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class="page-breadcrumbs__item" data-v-3692cf84><span aria-hidden="true" class="breadcrumbs-wrapper__arrow" data-v-3692cf84>></span><span data-v-3692cf84>Representation and Taxation in the American South,...</span></li></ul></div></div> </div></div></div> <div class="container container__modified" data-v-9124f604> <div class="row" data-v-9124f604><div role="complementary" aria-label="table of content" class="column__left" data-v-9124f604><div class="element-cover-box" data-v-9124f604><div class="col row" data-v-6a108d45 data-v-9124f604><img src="//assets.cambridge.org/97810094/54056/cover/9781009454056.jpg" alt="" class="element__image" data-v-6a108d45></div>  <a target="_blank" href="https://www.cambridge.org/core_title/gb/582450" data-test-id="buttonGetAccess" class="app-link app-link__text app-link-- get-print-copy" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-780d067e data-v-9124f604><span class="text" data-v-63dfaf6e>Buy print copy </span> <span class="sr-only" data-v-63dfaf6e>[Opens in a new window]</span></a> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator default" data-v-7036083a data-v-9124f604></div> <div id="toc" class="table-of-content" data-v-9124f604><h2>Element contents</h2> <div id="toc-list-wrapper" class="table-of-content__wrapper"><ul id="toc-list" class="list"><li class="list__item"><a href="#sec0" class="list__item__link"><span class="toc-title">Summary</span></a></li> <li class="list__item"><a href="#A-sec-3" class="list__item__link"> <span>1 Political and Fiscal Development in the American South</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-1" class="list__item__link"> <span>1.1 Introduction</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-2" class="list__item__link"> <span>1.2 Historical Context</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#A-sec-4" class="list__item__link"> <span>2 Theoretical Framework</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-3" class="list__item__link"> <span>2.1 The Existing Literature</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-4" class="list__item__link"> <span>2.2 The Argument</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#A-sec-5" class="list__item__link"> <span>3 Data and Empirical Strategy</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-5" class="list__item__link"> <span>3.1 Property Taxes between 1820 and 1910</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-6" class="list__item__link"> <span>3.2 Other Measures of Taxation</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-7" class="list__item__link"> <span>3.3 Other Data</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#A-sec-6" class="list__item__link"> <span>4 Property Taxes before the Civil War</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-8" class="list__item__link"> <span>4.1 Property Taxes between 1820 and 1860</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-9" class="list__item__link"> <span>4.2 Variation in De Jure Political Control</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-10" class="list__item__link"> <span>4.3 Results</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-11" class="list__item__link"> <span>4.4 Collective Goods for Elites: Railroads versus Education</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-12" class="list__item__link"> <span>4.5 Robustness</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#A-sec-7" class="list__item__link"> <span>5 Postwar Taxation</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-13" class="list__item__link"> <span>5.1 Reconstruction and Its Aftermath</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-14" class="list__item__link"> <span>5.2 Jim Crow: Formal Black Disenfranchisement (1880–1910)</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#A-sec-8" class="list__item__link"> <span>Conclusion</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#EMT-bp-1" class="list__item__link"> <span>Political Economy</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#EMT-bp-2" class="list__item__link"> <span>Political Economy</span></a></li> <li class="list__item"><a href="#footnotes-list" class="list__item__link"><span class="toc-title">Footnotes</span></a></li> <li class="list__item"><a href="#references-list" class="list__item__link"><span class="toc-title">References</span></a></li></ul></div></div></div> <div class="column__main" data-v-9124f604><div class="row" data-v-9124f604><div class="column__main__left" data-v-9124f604><div role="main" aria-label="main content" id="maincontent" class="col" data-v-534a4f5b data-v-9124f604> <div class="row series" data-v-534a4f5b><span data-v-534a4f5b> Series: </span> <a href="/core/publications/elements/political-economy" class="app-link part-of__collection app-link__text app-link--accent" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-534a4f5b><span class="text" data-v-63dfaf6e>Elements in Political Economy </span> </a></div> <hgroup data-v-534a4f5b><h1 data-v-534a4f5b>Representation and Taxation in the American South, 1820–1910</h1> </hgroup>  <div class="row published-date" data-v-534a4f5b><p data-v-534a4f5b> Published online by Cambridge University Press: <strong data-v-534a4f5b><span class="app-date" data-v-d415a782 data-v-534a4f5b> 21 December 2023 </span></strong></p></div> <div class="contributors-details" data-v-99f6eb26 data-v-534a4f5b><div class="row contributors" data-v-99f6eb26><div class="col" data-v-99f6eb26><div class="row contributor-type" data-v-792406ce data-v-99f6eb26> <div class="contributor-type__contributor" data-v-792406ce><a href="/core/search?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Jeffrey%20Jensen&eventCode=SE-AU" class="app-link app-link__text app-link--accent" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-792406ce><span data-v-63dfaf6e>Jeffrey Jensen</span> </a>  <span data-v-792406ce>,</span></div><div class="contributor-type__contributor" data-v-792406ce><a href="/core/search?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Giuliana%20Pardelli&eventCode=SE-AU" class="app-link app-link__text app-link--accent" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-792406ce><span data-v-63dfaf6e>Giuliana Pardelli</span> </a>  <span data-v-792406ce> and</span></div><div class="contributor-type__contributor" data-v-792406ce><a href="/core/search?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Jeffrey%20F.%20Timmons&eventCode=SE-AU" class="app-link app-link__text app-link--accent" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-792406ce><span data-v-63dfaf6e>Jeffrey F. Timmons</span> </a>  <span data-v-792406ce></span></div> </div> </div> <div class="col-2 collapse-link" data-v-99f6eb26><a href="#authors-details" data-toggle="collapse" aria-expanded="false" aria-controls="authors-details" class="app-link collapsed app-link__text-icon app-link--secondary reverse" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-99f6eb26><img src="data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyB3aWR0aD0iMTEiIGhlaWdodD0iNiIgdmlld0JveD0iMCAwIDExIDYiIGZpbGw9Im5vbmUiIHhtbG5zPSJodHRwOi8vd3d3LnczLm9yZy8yMDAwL3N2ZyI+CjxwYXRoIGZpbGwtcnVsZT0iZXZlbm9kZCIgY2xpcC1ydWxlPSJldmVub2RkIiBkPSJNNS41MDAwNiA2QzUuMzI4NDYgNiA1LjE2Mzk4IDUuOTMzMzkgNS4wNDI1MiA1LjgxNTAxTDAuMTg5NDQ4IDEuMDc3OEMtMC4wNjMxNzYzIDAuODMxMjU3IC0wLjA2MzE3NjMgMC40MzE0NTIgMC4xODk2MSAwLjE4NDkwOEMwLjQ0MjM5NiAtMC4wNjE2MzYgMC44NTIwNjIgLTAuMDYxNjM2IDEuMTA0NTIgMC4xODQ5MDhMNS41MDAwNiA0LjQ3NTc1TDkuODk1NiAwLjE4NDkwOEMxMC4xNDgyIC0wLjA2MTYzNiAxMC41NTc5IC0wLjA2MTYzNiAxMC44MTA1IDAuMTg0OTA4QzExLjA2MzEgMC40MzE0NTIgMTEuMDYzMSAwLjgzMTEgMTAuODEwNyAxLjA3NzhMNS45NTc2IDUuODE1MDFDNS44MzYxNCA1LjkzMzM5IDUuNjcxNjYgNiA1LjUwMDA2IDZaIiBmaWxsPSIjNzA3MDcwIi8+Cjwvc3ZnPgo=" alt="" class="app-icon icon arrow-down" data-v-d2c09870 data-v-63dfaf6e><span class="text" data-v-63dfaf6e>Show author details </span> </a></div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator default" data-v-7036083a data-v-99f6eb26> <dl id="authors-details" class="authors-details collapse" data-v-2edb8da6 data-v-99f6eb26><div data-test-author="Jeffrey Jensen" class="row author" data-v-2edb8da6><dt class="col-12 col-sm-2 title" data-v-2edb8da6>Jeffrey Jensen</dt> <dd class="col content d-inline d-sm-flex" data-v-2edb8da6><span class="content__title" data-v-2edb8da6>Affiliation:</span> <div class="d-sm-flex flex-column flex-sm-1 d-inline" data-v-2edb8da6><span data-v-2edb8da6><span data-v-2edb8da6>NYU Abu Dhabi</span> </span></div></dd></div><div data-test-author="Giuliana Pardelli" class="row author" data-v-2edb8da6><dt class="col-12 col-sm-2 title" data-v-2edb8da6>Giuliana Pardelli</dt> <dd class="col content d-inline d-sm-flex" data-v-2edb8da6><span class="content__title" data-v-2edb8da6>Affiliation:</span> <div class="d-sm-flex flex-column flex-sm-1 d-inline" data-v-2edb8da6><span data-v-2edb8da6><span data-v-2edb8da6>NYU Abu Dhabi</span> </span></div></dd></div><div data-test-author="Jeffrey F. Timmons" class="row author" data-v-2edb8da6><dt class="col-12 col-sm-2 title" data-v-2edb8da6>Jeffrey F. Timmons</dt> <dd class="col content d-inline d-sm-flex" data-v-2edb8da6><span class="content__title" data-v-2edb8da6>Affiliation:</span> <div class="d-sm-flex flex-column flex-sm-1 d-inline" data-v-2edb8da6><span data-v-2edb8da6><span data-v-2edb8da6>NYU Abu Dhabi</span> </span></div></dd></div>  <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator default" data-v-7036083a data-v-2edb8da6></dl></div> <div class="row summary" data-v-534a4f5b><div id="sec0" class="col sec summary col" data-v-534a4f5b><h2>Summary</h2> <div>We explain and document state-level fiscal developments in American Southern states from 1820–1910, focusing on their main source of revenue, progressive property taxes borne primarily by economic elites. The fourteen states in our analysis were characterized by severe economic exploitation of the enslaved and later politically repressed African-descended population by a small rural elite, who dominated the region both politically and economically. While rural elites are thought to be especially resistant to taxation, we offer a set of conditions that explains the emergence of progressive taxation and provides a coherent account of the fiscal development of these states over this period. Using an original, archival data set of annual tax revenues and select expenditure items, we show that the economic interests of these rural elites and the extent of their formal (over)representation played a critical role in shaping the observed fiscal patterns within and across these states over this period. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.</div></div></div></div> <div id="app-tabs" class="tabs" data-v-1d90c6ce data-v-9124f604><div id="app-tabs-wrapper" class="tabs__wrapper" data-v-1d90c6ce><div role="navigation" aria-label="tab navigation" class="container" data-v-1d90c6ce><a data-toggle="collapse" href="#appTabs" role="button" aria-expanded="false" aria-controls="appTabs" class="tabs__collapse collapsed d-sm-none d-print-none" data-v-1d90c6ce><span data-v-1d90c6ce></span> <span class="tabs-arrow-up" data-v-1d90c6ce></span> <span class="tabs-arrow-down" data-v-1d90c6ce></span></a> <ul id="appTabs" role="tablist" class="nav nav-tabs tabs__list collapse show" data-v-1d90c6ce><li role="none" class="tabs__tab" data-v-1d90c6ce><a aria-selected="true" href="#element-tab" role="tab" aria-controls="element-tab" tabindex="-1" class="active" data-v-1d90c6ce>Element </a></li><li role="none" class="tabs__tab" data-v-1d90c6ce><a href="#figures-tab" role="tab" aria-controls="figures-tab" tabindex="-1" data-v-1d90c6ce>Figures </a></li><li role="none" class="tabs__tab" data-v-1d90c6ce><a href="#metrics-tab" role="tab" aria-controls="metrics-tab" tabindex="-1" data-v-1d90c6ce>Metrics </a></li></ul></div></div> <div tabindex="0" role="region" aria-label="Tab content" class="tab-content" data-v-1d90c6ce><div id="element-tab" class="tab-pane active" data-v-c1a1a908><div id="toc-mobile" class="table-of-content-mobile d-sm-none" data-v-c1a1a908><a data-toggle="collapse" href="#toc-list-mobile" role="button" aria-expanded="false" class="toc-collapse-switch collapsed"><span class="default-heading">Element contents</span>  <span class="toc-arrow-up"></span> <span class="toc-arrow-down"></span></a> <ul id="toc-list-mobile" class="list collapse"><li class="list__item"><a href="#sec0" class="list__item__link"><span class="toc-title">Summary</span></a></li> <li class="list__item"><a href="#A-sec-3" class="list__item__link"> <span>1 Political and Fiscal Development in the American South</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-1" class="list__item__link"> <span>1.1 Introduction</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-2" class="list__item__link"> <span>1.2 Historical Context</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#A-sec-4" class="list__item__link"> <span>2 Theoretical Framework</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-3" class="list__item__link"> <span>2.1 The Existing Literature</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-4" class="list__item__link"> <span>2.2 The Argument</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#A-sec-5" class="list__item__link"> <span>3 Data and Empirical Strategy</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-5" class="list__item__link"> <span>3.1 Property Taxes between 1820 and 1910</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-6" class="list__item__link"> <span>3.2 Other Measures of Taxation</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-7" class="list__item__link"> <span>3.3 Other Data</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#A-sec-6" class="list__item__link"> <span>4 Property Taxes before the Civil War</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-8" class="list__item__link"> <span>4.1 Property Taxes between 1820 and 1860</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-9" class="list__item__link"> <span>4.2 Variation in De Jure Political Control</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-10" class="list__item__link"> <span>4.3 Results</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-11" class="list__item__link"> <span>4.4 Collective Goods for Elites: Railroads versus Education</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-12" class="list__item__link"> <span>4.5 Robustness</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#A-sec-7" class="list__item__link"> <span>5 Postwar Taxation</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-13" class="list__item__link"> <span>5.1 Reconstruction and Its Aftermath</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#B-sec-14" class="list__item__link"> <span>5.2 Jim Crow: Formal Black Disenfranchisement (1880–1910)</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#A-sec-8" class="list__item__link"> <span>Conclusion</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#EMT-bp-1" class="list__item__link"> <span>Political Economy</span></a></li><li class="list__item"><a href="#EMT-bp-2" class="list__item__link"> <span>Political Economy</span></a></li> <li class="list__item"><a href="#footnotes-list" class="list__item__link"><span class="toc-title">Footnotes</span></a></li> <li class="list__item"><a href="#references-list" class="list__item__link"><span class="toc-title">References</span></a></li></ul></div> <div class="action-bar" data-v-c1a1a908><div class="row items">  <div class="app-dropdown d-print-none" data-v-fab090b8 data-v-113567da data-v-c1a1a908><button aria-expanded="false" 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<hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator default" data-v-7036083a></div> <div data-spy="scroll" data-target="#toc" class="scrollspy-content" data-v-c1a1a908><div class="keywords" data-v-86c27100 data-v-c1a1a908><h2 data-v-86c27100>Keywords</h2> <div class="row keywords__pills" data-v-86c27100><a href="/core/search?filters[keywords]=political economy" data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100><span data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100>political economy</span></a><a href="/core/search?filters[keywords]=rural elites" data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100><span data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100>rural elites</span></a><a href="/core/search?filters[keywords]=public goods" data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100><span data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100>public goods</span></a><a href="/core/search?filters[keywords]=political inequality" data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100><span data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100>political inequality</span></a><a href="/core/search?filters[keywords]=property taxation" data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100><span data-v-f0b31360 data-v-86c27100>property taxation</span></a></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator default" data-v-7036083a data-v-86c27100></div> <dl class="element-details" data-v-15c6c562 data-v-c1a1a908><div class="row" data-v-15c6c562><dt class="col-12 col-sm-3 col-md-2_5 title" data-v-15c6c562> Type </dt> <dd class="col content" data-v-15c6c562> Element </dd></div> <div class="row" data-v-15c6c562><dt class="col-12 col-sm-3 col-md-2_5 title" data-v-15c6c562> Information </dt> <dd class="col content" data-v-15c6c562><div class="content__element" data-v-15c6c562><span data-v-15c6c562>Series: <a href="/core/publications/elements/political-economy" class="app-link