__refs-rubric" href="/web/20160326222843/http://sputnik.md/editorialist/" itemprop="articleSection">Editorialist</a><div class="b-article__refs-credits"><time class="b-article__refs-date" itemprop="dateCreated" datetime="2016-03-24T18:34">18:34 24.03.2016</time><span data-article="5467843" id="getShortUrl" class="b-article__refs-getshorturl">Sa primesc un link scurt</span></div><div class="b-article__refs-author"><a href="/web/20160326222843/http://sputnik.md/authors/octav_racu/">Octavian Racu</a></div><div class="b-counters "><span class="b-counters-icon b-counters-icon_view"><i></i>159</span><span class="b-counters-icon b-counters-icon_like"><i></i>2</span><span class="b-counters-icon b-counters-icon_dislike"><i></i>1</span></div></div><h2 itemprop="description" class="b-article__lead">În urma deciziei controversate a Curţii Constituţionale, care a modificat mecanismul de alegere a şefului statului, societatea moldovenească s-a trezit aruncată pe neaşteptate într-o nouă bătălie politică, ce ar putea reconfigura raportul de forţe în spaţiul politic.</h2><div itemprop="articleBody" class="b-article__text"><p>Aparenta unitate a opoziţiei de dreapta şi de stânga împotriva a ceea ce este perceput drept &bdquo;regim oligarhic şi corupt” riscă să fie zdruncinată, iar guvernarea încearcă să obţină o perioadă de răgaz pentru recăpătarea unei doze de încredere (fie şi una firavă) din partea electoratului şi a partenerilor externi.<div class="b-inject m-inject-min"><div class="b-inject__media"><img src="https://web.archive.org/web/20160326222843im_/http://sputnik.md/images/222/89/2228979.jpg" width="705" height="375" alt="Iurie Rosca, Иурий Рошка" title="Iurie Rosca, Иурий Рошка" class=""></div><div class="b-inject__copy"><span>Iurie Rosca</span></div><div class="b-inject__content"><a href="/web/20160326222843/http://sputnik.md/editorialist/20160324/5459049.html">Opoziţia – complice (in)conştient la uzurparea puterii în stat</a></div></div></p> <p>Anume din aceste considerente, până la numirea datei alegerilor prezidenţiale, marea bătălie imagologică este dată în jurul subiectelor de campanie, de care va depinde poziţionarea fiecărui candidat. Marea miză a actualei guvernări constă în mutarea accentelor de la subiectele anticorupţie sau de independenţă a justiţiei spre zonele în care s-ar simţi mai confortabil. În aceeaşi manieră s-a procedat în alegerile parlamentare din 2014, în care mass-media afiliată guvernării a pedalat insistent pe existenţa &bdquo;pericol rusesc”, poziţionându-se ca singurul garant al securităţii şi păstrării &bdquo;vectorului european”, în timp ce opoziţiei i-a fost cultivată imaginea de &bdquo;forţă subversivă” care ar încerca să provoace un război civil. Într-o astfel de construcţie a unei realităţi virtuale, partidele &bdquo;pro-europene” au reuşit să obţină o majoritate parlamentară, în pofida unei crize totale de încredere din partea propriului lor electorat.</p> <p>În contextul unei noi campanii electorale, puterea va fi nevoită să folosească o altă strategie de modelare a opiniei publice, dar similară ca efect final. Dacă urmărim conţinutul mesajelor surselor media apropiate puterii, am putea observa că noua tactică a mediei oligarhice este construită pe instrumentalizarea aşa-numitului mesaj &bdquo;unionist” (dar şi a celui &bdquo;moldovenist”), precum şi resuscitarea subiectelor identitare în scopul impunerii unei alte agende de dezbateri în spaţiul public, în cadrul căreia actuala guvernare ar putea să obţină o poziţie mai convenabilă din punct de vedere politic.