app-link__text app-link--accent" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-15c6c562><span class="text" data-v-63dfaf6e>Elements in Political Economy </span> </a></span></div> <div class="doi-data" data-v-15c6c562><div data-v-15c6c562>DOI: <a target="_blank" href="https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009122825" class="app-link app-link__text app-link--accent" data-v-63dfaf6e data-v-15c6c562><span class="text" data-v-63dfaf6e>https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009122825 </span> <span class="sr-only" data-v-63dfaf6e>[Opens in a new window]</span></a></div></div> <div data-v-15c6c562><span data-v-15c6c562>Online ISBN: 9781009122825</span></div> <div data-v-15c6c562><span data-v-15c6c562>Publisher: Cambridge University Press</span></div> <div data-v-15c6c562><span data-v-15c6c562>Print publication: <span class="app-date" data-v-d415a782 data-v-15c6c562> 22 February 2024 </span></span></div></dd></div> <div class="row creative-commons" data-v-15c6c562><dt class="col-12 col-sm-3 col-md-2_5 creative-commons__title"> Creative Commons </dt> <dd class="col"><div class="creative-commons__content"><div class="creative-commons__icons"><img src="/core/page-component/img/license-cc-icon.e3a74ed.svg" alt="Creative Common License - CC" class="app-icon creative-commons__icon license-cc" data-v-d2c09870><img src="/core/page-component/img/license-by-icon.33e212c.svg" alt="Creative Common License - BY" class="app-icon creative-commons__icon license-by" data-v-d2c09870><img src="/core/page-component/img/license-nc-icon.78b50f1.svg" alt="Creative Common License - NC" class="app-icon creative-commons__icon license-nc" data-v-d2c09870></div> <div class="creative-commons__description">This content is Open Access and distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence CC-BY-NC 4.0 <a href=https://creativecommons.org/cclicenses/ target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/cclicenses/</a></div></div></dd></div> </dl>  <div id="content-container" class="content-container" data-v-c1a1a908><div class="content-box"><div class="html-view"><article class="book elements BITS"><div class="book-body"><div class="book-part chapter" id="CT-bp-1" data-magellan-destination="CT-bp-1"><div class="body"><div class="sec" id="A-sec-3" data-magellan-destination="A-sec-3"><h3 class="A title"><span class="label">1</span> Political and Fiscal Development in the American South </h3><div class="sec" id="B-sec-1" data-magellan-destination="B-sec-1"><h4 class="B title"><span class="label">1.1</span> Introduction </h4><p class="p">The story of the American South as an unequal, politically repressive, violent, exploitative, and backward society has been widely told.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-1" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-1"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">1</sup></a> Yet the fiscal history of this region over the long run has never been thoroughly examined. This Element fills this void. We study the evolution of political institutions and public finances across Southern states from 1820 to the eve of the adoption of the federal income tax in 1913 and the onset of World War I. The beginning of this period saw the rising use of enslaved labor to grow the cash crops demanded by rapidly industrializing Western economies, which led to the enrichment of a relatively small planter elite. The second half of this period witnessed the destruction of chattel slavery with the Confederacy’s defeat in the American Civil War, the federal government’s attempt to “reconstruct” the political systems of these states with the extension of suffrage to the newly emancipated, and the ultimate removal of these rights through the use of extensive violence. The period ends with the creation of the “One-Party South,” which resulted in the continued political domination by a small elite well into the mid-twentieth century. As we will show, these momentous political and economic developments altered the power and preferences of the South’s rural elites, setting in motion major changes in fiscal systems across and within states.</p><p class="p">In seeking to explain and document the within- and cross-state fiscal patterns over this ninety-year period, we focus primarily on property taxes. Not only did property taxes comprise the vast majority of tax revenues in each of the fourteen states over this period, but they were borne most heavily by the same landed elites who dominated Southern politics. We have a secondary focus on alternative forms of tax revenue and on key investment-related expenditures, notably education and railroads. Taken together, these variables capture the most important elements of state-level finances in the American South during this period.</p><p class="p">This Element has several key distinguishing features. First, we adopt a theoretically driven approach, building on a growing literature in political economy that seeks to explain variation across the world in taxation and state capacity (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-077" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-077"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Meltzer and Richard</span>Meltzer and Richard 1981</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-015" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-015"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Boix</span>Boix 2003</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-099" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-099"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Sokoloff and Zolt</span>Sokoloff and Zolt 2006</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-095" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-095"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Scheve and Stasavage</span>Scheve and Stasavage 2010</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-014" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-014"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Besley and Persson</span>Besley and Persson 2011</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-006" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-006"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ansell and Samuels</span>Ansell and Samuels 2014</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-096" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-096"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Scheve and Stasavage</span>Scheve and Stasavage 2016</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-025" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-025"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Dincecco</span>Dincecco 2017</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-011" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-011"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers</span>Beramendi, Dincecco, and Rogers 2019</a>; <span class="page-marker"></span><a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-102" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-102"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Suryanarayan and White</span>Suryanarayan and White 2021</a>). While providing a parsimonious account of state-level finances is challenging due to the substantial heterogeneity across and within states throughout this period, we contend that a <em class="italic">fiscal-exchange</em> lens, focusing on the preferences and power of the landed elite, can help illuminate the historical record. The fiscal-exchange tradition posits that the most efficient, sustainable means of raising revenue is for states to trade services and goods for taxes, as long as three assumptions hold. First, collecting taxes purely through force is costly. Second, citizens are willing to accept taxes commensurate with coveted services – that is, they engage in what <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-066" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-066"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Levi</span>Levi (1988)</a> called quasi-voluntary compliance. Third, commitment mechanisms – e.g., political representation via assemblies or political parties – ensure taxpayers that their money will be spent appropriately. The fiscal-exchange tradition thus links quasi-voluntary tax compliance to spending through formal representation, and argues that deviations from such an arrangement are likely to generate significant resistance and attempts to change the institutions that govern representation and fiscal policy.</p><p class="p">We extend this framework to outline the conditions under which rural elites in an agricultural setting characterized by high levels of inequality and labor coercion would support or reject progressive taxation, and explain why they could not impose onerous taxes on other groups in society, notably low-income Whites. Given the agrarian structure of the Southern state economies and the concentration of assets and income in the hands of the plantation class, rural elites constituted the most obvious potential source of government revenue during the nineteenth century. As such, their willingness to comply with tax demands would determine in substantial part the amount of taxes raised, the costs of enforcement, and the sustainability of the fiscal pathway. Specifically, we argue that rural elites will support taxation on themselves and build fiscal capacity under three conditions. The first key driver is exclusive political control. If rural elites control politics in the present period and this control is likely to persist into the future, their willingness to increase taxation on themselves rises. Political control in the present period is necessary, as this determines how state fiscal resources are spent. Future control is also critical, as tax capacity, once established, can have a long half-life (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-021" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-021"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference D’arcy and Nistotskaya</span>D’arcy and Nistotskaya 2018</a>). Without the expectation of future control, elites fear increasing the state’s ability to extract, as power over taxation and spending could shift toward social groups with different preferences (e.g., urban residents or lower-income voters). Yet these two conditions are not sufficient on their own. We argue that in addition to political control, both in the present and into the future, rural elites must have demand for collective goods that will benefit their economic interests and are difficult to provision privately. By contrast, agricultural elites will <span class="page-marker"></span>seek to stymie progressive taxation under most other circumstances—i.e., when they are out of power or their dominance is contested, when there is uncertainty over future political control, or when demand for collective goods is weak or fragmented.</p><p class="p">Explaining when and why rural elites accept self-taxation (and refrain from coercive taxation of others) adds fresh insights to the rich literature about the rise and fall of progressive taxes and the role of various elites in driving changes in fiscal systems. The existing literature has shown that rural elites may actively undermine the capacity for progressive taxation when power is uncertain or contested (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-102" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-102"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Suryanarayan and White</span>Suryanarayan and White 2021</a>); that rural elites may support progressive taxation when they can pass the burden onto emerging competitors, notably the manufacturing sector (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-071" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-071"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mares and Queralt</span>Mares and Queralt 2015</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-072" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-072"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mares and Queralt</span>2020</a>); and that <em class="italic">urban</em> elites may accept progressive taxes on themselves when they desire spending on human capital that will facilitate industrialization (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-011" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-011"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers</span>Beramendi et al. 2019</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-054" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-054"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hollenbach</span>Hollenbach 2021</a>). The prevailing view, however, is that rural elites generally oppose fiscal extraction, especially when the burden could fall on them, and that polities controlled by rural elites eschew investments in fiscal capacity and adopt regressive tax systems (e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-068" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-068"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Lizzeri and Persico</span>Lizzeri and Persico 2004</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-039" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-039"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Galor and Moav</span>Galor and Moav 2006</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-040" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-040"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Galor, Moav and Vollrath</span>Galor, Moav, and Vollrath 2009</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-009" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-009"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Baten and Hippe</span>Baten and Hippe 2018</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-011" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-011"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers</span>Beramendi et al. 2019</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-054" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-054"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hollenbach</span>Hollenbach 2021</a>).<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-2" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-2"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">2</sup></a></p><p class="p">Our analysis thus offers a nuanced challenge to existing accounts using an unlikely case, and also contributes several ideas to the fiscal-exchange literature – notably that quasi-voluntary compliance by rural elites rests on exclusive political control in the present and into the future. Specifically, we argue that merely having political representation in the present period, the standard minimal threshold for fiscal bargains, is insufficient, suggesting that high rural elite taxation is incompatible with shared state control. Second, instead of an exchange between rulers and economic elites over taxation and representation, we consider the consequences for taxation when the rulers and the primary target for taxation – due to their control of society’s resources/assets – are the same. Although coercive taxation of non-elite groups by elites remains an <span class="page-marker"></span>option in these settings, collecting taxes from low-income groups in agrarian economies tends to be costly and conflictual and to produce a low “tax take” (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-079" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-079"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Moore, Deborah Braütigam, Fjeldstad and Moore</span>Moore 2008</a>). Thus, rural elites interested in the provision of capital-intensive public goods have incentives to refrain from imposing excessive tax burdens on other social groups if doing so has the potential to stimulate rebellion, exit, or demands for representation that could upend their exclusive control – especially if the tax yield would be low.</p><p class="p">Critically, the South’s rural elites were neither benevolent, nor did their actions trigger widely shared long-run development. They increased taxation on themselves to fund public spending that would benefit them disproportionately, rather than to provide public goods that would improve broader welfare or generate long-term development. The coexistence in the American South of greater investments in state capacity in the absence of broad-based development is consistent with claims found elsewhere (e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-086" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-086"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Queralt</span>Queralt 2017</a>).</p><p class="p">The second key distinguishing feature of this Element is the abundance of original, archival data upon which it rests. We collected a nearly complete data set of annual state tax revenues, including specifically the amount of property taxes, for each state between 1820 and 1910. We complement these data with several additional measures, including the amount of regressive poll taxes levied for each state and ad valorem property tax rates over the same period. For a subset of states, we are also able to test whether rural elites “passed on” taxation by decomposing the share of property taxes levied on each sector (e.g., rural vs. urban). We also have the amount of substate (county, municipal, etc.) property taxes levied once every ten years between 1860 and 1910. This allows us to test whether there was substitution between state and substate taxes that could weaken our argument. Finally, we have data for key expenditure items, notably education and railroads. The comprehensive nature of our data not only allows us to test our argument vis-à-vis other arguments, but presents for the first time a relatively complete picture of Southern fiscal history at the state level over this period.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-3" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-3"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">3</sup></a></p><p class="p">Using these data and three distinct temporal shocks to the political institutions of Southern states, we find substantial support for our argument. In the prewar period between roughly 1820 and the early 1840s, we observe relatively low progressive taxation across all of these states. Yet the onset of a boom in international demand for Southern cash crops such as cotton, which increased the demand for land to be cultivated, combined with technological improvements in railroads that could unlock millions of acres of land that was far <span class="page-marker"></span>from navigable water, substantially increased the demand from Southern slaveholders for the construction of railroads – collective goods. We show that the shock had differential effects depending on the extent of planter control: only in states in which contemporary <em class="italic">and</em> future slaveholder political control was higher – due to legislative malapportionment that persistently overrepresented highly enslaved counties – did property taxes, which fell overwhelmingly on slaveholders, rise substantially. We show that these states also allocated significantly more state financing toward railroads and as a result constructed substantially more miles of railroad track. Importantly, rural elites in malapportioned states did not impose higher taxes on poorer Whites to finance state expansion.</p><p class="p">The second period, Reconstruction (1867–77), was marked by emancipation from slavery, the extension of the franchise to all adult male former slaves, and its enforcement by Congress in the aftermath of the Civil War: the victorious federal government used the US Army to register Black voters and uphold their newly granted political rights. The presence of the Army, particularly in plantation areas, allowed for the imposition of higher property taxes, triggering a significant backlash against the fiscal policies and political institutions that facilitated such extraction (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-037" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-037"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Foner</span>Foner 2014</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-070" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-070"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Logan</span>Logan 2020</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-102" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-102"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Suryanarayan and White</span>Suryanarayan and White 2021</a>). However, the short-run fiscal effects of the federal intervention were substantial, especially in places where rural elites’ formal political representation was disproportionately small. Progressive taxes rose the most in places where rural elites had the least political recourse for resisting taxation due to federal protection of Black voters and officeholders – that is, where the US military limited Southern elites’ ability to use their disproportionate de facto power to prevent the expanded electorate from levying and collecting large amounts of progressive taxation. Property taxes rose the least in the four Southern states that were not occupied by federal troops.</p><p class="p">The Reconstruction Southern tax boom lasted only as long as the federal intervention, which eroded across these states until finally ending with the Compromise of 1877. Once the federal government stopped subsidizing the costs of enforcing these policy changes, taxes across all of the previously occupied states converged to a lower level. In the absence of a powerful external enforcer, and facing intense political contestation, rural elites began to effectively curtail progressive taxation.</p><p class="p">The third and final burst of property taxes occurred at the beginning of the “Jim Crow” period (circa 1890), during which eleven of the fourteen states adopted suffrage restrictions that disenfranchised their Black populations and some low-income Whites. With the decline in political contestation and rural elites once more gaining a firm control over state politics, the prospects of <span class="page-marker"></span>present and future cross-class and cross-race redistribution declined, and elite taxes increased – as did spending on selective public goods, such as universities. In the states without voting restrictions, by contrast, property taxes and higher education spending lagged. Once again, rural elites in more protected political positions did not impose higher taxes on poorer Whites to finance state expansion.</p><p class="p">In short, we contend, Southern fiscal development during this period largely reflects the power and preferences of the plantation class, whose members embraced progressive taxation when and where they wanted collective goods and had a secure grip on power but behaved contrastingly toward property taxes in circumstances where their dominance was contested.</p><p class="p">This Element makes several contributions to at least two literatures. First, it contributes to the political economy of taxation literature by identifying precise and simple conditions that facilitate taxation of the rural rich, by the rural rich, and for the rural rich. Our framework not only establishes a higher minimal threshold for a bargain to emerge between rural elites and rulers than one commonly finds in the fiscal-exchange literature; it also suggests that some bargains may preclude others, making control of the state zero-sum. Second, it makes an important contribution to the historical American political economy literature. For one, our framework provides important analytical insights that distinguish our work from other explanations of Southern taxation, even those focusing on smaller, specific periods of time (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-098" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-098"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Seligman</span>Seligman 1969</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-112" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-112"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wallis</span>Wallis 2000</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-031" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-031"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Einhorn</span>Einhorn 2006</a>). More broadly – and while much is known about individual Southern states, time periods, and particular dimensions of fiscal development – to our knowledge no work has tried to explain Southern fiscal developments across these fourteen states for this length of time, nor has any study drawn upon a nearly as complete annual data set of state taxation, or tried to put together both the revenue and spending sides of government accounts for each Southern state over these three different eras. Furthermore, the fact that our long-run analysis leverages exogenous shocks and considerable variation in both the input and output variables should lend confidence to the inferences.</p><p class="p">This Element proceeds as follows. We begin with a brief historical overview of this period. In <a class="xref sec" href="#A-sec-4" data-sectionId="#A-sec-4">Section 2</a>, we outline a theoretical framework for understanding Southern taxation and situate this within the existing literature on the political economy of taxation. In <a class="xref sec" href="#A-sec-5" data-sectionId="#A-sec-5">Section 3</a>, we describe our data collection efforts and resulting data set in detail. In <a class="xref sec" href="#A-sec-6" data-sectionId="#A-sec-6">Section 4</a>, we examine the prewar period (1820–60). We follow this in <a class="xref sec" href="#A-sec-7" data-sectionId="#A-sec-7">Section 5</a> by examining the postwar period (1868–1910).</p></div><div class="sec" id="B-sec-2" data-magellan-destination="B-sec-2"><h4 class="B title"><span class="label">1.2</span> Historical Context </h4><p class="p">The fourteen states that comprise our study are not called Southern states due simply to their geographic position relative to other states that made up the United States. Rather, their primary defining feature between the seventeenth and mid-twentieth centuries was the reliance on and exploitation of enslaved and later politically repressed agricultural laborers who descended from Africans brought against their will to the British North American colonies by a relatively small White rural elite.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-4" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-4"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">4</sup></a> While slavery was legal in each of the thirteen British colonies on the eve of the American Revolution (1775–83), only in the Southern coastal colonies from Maryland to Georgia was a quarter to half of the population enslaved (1790 Census).<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-5" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-5"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">5</sup></a> As the US territory expanded westward and new states were admitted to the Union, slavery thrived in the Southern states, especially with the invention of the cotton gin in 1793 and the massive increase in international demand for cotton from industrializing Europe. At the same time, each Northern state successively abolished or severely restricted slavery.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-6" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-6"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">6</sup></a> By 1850, 99 percent of the approximately 3.2 million enslaved people lived in the fourteen states we study. <a class="xref table" href="#TBLm-tblw-1" data-sectionId="#TBLm-tblw-1">Table 1</a> reports key variables of interest for each state and period of our study between 1820 and 1910. Column 1 reports the share of the total population who were enslaved in 1820, the first year of our study, and column 2 shows the same in 1860, the year before the American Civil War began.</p><section><div class="table-wrap" id="TBLm-tblw-1" data-magellan-destination="TBLm-tblw-1"><div class="caption"><h2 class="title"><span class="label">Table 1</span> The fourteen Southern states, 1820–1910 </h2></div><table style="width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;"><colgroup><col style="width:11.1%;"><col style="width:11.1%;"><col style="width:11.1%;"><col style="width:11.1%;"><col style="width:11.1%;"><col style="width:11.1%;"><col style="width:11.1%;"><col style="width:11.1%;"><col style="width:11.1%;"></colgroup><thead><tr><th colspan="1" rowspan="1"></th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Enslaved pop. share 1820 (%) (1)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Enslaved pop. share 1860 (%) (2)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Black share 1868 (%) (3)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Black share pop. reg. voters 1900 (%) (4)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Prewarmalappor-tioned state (5)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Recon-struction state (6)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Type of suffrage restriction (7)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Year enacted (8)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Alabama</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">33</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">45</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">63</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">45</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">LT, PT</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1901</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Arkansas</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">26</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">35</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">28</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">PT</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1892</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Florida</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">44</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">58</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">44</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">PT</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1889</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Georgia</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">44</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">44</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">50</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">47</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">LT, PT</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1906<a class="xref p" href="#P-para-1" data-sectionId="#P-para-1">*</a></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Kentucky</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">23</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">19</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">13</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">None</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Louisiana</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">45</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">47</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">65</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">47</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">LT, PT</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1898</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Maryland</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">26</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">13</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">20</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">None</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Mississippi</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">44</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">55</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">56</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">59</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">LT, PT</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1890</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Missouri</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">15</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">10</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">5</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">None</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">N. Carolina</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">32</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">33</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">41</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">33</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">LT, PT</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1900</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">S. Carolina</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">51</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">57</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">63</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">58.4</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">LT, PT</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1895</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Tennessee</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">19</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">25</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">40</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">24</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">PT</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1889</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Texas</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">30</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">46</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">22</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">PT</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1902</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Virginia</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">40</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">31</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">47</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">36</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">LT, PT</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1901</td></tr></tbody></table><div class="table-wrap-foot" id="TFN-tblwf-11" data-magellan-destination="TFN-tblwf-11"><p class="p" id="P-para-1" data-magellan-destination="P-para-1">Note: Arkansas (1836), Florida (1845), and Texas (1845) were admitted as states after 1820. LT = Literacy Test. PT = Poll Tax. *Georgia enacted the literacy test in 1906 and the poll tax in 1877.