<div class="b-inject m-inject-min"><div class="b-inject__media"><img src="https://web.archive.org/web/20160326222843im_/http://sputnik.md/images/425/82/4258252.jpg" width="705" height="375" alt="Proteste la Parlament" title="Proteste la Parlament" class=""></div><div class="b-inject__copy"><span> © Sputnik/ Igor Vzorov</span></div><div class="b-inject__content"><a href="/web/20160326222843/http://sputnik.md/politics/20160324/5462425.html">Moldovenii detestă guvernarea. Dodon - cu cele mai mari şanse la prezidenţiale</a></div></div></p> <p>Este adevărat că discursul identitar trezeşte interesul unor segmente restrânse ale societăţii, care sunt active şi vocale în spaţiul public, dar sub aspect electoral nu prezintă un potenţial important. Rămâne grosul populaţiei, care se arată indiferent faţă de dezbaterile de ordin istoric şi geopolitic, dar aşteptă soluţii la probleme curente. Anume acest segment larg al cetăţenilor, care şi-a pus speranţa în acţiunile de protest împotriva statului capturat, va deveni apatic în cazul unor evenimente politice cu adevărat importante (cum ar fi alegerile prezidenţiale). Astfel, prin acceptarea jocului &bdquo;luptei de idei”, livrate cu iscusinţă  de manipulatorii din umbra, opoziţia îşi restrânge de bună voie numărul susţinătorilor politici.</p> <p>Astfel, se încearcă atragerea Partidul Socialiştilor, a Partidului Nostru şi a Platformei DA într-o capcană în care pe de o parte sunt alimentate orgoliile, conflictele personale între liderii formaţiunilor, iar pe de altă parte opoziţia este compromisă şi împinsă spre periferia &bdquo;agendei publice”, în care mesajul &bdquo;antioligarhic” îşi pierde din actualitate, urmând ca puterea să insufle ideea că nu ar exista nicio alternativă serioasă actualei guvernări.</p> <p>Ce ar trebui să facă opoziţia? Pentru a supravieţui politic, ea trebuie să continue linia mesajului protestelor antioligarhice, să developeze strategiile puterii şi să evite orice implicare în dezbateri şi conflicte imaginare, care nu ţin de obiectivele şi scopul mişcării protestatare.</p> <p>Octavian Racu, sociolog<em></em></p> <p><em>Opiniile exprimate de autor ar putea să nu coincidă cu opinia Redacţiei Sputnik Moldova.</em></p></div><div class="social-likes1"><div data-network="facebook" class="social-likes1-item fb"><div class="fb-share-button" data-href="http://sputnik.md/editorialist/20160324/5467843.html" data-layout="button_count"></div></div><div data-network="twitter" class="social-likes1-item tw"><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20160326222843/https://twitter.com/share" class="social-button twitter-share-button" data-count="horizontal" data-lang="en" data-via="sputnikmoldova"> Tweet </a></div></div><div class="b-article__likes"><span href="/services/likes/like/?article_id=5467843&value=1" class="b-article__likes-up">2</span><span href="/services/likes/like/?article_id=5467843&value=-1" class="b-article__likes-down">1</span></div><div class="b-article__refs"><div class="b-article__refs-list"></div><div class="b-article__refs-list"><dl class="b-article__refs-item"><dd class="b-article__refs-item-description">Tematic</dd><dt class="b-article__refs-item-title"><a href="/web/20160326222843/http://sputnik.md/editorialist/20160223/4850997.html"><strong>Perspectivele ping-pong-ului dintre guvernare şi protestatari</strong></a></dt></dl></div><div class="b-article__refs-list"><div class="b-article__refs-item"><div class="b-article__refs-item-description">Tagurile:</div><div class="b-article__refs-item-title b-article__refs-tags"><a href="/web/20160326222843/http://sputnik.md/tags/keyword_Capcane/">Capcane</a>, <a href="/web/20160326222843/http://sputnik.md/tags/keyword_Opoziie/">Opoziţie</a>, <a href="/web/20160326222843/http://sputnik.md/tags/keyword_Alegeri_prezideniale/">Alegeri prezidenţiale</a>, <a href="/web/20160326222843/http://sputnik.md/tags/keyword_Guvernare/">Guvernare</a>, <a href="/web/20160326222843/http://sputnik.md/tags/keyword_Proteste/">Proteste</a>, <a href="/web/20160326222843/http://sputnik.md/tags/geo_Moldova/">Moldova</a></div></div></div></div><div class="b-banner m-banner-12 "> <div id="adriver_banner_632458023"></div> <script type="text/javascript"> new adriver("adriver_banner_632458023", {sid:207759, bt:52, bn:15}); 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