</p><div class="attrib">Sources: <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-061" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-061"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Kousser</span>Kousser (1974)</a>, <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-110" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-110"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Valelly</span>Valelly (2009)</a>, <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-115" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-115"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Walton, Puckett and Deskins</span>Walton et al. (2012</a>: Table 13.9); US Census (1820, 1860, and 1900).</div></div></div></section><p class="p">Whereas slavery was the main defining feature of the Southern economy and society, two other crucial features need highlighting.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-7" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-7"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">7</sup></a> First, the South, especially the more heavily enslaved states that later formed the Confederacy, was overwhelmingly rural and agrarian. <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-1" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-1">Figure 1</a> provides a comparative perspective, showing the urbanization rate every ten years between 1820 and 1910 for the US South, the first fifteen Northern US states, England and Wales, and the <span class="page-marker"></span>German Empire over the same period.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-8" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-8"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">8</sup></a> The Southern urbanization rate in 1910 is roughly half the value of England’s in 1820, and just barely above the US North’s figure for 1850. <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-2" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-2">Figure 2</a> shows the agricultural share of output (comprising agricultural and manufacturing activities). The share of manufacturing output in the average Northern state in 1850 exceeds the same share in the average Southern state in 1910.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-1" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-1"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig1.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-63690-optimisedImage-png-45405fig1.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-41428-largeThumb-png-45405fig1.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-12929-mediumThumb-png-45405fig1.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-94550-smallThumb-png-45405fig1.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 1</span> Urbanization rate across regions, 1820–1910</p> </div></div></section><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-2" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-2"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig2.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-47189-mediumThumb-png-45405fig2.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-32303-largeThumb-png-45405fig2.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-90472-smallThumb-png-45405fig2.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-43183-optimisedImage-png-45405fig2.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 2</span> Agriculture share of output (agriculture and manufacturing), 1840–1910</p> </div></div></section><p class="p">Second, Southern states were characterized by extreme levels of economic inequality, as the ownership of the enslaved was heavily concentrated in a small minority. The average enslaver in 1860, for example, had approximately fourteen times the wealth of the average non-slaveholder (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-118" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-118"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wright</span>Wright 1978</a>, p. 36), and the Southern wealth Gini coefficient was estimated to be 0.71 (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-089" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-089"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ransom</span>Ransom 2001</a>, pp. 63–64).<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-9" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-9"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">9</sup></a> Furthermore, due to the low levels of economic integration between the high-enslaved (“lowland”) and low-enslaved (“highland/upland”) areas across the South (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-118" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-118"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wright</span>Wright 1978</a>, p. 39), the economic spillovers of <span class="page-marker"></span>Southern slavery were fairly low to most of the majority nonslaveowner White population.</p><p class="p">Not only was economic inequality between enslaver and non-enslaver Whites high, poor Whites also experienced substantial political inequality as a result of slavery. While enslavers were unlikely to have ever comprised a majority of the adult White male population in any Southern colony or state, the historical record leaves little doubt that slaveholders dominated colonial and later state politics (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-049" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-049"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Green</span>Green 1966</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-116" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-116"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wooster</span>Wooster 1969</a>, 1975; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-057" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-057"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Johnson</span>Johnson 1999</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-076" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-076"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference McCurry</span>McCurry 2012</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-105" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-105"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Thornton</span>Thornton 2014</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-078" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-078"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Merritt</span>Merritt 2017</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-019" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-019"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chacón and Jensen</span>Chacón and Jensen 2020c</a>). Their dominance stemmed from substantial advantages in not only de facto but de jure power<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-10" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-10"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">10</sup></a> – for example, during colonial times they used their dominance to structure political institutions, including the malapportionment of state legislatures to systematically overrepresent districts with greater enslaved density (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-049" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-049"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Green</span>Green 1966</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-017" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-017"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chacón and Jensen</span>Chacón and Jensen 2020a</a>).</p><p class="p">Enslaver dominance of Southern state governments was critical because states played the primary role in the promotion of economic development and the provision of public goods in the prewar period (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-112" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-112"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wallis</span>Wallis 2000</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-114" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-114"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wallis and Weingast</span>Wallis and Weingast 2018</a>). Thus the promotion of economic development, including <span class="page-marker"></span>publicly supported systems of education and infrastructure, as well as the choice on the system of taxation to finance these public expenditures, was substantially influenced by a small rural elite.</p><p class="p">The 1860 election of the Republican candidate, Abraham Lincoln, to the presidency led to the rapid secession of eleven Southern states and the formation of the Confederate States of America in February 1861.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-11" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-11"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">11</sup></a> The Confederacy’s defeat in the American Civil War (1861–5) and the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment to the US Constitution, abolishing slavery, resulted in the permanent emancipation of nearly 4 million enslaved Southerners (out of a total population of roughly 12 million).</p><p class="p">Congressional Republicans sought to use the South’s defeat as an opportunity to transform each state’s political system with the goal of diminishing the power of the small planter elite (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-037" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-037"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Foner</span>Foner 2014</a>).<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-12" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-12"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">12</sup></a> With the passage of several Military Reconstruction Acts in 1867 and 1868, “radical Reconstruction” would entail the use of the military to register all adult Black males to vote and then protect their access to the ballot box in the ten Reconstruction states.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-13" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-13"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">13</sup></a> Furthermore, the passage of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments would, in principle, offer the recently enfranchised equal protection under the law, guaranteed citizenship, and the prohibition of racial disenfranchisement.</p><p class="p">For a brief period, Southern politics was completely upended. <a class="xref table" href="#TBLm-tblw-1" data-sectionId="#TBLm-tblw-1">Table 1</a>, column 3 shows the share of each state’s registered voters who were Black in 1867–8.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-14" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-14"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">14</sup></a> This led to the election for the first time in American history of thousands of Blacks to local, state, and federal office across the ten Reconstruction states (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-036" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-036"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Foner</span>Foner 1993</a>). There was a fundamental expansion in the role of the Southern state, especially with respect to public education. This fiscal expansion was financed primarily by raising property taxes that fell most heavily on the small, landed elite.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-15" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-15"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">15</sup></a></p><p class="p"><span class="page-marker"></span>The rising tax burden quickly emerged as a focal point for Reconstruction’s opponents. In several states, Democratic leaders organized taxpayers’ conventions, whose supporters demanded a reduction in spending and called for a return to rule by men of property – which entailed denying Blacks, as well as some Whites, any role in Southern public affairs (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-037" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-037"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Foner</span>Foner 2014</a>). From the outset, this largely elite-driven backlash against Radical Republican rule used highly organized terrorist groups, such as the Ku Klux Klan, to restore Democratic Party rule and limit Black political power. Despite the promise to use the federal military to enforce these newly granted civil and political rights, the occupation was never extensive enough to protect a largely rural Black population, thinly distributed across the vast South.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-16" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-16"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">16</sup></a> Furthermore, with western expansion making greater demands on federal resources, the size of the occupation decreased throughout the period of Congressional Reconstruction (1867–77). The extensive use of violence eventually resulted in the return to power of the Democratic Party, termed “Redemption” by the conservative elites who had been restored to office.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-17" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-17"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">17</sup></a> Federal military enforcement of Black political rights ended with the so-called Compromise of 1877.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-18" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-18"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">18</sup></a></p><p class="p">While the end of Reconstruction saw Black political power fall substantially, the political control of the planter class was by no means uncontested. For one, Blacks formally retained the right to vote and therefore remained a threat to the political dominance of Southern Democratic elites (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-061" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-061"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Kousser</span>Kousser 1974</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-082" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-082"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Perman</span>Perman 2003</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-110" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-110"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Valelly</span>Valelly 2009</a>). In terms of future power, the possibility remained that the federal government would intervene on behalf of Black voters. Moreover, elections continued to be highly contested affairs: the period between 1880 and 1900 saw opposition parties routinely win more than a third of the state legislative seats, and non-Democratic Party candidates often won more than 40 percent of the popular vote for governor (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-028" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-028"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Dubin</span>Dubin</a> <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-028" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-028"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Dubin</span>2007</a>, <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-029" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-029"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Dubin</span>2010</a>).</p><p class="p">These working-class electoral threats to Democratic Party rule largely ceased between 1889 and 1907 with the adoption of suffrage restrictions, such as poll taxes and literacy tests, in eleven Southern states, which had the consequence <span class="page-marker"></span>of formally disenfranchising most Black voters. At the same time, the threat of federal intervention on behalf of Black rights receded substantially after 1890. The defeat of the Lodge Federal Elections Bill of 1890, which would have provided for the federal regulation of congressional elections, ended Congress’ efforts to protect Southern Black voters until the 1960s. That states would be largely left to their own devices was largely confirmed in May 1896 and April 1898, when the Supreme Court handed down two decisions that ratified developments in the South. <em class="italic">Plessy v. Ferguson</em> (1896) confirmed the federal government’s inability to protect individual rights within the states, and <em class="italic">Williams v. Mississippi</em> (1898) removed any remaining uncertainty that the methods of disfranchisement employed in the South would be declared unconstitutional (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-082" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-082"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Perman</span>Perman 2003</a>). These factors contributed to the creation of the “One-Party South,” which would reign through much of the twentieth century.</p><p class="p"><a class="xref table" href="#TBLm-tblw-1" data-sectionId="#TBLm-tblw-1">Table 1</a> shows some key demographic and political features of this final period of our study – the onset of “Jim Crow” (1889–1910). Column 4 reports the share of each state’s population who were Black in 1900,<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-19" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-19"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">19</sup></a> and columns 7 and 8 show the date and type of suffrage restrictions adopted.</p></div></div><div class="sec" id="A-sec-4" data-magellan-destination="A-sec-4"><h3 class="A title"><span class="label">2</span> Theoretical Framework </h3><div class="sec" id="B-sec-3" data-magellan-destination="B-sec-3"><h4 class="B title"><span class="label">2.1</span> The Existing Literature </h4><p class="p">We know that some polities are better at raising revenue than others and that the incidence of taxation varies significantly across space and time. The existing scholarship on this topic is sufficiently broad and multifaceted that our coverage of the literature will necessarily be limited. Generally speaking, extant theories emphasize the role of four broad factors to explain tax patterns, particularly the emergence of progressive taxation: temporary contextual factors, especially war (e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-106" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-106"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Tilly and Charles Tilly</span>Tilly 1975</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-095" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-095"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Scheve and Stasavage</span>Scheve and Stasavage 2010</a>), structural conditions that determine actor incentives as well as the technical feasibility of particular fiscal arrangements, such as geography or the structure of the economy (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-079" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-079"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Moore, Deborah Braütigam, Fjeldstad and Moore</span>Moore 2008</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-093" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-093"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ross</span>Ross 2015</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-075" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-075"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mayshar, Moav and Neeman</span>Mayshar, Moav, and Neeman 2017</a>), the specific constellation of social and political groups, such as ethnic or class solidarity or the nature of political coalitions (e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-067" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-067"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Lieberman</span>Lieberman 2003</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-006" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-006"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ansell and Samuels</span>Ansell and Samuels 2014</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-094" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-094"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Saylor</span>Saylor 2014</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-071" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-071"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mares and Queralt</span>Mares and Queralt 2015</a>, 2020; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-011" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-011"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers</span>Beramendi et al. 2019</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-102" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-102"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Suryanarayan and White</span>Suryanarayan and White 2021</a>), and the institutions that govern the relationship between citizens and the state (e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-066" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-066"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Levi</span>Levi 1988</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-081" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-081"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference North and Weingast</span>North and Weingast 1989</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-100" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-100"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Stasavage</span>Stasavage 2007</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-108" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-108"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Timmons</span>Timmons 2010</a>). Additionally, within each of these categories,<span class="page-marker"></span> <span class="page-marker"></span>there are two basic approaches for explaining variation in the form of taxation: the <em class="italic">coercive approach</em>, which underscores the extractive power of governments to impose taxes regardless of the preferences of taxpayers, and the <em class="italic">fiscal contract</em> perspective, which emphasizes mutually agreed-upon bargains between state leaders and resource holders.</p><p class="p">Coercion-based models of taxation are predicated on the absence of a negotiated exchange between state leaders and social actors: taxpayers lack representation, and there is no guarantee that policy decisions will reflect their preferences. Coercive extraction explicitly allows for a disjuncture between the incidence of taxes and spending – that is, for relatively unfettered redistribution.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-20" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-20"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">20</sup></a> Much of the recent work focusing on elite taxation follows a coercion-based logic.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-21" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-21"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">21</sup></a> The canonical median-voter model (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-077" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-077"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Meltzer and Richard</span>Meltzer and Richard 1981</a>) and its myriad offshoots (e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-015" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-015"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Boix</span>Boix 2003</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-001" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-001"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Acemoglu, Naidu, Restrepo and Robinson</span>Acemoglu et al. 2015</a>), for example, contend that elites will be taxed more heavily in democratic societies, particularly when inequality is high. More recent scholarship has instead stressed various forms of intra-elite conflict as a potential trigger for progressive direct taxation, in which one elite group successfully shifts the tax burden onto another elite group in an effort to restrict the latter’s de facto political or economic power (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-071" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-071"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mares and Queralt</span>Mares and Queralt</a> <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-071" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-071"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mares and Queralt</span>2015</a>, <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-072" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-072"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mares and Queralt</span>2020</a>).</p><p class="p">By contrast, contractual models of taxation posit the existence of a negotiated exchange based on mutual interests of governments and social actors in which taxes are traded for goods and services. According to these models, people will engage in what <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-066" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-066"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Levi</span>Levi (1988)</a> called <em class="italic">quasi-voluntary compliance</em> when public spending reflects their preferences. Spending that deviates from taxpayer desires, by contrast, engenders resistance to taxes and the political arrangement that generated them.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-22" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-22"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">22</sup></a> Mechanisms of voice and accountability solve commitment problems between rulers and taxpayers, facilitating tax increases and investments in fiscal capacity (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-010" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-010"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Bates and Lien</span>Bates and Lien 1985</a>; <span class="page-marker"></span><a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-081" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-081"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference North and Weingast</span>North and Weingast 1989</a>).<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-23" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-23"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">23</sup></a> Because tax collection costs are endogenous to how governments raise revenue and how they spend it, high levels of cross-group redistribution (e.g., from rich to poor and vice versa) is difficult to sustain, barring some type of compensation along the lines identified by <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-067" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-067"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Lieberman</span>Lieberman (2003)</a> and <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-096" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-096"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Scheve and Stasavage</span>Scheve and Stasavage (2016)</a>. These authors show that redistribution can emerge in equilibrium as a side payment for ethnic solidarity (e.g., in Lieberman, a cross-class alliance among Whites to repress Blacks in South Africa), or for the differential costs of war (e.g., in Scheve and Stasavage, the wealthy disproportionately fund warfare while the masses bear the brunt of the fighting). In both cases, taxes on the rich represent a form of compensatory redistribution tied together by shared identities and/or sacrifices.</p><p class="p">Even though trading services for revenue is a more efficient and sustainable means of raising revenue than coercive extraction, a fiscal contract between elites and rulers may not always emerge. Negotiated exchanges are more attractive in the presence of specific conditions: namely, when members of (potential) taxpaying groups have similar material interests and policy preferences;<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-24" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-24"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">24</sup></a> the public sector has a comparative advantage in the production of the desired collective good or service (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-066" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-066"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Levi</span>Levi 1988</a>); and there are commitment mechanisms ensuring taxpayers that their money will be well spent (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-010" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-010"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Bates and Lien</span>Bates and Lien 1985</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-066" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-066"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Levi</span>Levi 1988</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-024" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-024"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Dincecco</span>Dincecco 2011</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-042" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-042"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Garfias</span>Garfias 2019</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-034" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-034"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Flores-Macías</span>Flores-Macías 2022</a>). Commitment mechanisms include assemblies (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-081" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-081"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference North and Weingast</span>North and Weingast 1989</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-053" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-053"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hoffman and Norberg</span>Hoffman and Norberg 1994</a>) that guarantee at least a voice, if not an explicit veto, over fiscal decisions, and political parties (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-100" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-100"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Stasavage</span>Stasavage 2007</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-108" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-108"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Timmons</span>Timmons 2010</a>), who act as agents for groups of taxpayers. Beyond the factors affecting the likelihood of emergence of fiscal contracts, there are also contextual elements that can influence the parameters of these bargains, some of which we develop in what follows.</p><p class="p">Changes in the economy, notably industrialization, have been associated with increased prospects for progressive taxation. One reoccurring claim is that urban elites benefit more from public expenditures than rural elites (e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-068" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-068"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Lizzeri and Persico</span>Lizzeri and Persico 2004</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-011" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-011"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers</span>Beramendi et al. 2019</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-054" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-054"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hollenbach</span>Hollenbach 2021</a>): spending on education, sanitation, and infrastructure raises returns to industrial capital and draws labor to cities, potentially harming agrarian interests (e.g., <span class="page-marker"></span><a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-009" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-009"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Baten and Hippe</span>Baten and Hippe 2018</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-040" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-040"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Galor, Moav and Vollrath</span>Galor et al. 2009</a>). Hence, rising urban elites may be willing to shoulder a higher tax burden through progressive direct taxation in order to fund public goods that increase industrial output (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-006" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-006"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ansell and Samuels</span>Ansell and Samuels 2014</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-011" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-011"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers</span>Beramendi et al. 2019</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-054" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-054"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hollenbach</span>Hollenbach 2021</a>). However, the spending pressures caused by industrialization do not always result in the expansion of taxation. Rather, an increase in tax revenue is possible only where new capitalist elites can translate their economic power into political influence (e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-032" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-032"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Emmenegger, Leemann and Walter</span>Emmenegger, Leemann, and Walter 2021</a>).<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-25" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-25"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">25</sup></a></p><p class="p">Likewise, the nature of the tax base may influence the incentives for both rulers and taxpayers to bargain around exchanging representation for resources. Actors with more mobile assets, for example, are more likely to be granted government benefits and a voice in government decisions in exchange for revenue (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-010" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-010"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Bates and Lien</span>Bates and Lien 1985</a>), while actors with less mobile assets, notably agriculture and mining, may find themselves held hostage: the fixed nature of their assets means they cannot withdraw if the exchange with the state becomes unfavorable (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-121" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-121"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Zolberg</span>Zolberg 1980</a>). Historically, in fact, rural elites have been rather successful at blocking unilateral extraction on the part of the state – a capability attributed to both de jure political institutions that overweight their preferences and de facto forms of power that impede meaningful political change (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-002" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-002"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Acemoglu and Robinson</span>Acemoglu and Robinson 2006</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-005" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-005"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Alston and Ferrie</span>Alston and Ferrie 2007</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-120" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-120"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ziblatt</span>Ziblatt 2009</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-004" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-004"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Albertus and Menaldo</span>Albertus and Menaldo 2014</a>).</p><p class="p">The emergence of fiscal bargains also depends, in part, on the availability of alternative sources of revenue. Rulers enjoying large nontax incomes from natural resource rents, access to loans, large inflows of aid, or the exploitation of state property – such as railways, post offices, or mines – may be less compelled to exchange representation for resources (as summarized in <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-093" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-093"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ross</span>Ross</a> [<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-093" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-093"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ross</span>2015</a>]).</p><p class="p">Finally, another relevant strand in the literature explains the rise and fall of progressive taxation as a function of ethnic solidarity in a context of salient class and racial cleavages – conditions that clearly characterized the American South. <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-067" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-067"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Lieberman</span>Lieberman (2003)</a>, for example, argues that the political exclusion of Blacks in apartheid South Africa prompted the emergence of a cross-class coalition among Whites in which progressive taxes and spending went hand <span class="page-marker"></span>in hand. <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-102" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-102"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Suryanarayan and White</span>Suryanarayan and White (2021)</a>, by contrast, set forth the conditions that generate intra-ethnic solidarity with the aim of undermining taxation and bureaucratic capacity. Specifically, they contend that the expansion of the franchise to African Americans in the United States threatened the prevailing vertical racial order and gave rise to a cross-class coalition among Whites that weakened taxation and state capacity where the legacy of slavery was strongest. In particular, the authors claim that intra-White inequality was a key determinant of tax patterns following the Civil War. Our empirical analysis will engage with Lieberman’s alternative explanation and address the threat to inference posed by the potential omitted variable highlighted by <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-102" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-102"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Suryanarayan and White</span>Suryanarayan and White</a>.</p><p class="p">Missing in this rich literature, however, is an explanation for (and examples of) rural elites’ support for (self-)taxation in contexts where they already have representation, and indeed may be the uncontested incumbent power holders with no challengers on the horizon, something our analysis provides.</p></div><div class="sec" id="B-sec-4" data-magellan-destination="B-sec-4"><h4 class="B title"><span class="label">2.2</span> The Argument </h4><p class="p">We argue that three conditions are pivotal to determining rural elites’ preferences over public finance and, in particular, their willingness to tax themselves when they are in power. First, rural elites must value some “public good” that the state can produce at a lower cost than they can provide privately.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-26" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-26"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">26</sup></a> While obtaining benefits from spending is a necessary condition for self-taxation, as others have highlighted (e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-107" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-107"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Timmons</span>Timmons 2005</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-011" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-011"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers</span>Beramendi et al. 2019</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-054" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-054"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hollenbach</span>Hollenbach 2021</a>), we claim it is not sufficient.</p><p class="p">Second, unlike other groups, rural elites must have relatively exclusive control over, if not an outright monopoly on, political power, rather than just representation. Their reluctance to accept taxes amidst shared governance stems from several factors. Their assets are highly specific, visible, not particularly mobile, and disproportionately valuable. They thus have fewer exit options and are more exposed to taxation and expropriation. Furthermore, their preferences over spending are often vastly different from that of other groups in society. Specific goods, such as public education, sanitation, or urban infrastructure, could undermine the economic system that undergirds their rent generation. Finally, because they are a numerically small group, many sets of voting rights can prove unfavorable. Given these characteristics, governing <span class="page-marker"></span>coalitions may find it challenging to credibly commit to not expropriating rural elites, especially in the event of an exogenous shift in power.</p><p class="p">Third, besides exclusive political control in the present, elites must believe that their power will remain unchallenged: assured future political dominance minimizes the chances that the enhanced extractive tools of the state will be used to expropriate their wealth later. Our logic is similar to that of <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-014" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-014"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Besley and Persson</span>Besley and Persson (2011)</a>, in that political stability lengthens rulers’ time horizon. However, where their model predicts that stability leads to investments via taxation on non-ruling groups (“redistributive state”), our argument posits that when political elites are asset owners with strong demands for public goods, stability eliminates the commitment problem, paving the way to increase self-taxation.</p><p class="p">In other words, rural elites may be less likely to rely on the state for collective goods and, as economic actors that derive power from the control of valuable economic resources that are especially vulnerable to taxation, they may be more attuned to time-consistency problems. However, if they desire public goods in which the state has a comparative advantage, and they feel secure about their monopoly on power, they have incentives to tax themselves.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-27" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-27"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">27</sup></a> These empirical conditions mean that rural elites’ threshold for agreeing to voluntary taxation will be relatively high.</p><p class="p">A corollary of our argument is that elites have self-enforcing incentives to refrain from imposing hefty taxes on other social groups, so long as such taxes could generate counter-reactions that might threaten their monopoly on power.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-28" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-28"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">28</sup></a> We contend that Southern elites did, in fact, face formidable technical and political barriers to shifting an increased burden onto other groups. First, the urban/manufacturing sector was small, even by the end of the period. At the same time, netting tax revenue from yeoman farmers and peasants is notoriously daunting (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-079" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-079"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Moore, Deborah Braütigam, Fjeldstad and Moore</span>Moore 2008</a>): the lack of formal records of economic transactions, the seasonality and instability of farm production, the generally low levels of cash income, and the paucity of wealth outside of the plantation economy meant, in all likelihood, that a considerable amount of revenue would have been absorbed by the collection costs.</p><p class="p">Second, coercive taxation, especially if arbitrary and capricious, should stimulate tax resistance, migration toward less extortionate jurisdictions, demands <span class="page-marker"></span>for representation, and pressure to change the institutions that determine fiscal policies. Thanks to the work of historians (e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-037" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-037"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Foner</span>Foner 2014</a>), and social scientists (e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-018" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-018"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chacón and Jensen</span>Chacón and Jensen 2020b</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-070" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-070"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Logan</span>Logan 2020</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-102" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-102"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Suryanarayan and White</span>Suryanarayan and White 2021</a>), we know that redistributive taxes and spending during Reconstruction generated a violent elite-led backlash that undermined the tax system by targeting the electoral and bureaucratic institutions from which it emerged.</p><p class="p">Coercive taxation on non-elite groups in the South presented its own complications. First, non-elite Southern Whites were sufficiently mobile and numerous to pose problems if angered. Indeed, the threat of migration was not just hypothetical. According to the 1860 Census, approximately 25 percent of the Whites born in the original Southern states, as well as those born in later-admitted slave states, such as Alabama, Kentucky, and Tennessee, had migrated out of these states. Furthermore, outside of large cities, such as Baltimore, New Orleans, and St. Louis, Southern states received few European immigrants during the various waves of immigration. Out-migration of both Blacks and Whites accelerated after the Civil War, with White migration especially intense in the first two decades following the conflict. Second, anti-elite political movements were a recurring phenomenon (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-061" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-061"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Kousser</span>Kousser 1974</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-055" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-055"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hyman</span>Hyman 1989</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-051" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-051"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hahn</span>Hahn 2006</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-038" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-038"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Gailmard and Jenkins</span>Gailmard and Jenkins 2018</a>), which culminated in the 1880s and 1890s when populists threatened Democratic Party rule in many Southern states (e.g., Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia). Excessive taxes on lower-income Whites or urban areas could have enhanced prospects of a class-based Black-White alliance after the Civil War, which would have eroded uncontested planter political control. In fact, these are not mere conjectures: working-class Black-White coalitions did win control of state governments in Virginia (early 1880s) and North Carolina (mid-1890s) and fell just short in several other states (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-082" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-082"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Perman</span>Perman 2003</a>). In sum, in certain places and time periods, Southern rural elites had the capacity and motivation to embrace self-taxation; in other places and time periods, they had the incentive and power to fight redistributive taxes.</p></div></div><div class="sec" id="A-sec-5" data-magellan-destination="A-sec-5"><h3 class="A title"><span class="label">3</span> Data and Empirical Strategy </h3><p class="p">We created an original annual data set of state-level taxation between 1820 and 1910 across fourteen Southern states to assess our hypothesis about the relationship between rural elite power and fiscal outcomes.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-29" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-29"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">29</sup></a> We located auditor, comptroller, and US Treasury reports for as many years as possible from each state. We intentionally excluded the Civil War and pre-Congressional <span class="page-marker"></span>Reconstruction years from 1861 to 1867.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-30" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-30"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">30</sup></a> With these years omitted and accounting for the three states that entered after 1820, our sample comprises 1,146 possible state-years. From these reports, we extracted the total tax revenues collected into the state treasury, as well as tax revenues by type. These include property taxes, poll taxes, occupation and licensing fees, business taxes (e.g., on banks and insurance companies), and miscellaneous taxes, such as those on the sale of liquor and fertilizer.</p><div class="sec" id="B-sec-5" data-magellan-destination="B-sec-5"><h4 class="B title"><span class="label">3.1</span> Property Taxes between 1820 and 1910 </h4><p class="p">Our primary variable of interest is the annual amount of property taxes levied and collected. We focus on this particular tax for two reasons. First, property taxes accounted for the majority of tax revenues for most state-years in our data set, especially after 1840. In a sample of approximately 800 state-years in which we have both property taxes and total tax revenues, property taxes accounted for roughly 74 percent of total state tax revenues.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-31" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-31"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">31</sup></a> Second, unlike regressive taxation such as liquor taxes, poll (capitation) taxes, and occupational licenses, these taxes fell most heavily on the same small, rural, planter elite that dominated Southern politics (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-118" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-118"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wright</span>Wright 1978</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-104" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-104"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Thornton, J. Morgan Kousser and James</span>Thornton 1982</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-090" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-090"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ransom and Sutch</span>Ransom and Sutch 2001</a>). We provide additional support for this claim, as well as a short overview of property tax liabilities, assessment, and collection.</p><p class="p">Property tax systems evolved considerably during the period under study. The systems that emerged during the colonial and early postindependence periods were rudimentary (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-031" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-031"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Einhorn</span>Einhorn 2006</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-087" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-087"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Rabushka</span>Rabushka 2010</a>). While property taxes were a sizeable portion of tax revenues, they rarely entailed an attempt to assess systematically each individual household’s value of real estate and personal property. Instead, certain taxable property (e.g., farm animals and equipment, slaves, etc.) was assessed on a fixed per-item basis, meaning that items with very different economic values could face similar liabilities. Land was typically assigned to a few categories based primarily on its geographic location (i.e., soil, access to navigable water, etc.) and then charged a differential per-acre rate.</p><p class="p">Following developments that began in Missouri in the 1820s, Southern states began adopting property tax systems in which the same ad valorem rate (uniformity) was applied to all private property (universality). This entailed the creation of a much more sophisticated tax collection infrastructure that could <span class="page-marker"></span>assess the value of all taxable property. As <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-031" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-031"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Einhorn</span>Einhorn (2006</a>): p. 242 details, the transition to uniform property tax systems was politically contested, as rural elites (successfully) fought “to limit the taxes that majorities could impose on them.”<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-32" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-32"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">32</sup></a> By 1860, all fourteen states had adopted an ad valorem property tax system for land and other non-enslaved personal property and only five continued to use capitation taxes for slaves. The new state governments created by the Reconstruction Acts each adopted a uniform property tax system for all taxable property, and this system remained in place throughout the remainder of the period of our study.</p><p class="p">As property tax systems became more sophisticated, and the structure of the economy developed, more classes of assets were included in assessed wealth. By the 1840s, most states included the value of money (deposits in banks), bonds (and to a lesser extent stocks), the value of commercial merchandise, and household items, such as jewelry, gold and silver watches, and furniture. In the postwar period, the property tax system enlarged to include the value of capital in banks, the assessed value of railroads, and manufacturing; there were even attempts to include intangible assets, such as patents and copyrights. Small exemptions (e.g., church property, the first $200–500, or 100 head of cattle) were common throughout the period.</p><p class="p">The assessment of the value of taxable property was in the hands of local officials, and these valuations were used for property taxes at all levels (state, county, municipality, and special-purpose, such as school and levee districts). While local officials had the incentive to undervalue the assessments compared to true market values, the strategic under-assessment of property values was not a South-specific problem; it was endemic across the entire United States (e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-098" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-098"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Seligman</span>Seligman 1969</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-111" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-111"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Vollrath</span>Vollrath 2013</a>).</p><div class="sec" id="C-sec-1" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-1"><h5 class="C title"><span class="label">3.1.1</span> Empirical Measures of Property Taxes </h5><p class="p">Our main measure of property taxes uses a combination of property taxes levied and collected. For the prewar period, the reports were much less detailed and few provided the amount of property taxes levied. Given the paucity of data on prewar property taxes levied (not to mention assessments of the value of taxable property), our prewar property taxes are primarily those collected into the treasury each year. For the postwar years, we generally use the amount of property taxes levied. This information is commonly provided in each report, and tables of annual property taxes levied for long periods (which increase our <span class="page-marker"></span>coverage) are often included. More importantly, it became typical that some state property taxes, especially those levied specifically for common schools (as pre-high school public schools were then called), were not received by the state treasury and therefore not recorded in our measure of property taxes collected. We think it is important to include all property taxes levied by the state government. We believe our measure of property taxes is comparable across states and periods, since we know of no instances in the prewar period in which state-levied property taxes did not go into the state treasury.</p><p class="p">In general, we have excellent coverage across states and time in annual property taxes. For the 1,146 possible state-years in our sample, we have collected property taxes for 919 of them. For the eleven states that existed in 1820, there are 87 possible state-years each. We have at least 54 observations for each of them.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-33" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-33"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">33</sup></a> Unsurprisingly, the completeness of data improves over time. In the 1820s, we have property taxes for 45 of 110 possible state-years.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-34" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-34"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">34</sup></a> We have 64 of the possible 114 state-years in the 1830s. For the 1850s, we have 117 of 140 possible data points. We have 133 of 140 possible state-years in the last decade of our sample.</p><p class="p">The period of our study, especially after the Panic of 1873, was characterized by substantial deflation. As a result, our measure of property taxes (as well as all <span class="page-marker"></span>variables collected in nominal dollars) is reported in deflated values.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-35" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-35"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">35</sup></a> <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-3" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-3">Figure 3</a> shows the total property taxes in each state between 1820 and 1910. We smooth it using a three-year rolling average.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-3" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-3"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig3.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-87510-optimisedImage-png-45405fig3.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-62645-smallThumb-png-45405fig3.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-32117-largeThumb-png-45405fig3.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-94894-mediumThumb-png-45405fig3.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 3</span> Total property taxes by state (million, real $), 1820–1910 three-year moving average</p> </div></div></section><p class="p">We normalize this measure of property taxes in two ways. First, we divide it by each state’s White population. We use White population rather than total population because even in the post-emancipation period, Whites owned almost all of the taxable property in Southern states.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-36" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-36"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">36</sup></a> The denominator is created using census data for each decade from 1820 to 1910 and performing linear interpolation for the intervening years.</p><p class="p"><a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-4" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-4">Figure 4</a> shows the average across these fourteen states for property taxes per White capita (PWC) from 1820 to 1910. Initially, property taxes PWC were low, especially in the 1830s. They rose rapidly between the early 1840s and the onset of the Civil War in 1861. We see that they continued to rise during Reconstruction only to decline significantly once Reconstruction ends. The post–Black disenfranchisement or Jim Crow period saw the resumption <span class="page-marker"></span>of rapidly rising property taxes PWC. <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-5" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-5">Figure 5</a> shows the amount of property taxes PWC by state from 1820 and 1910.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-4" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-4"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig4.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-10251-largeThumb-png-45405fig4.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-84605-smallThumb-png-45405fig4.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-41680-mediumThumb-png-45405fig4.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-16701-optimisedImage-png-45405fig4.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 4</span> Property taxes per White capita (real $), 1820–1910 three-year moving average</p> </div></div></section><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-5" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-5"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig5.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-80335-mediumThumb-png-45405fig5.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-47619-largeThumb-png-45405fig5.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-97990-smallThumb-png-45405fig5.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-71152-optimisedImage-png-45405fig5.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 5</span> Property taxes per White capita by state (real $), 1820–1910</p> </div></div></section><p class="p">Our second measure normalizes property taxes by the value of total agricultural and manufacturing output, as collected by each census between 1840 and 1910.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-37" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-37"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">37</sup></a> This attempts to measure taxes as a share of economic output.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-38" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-38"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">38</sup></a> As with the White population, we perform linear interpolation for the values between each census observation.</p><p class="p"><a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-6" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-6">Figure 6</a> shows the average across these fourteen states for this measure. The primary difference is that rising taxation at the end of our period only keeps pace with rising economic output. <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-7" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-7">Figure 7</a> shows property taxes as a share of output in each state.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-6" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-6"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig6.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-36471-smallThumb-png-45405fig6.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-42145-largeThumb-png-45405fig6.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-17775-mediumThumb-png-45405fig6.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-00972-optimisedImage-png-45405fig6.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 6</span> Property taxes/agricultural and manufacturing output, 1840–1910 three-year moving average</p> </div></div></section><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-7" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-7"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig7.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-40050-largeThumb-png-45405fig7.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-80227-optimisedImage-png-45405fig7.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-77447-smallThumb-png-45405fig7.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-99849-mediumThumb-png-45405fig7.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 7</span> Property taxes/agricultural and manufacturing output by state, 1840–1910</p> </div></div></section></div><div class="sec" id="C-sec-2" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-2"><h5 class="C title"><span class="label">3.1.2</span> Ad Valorem Property Tax Rates </h5><p class="p">We complement our main measure of property taxes levied or collected with the ad valorem rates applied each year to taxable property. In the postwar period, this measure is straightforward. The Reconstruction conventions of 1867/8 established equal and uniform property tax systems in each Southern state. The ad valorem rate, therefore, is just the annual ad valorem rate as determined by <span class="page-marker"></span>the state government.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-39" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-39"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">39</sup></a> We use this annual rate for each year in the postwar period.</p><p class="p">It is more difficult to report a consistent measure of property tax rates across each Southern state between 1820 and 1860. As mentioned, most states began <span class="page-marker"></span>the period setting fixed amounts to taxable property (e.g., land taxed by category, capitation taxes on slaves based on gender and age, fixed amounts for farm animals). By 1860, nine of the fourteen states had adopted systems that closely resembled the uniform property tax systems implemented during Reconstruction. We exclude states prior to their establishing uniform and universal property tax systems, so some states are not included in this measure during the prewar period. Furthermore, some changes over time in the average property tax rate during this period reflect composition effects, as states enter the data set only when they established a uniform property tax system.</p><p class="p"><a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-8" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-8">Figure 8</a> shows the average ad valorem property tax rates across states between 1840 and 1910.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-40" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-40"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">40</sup></a> The pattern is strongly consistent with property taxes PWC and as a share of output as shown in Figures <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-4" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-4">4</a> and <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-6" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-6">6</a>, respectively. It suggests that the increases in property taxes observed in the immediate prewar, Reconstruction, and Jim Crow periods, respectively, were due to the choice to increase property taxes; this is similarly true for the periods of declining property taxes.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-8" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-8"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig8.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-44743-largeThumb-png-45405fig8.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-16285-smallThumb-png-45405fig8.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-46353-optimisedImage-png-45405fig8.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-60918-mediumThumb-png-45405fig8.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 8</span> Ad valorem property rate, 1840–1910 three-year moving average</p> </div></div></section></div><div class="sec" id="C-sec-3" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-3"><h5 class="C title"><span class="label">3.1.3</span> Property Tax Incidence </h5><p class="p">The extreme wealth inequality of the South, combined with exemptions and the fact that most wealth was tied to slaves (pre-1860) and land meant that <span class="page-marker"></span>property taxes were probably mildly to extremely progressive, with much of the burden falling on planters (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-118" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-118"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wright</span>Wright 1978</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-104" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-104"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Thornton, J. Morgan Kousser and James</span>Thornton 1982</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-089" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-089"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ransom</span>Ransom 2001</a>). Although we lack the individual-level data necessary to confirm this supposition, we were able to decompose the property tax burden by economic sectors and by geographic regions within states to get a sense of whether the tax burden was shifted to urban areas or to rural areas disproportionately inhabited by poor Whites.</p><p class="p"><a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-9" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-9">Figure 9</a> shows the proportion of total property taxes paid by the rural sector between the mid-1840s and 1910 for the eight states (Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Tennessee) where we can decompose tax burdens by sector – urban, rural, or undefined – across time.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-41" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-41"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">41</sup></a> The figure includes the rural tax share and a second line for the agricultural share of total output (comprising agricultural and manufacturing activities). Several things are worth noting. First, taxes on rural land and slaves alone exceeded 75 percent of the prewar property tax take on average across <span class="page-marker"></span>the eight states. Second, while the average share of agricultural output in these eight states falls from almost 90 percent in 1850 to less than 50 percent by 1910, the share of property taxes paid by the rural sector in these states closely mirrors its share of output throughout the entire period. Third, the rural share of property taxes diverges the most from the output share line when the planters are at their least powerful politically (during Reconstruction).</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-9" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-9"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig9.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-17379-largeThumb-png-45405fig9.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-49920-optimisedImage-png-45405fig9.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-45971-smallThumb-png-45405fig9.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-25006-mediumThumb-png-45405fig9.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 9</span> Agricultural output and exclusively rural share of property taxes (%) eight-state average 1846–1910</p> </div></div></section><p class="p"><a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-10" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-10">Figure 10</a> shows the share of total property taxes falling explicitly on urban/industrialist assets together with the manufacturing share of total output. While the share of property taxes borne by this emerging sector rises over time, it clearly does not keep pace with the industrial share of output, particularly after rural elites regain uncontested control in the late nineteenth century. Furthermore, the urban sector pays its highest share (and the rural sector its lowest share) relative to the trends in output shares during Reconstruction, precisely the period in which rural elites’ control was weakest. Combined, these two figures give no indication that changes in the levels of property taxes can be attributed to the ability of rural elites to disproportionately pass the burden onto the emerging industrial sector.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-10" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-10"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig10.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-89363-mediumThumb-png-45405fig10.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-19340-optimisedImage-png-45405fig10.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-31204-largeThumb-png-45405fig10.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-43714-smallThumb-png-45405fig10.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 10</span> Manufacturing output and exclusively urban share of property taxes (%) eight-state average, 1846–1910</p> </div></div></section><p class="p">In a separate test, we examine the distribution of state property taxes levied in each county. We find that the association between Black population share and these taxes is not only consistently positive and statistically significant in each decade between 1860 and 1910, but also remarkably stable over time. The fact that the coefficients are strongly positive (and not negative or indistinguishable from zero) indicates that the spatial distribution of the tax burden remained <span class="page-marker"></span>skewed toward areas with a higher Black population share, which were also the areas inhabited by relatively wealthier rural Whites.</p><p class="p">Finally, one concern may be that enslavers used the adoption of a uniform tax system to pass the incidence of taxation onto the assets of non-rural elites. We have the property tax by sector for three states before and after they switched to a full ad valorem uniform/universal property tax system (Florida, Georgia, and Louisiana). The rural sector’s share of property taxes increased from 82 percent to 92 percent in Florida, and from 69 percent to 77 percent in Georgia; in Louisiana, the share remained unchanged at exactly 79 percent.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-42" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-42"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">42</sup></a></p></div></div><div class="sec" id="B-sec-6" data-magellan-destination="B-sec-6"><h4 class="B title"><span class="label">3.2</span> Other Measures of Taxation </h4><p class="p">As mentioned, we also collected several other measures of taxation. Specifically, we include the total amount of tax revenues collected annually into the state treasury (1820–1910), poll tax rates levied (1820–1910), and total state and local property taxes levied between 1860 and 1910. These data show us the importance of focusing on property taxes to understand the incidence of taxation in the South between 1820 and 1910. We describe each of these measures in this section.</p><div class="sec" id="C-sec-4" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-4"><h5 class="C title"><span class="label">3.2.1</span> Total State Tax Revenues Collected </h5><p class="p">The first measure is the total amount of tax revenues collected each year into each state treasury. In addition to property taxes, this measure often includes poll taxes, occupation and licensing taxes (i.e., a license to operate a billiards hall or sell pianos), liquor taxes, and bank, insurance, and business taxes, among others. As stated, we prefer to focus on property taxes for two interdependent reasons. For one, we are interested in the incidence of direct taxation borne primarily by the rich, which included the relatively small planter elite that dominated Southern politics. Focusing on property taxes is also appropriate because they comprised most of total state taxes in this period (roughly 74 percent of total tax revenues).<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-43" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-43"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">43</sup></a></p></div><div class="sec" id="C-sec-5" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-5"><h5 class="C title"><span class="label">3.2.2</span> Total State and Local Property Taxes Levied </h5><p class="p">We are, however, interested in the amount of property taxes levied by substate governments as well (i.e., counties, municipalities, and school districts). Unlike <span class="page-marker"></span>Northern states, where local taxation was much higher than state taxes (and was rising throughout the period of our study), taxation was much more centralized in Southern states, presumably reflecting the influence the small planter elite had not only over Southern politics but also over state constitutional design (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-073" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-073"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Margo</span>Margo 2007</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-043" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-043"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Sun and Lindert</span>Go and Lindert 2010</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-017" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-017"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chacón and Jensen</span>Chacón and Jensen 2020a</a>). The amount of local taxation was strictly limited, and in many cases prohibited (e.g., for school purposes).</p><p class="p">Nonetheless, the levying of local property taxes occurred in each state. Unfortunately, no Southern state provided the amount of local taxation levied, especially not in a consistent, complete, or systematic way. We therefore rely on US Census <em class="italic">Wealth, Debt, and Taxation</em> reports from 1860 to 1912 for the amount of property taxes levied at the substate level approximately once every ten years. While much less complete than our state-level data, these data can tell us whether substitution effects contribute to the observed patterns in our state-level property tax data, rather than the factors emphasized by our argument. In general, during this period, local taxes rose rapidly in the rest of the United States while state taxation either stagnated or even declined (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-112" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-112"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wallis</span>Wallis 2000</a>). Thus, it is plausible that our argument for why state-level property taxes declined in some periods may be capturing national trends.</p><p class="p">As before, we normalize this measure of total property taxes levied by the White population and by agricultural and manufacturing output. The figures for each measure between 1860 and 1910 are shown in <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-11" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-11">Figures 11</a> and <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-12" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-12">12</a>, <span class="page-marker"></span>respectively. While we are unable to assess the prewar trends, postwar total state and local property taxes levied PWC and as a share of output, strongly resemble the patterns witnessed in state property taxes. Thus, despite growing urbanization and industrialization – especially in a few states with rapidly growing urban areas, such as Louisiana (New Orleans), Maryland (Baltimore), and Missouri (St. Louis, Kansas City) – it appears that the factors influencing state taxation were likely similar to those determining local property taxation.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-11" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-11"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig11.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-64707-optimisedImage-png-45405fig11.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-42472-smallThumb-png-45405fig11.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-88651-largeThumb-png-45405fig11.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-53238-mediumThumb-png-45405fig11.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 11</span> Local and state taxes/White population (real $, fourteen-state average), 1860–1910</p> </div></div></section><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-12" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-12"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig12.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-21471-optimisedImage-png-45405fig12.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-49320-mediumThumb-png-45405fig12.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-09965-largeThumb-png-45405fig12.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-52091-smallThumb-png-45405fig12.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 12</span> Local and state taxes as a share of agricultural and manufacturing output (fourteen-state average), 1860–1910</p> </div></div></section></div><div class="sec" id="C-sec-6" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-6"><h5 class="C title"><span class="label">3.2.3</span> Poll Tax Rates </h5><p class="p">Last, we collected the poll tax rate levied on eligible adult males in each state between 1820 and 1910, which we use as a generic proxy for taxes on lower-income groups. Poll or capitation taxes are highly regressive (as an equal tax is levied on each eligible resident regardless of means), and a few states (e.g., Maryland) constitutionally forbid them.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-44" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-44"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">44</sup></a> During the period under consideration, most states constitutionally required that poll tax revenues be used only on common schools in the county in which they were collected (except <span class="page-marker"></span>Texas, which allowed one-third of poll tax revenues to be used for general revenue). In most states, state treasurers did not collect the tax, and in no case did we include them with property or state tax totals. In the 1890s (Jim Crow), Southern states began instituting specific links between poll tax payments and voting rights, disenfranchising thousands of potential voters, notably Blacks.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-45" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-45"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">45</sup></a></p><p class="p">Importantly, the types of tax-vote links that emerged in the South during Jim Crow are fundamentally different from those observed in other settings, such as the Prussian case studied by <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-071" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-071"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mares and Queralt</span>Mares and Queralt (2015)</a>, as are their implications for elite incentives. During the period of our study (1820–1910), most Southern states did not have electoral rules that conditioned voting rights on tax payments and, when they did, the right to vote was tied to the payment of the poll tax – which is not a property tax, and therefore not part of our dependent variable.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-46" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-46"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">46</sup></a> According to Mares and Queralt, the presence of a vote-tax link increases the incentives of elites to raise those taxes that condition political participation in order to disenfranchise the poor. In the US South, rural elites restricted political participation of low-income groups, targeting Blacks in particular, through a variety of mechanisms unrelated to the property tax. Furthermore, the poll tax was a trivial source of revenue.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-47" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-47"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">47</sup></a> In other words, our argument and evidence elucidate why agrarian elites increased taxation on themselves even when these taxes could not be used as barriers to political participation.</p><p class="p">This measure of poll tax rates attempts to capture whether rises or declines in property taxes, which are borne primarily by a small elite, accompany changes in poll taxes, which fall most heavily on the electorate more broadly. Since the rate reflects a monetary value, we deflate this measure. States that did not levy a poll tax are coded as zero.</p><p class="p"><a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-13" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-13">Figure 13</a> shows the average poll tax across these states from 1820 to 1910. Poll taxes on Whites are significantly lower in the prewar period. In the postwar period, when these taxes were primarily allocated to common schools, they are <span class="page-marker"></span>higher but unchanging.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-48" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-48"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">48</sup></a> It is evident that changes in poll tax rates do not follow the patterns exhibited by property taxes, ad valorem property tax rates, or total tax revenues.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-13" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-13"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig13.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-59366-largeThumb-png-45405fig13.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-43516-mediumThumb-png-45405fig13.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-50892-optimisedImage-png-45405fig13.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-55868-smallThumb-png-45405fig13.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 13</span> Poll tax rate (fourteen-state average), 1820–1910 three-year moving average</p> </div></div></section></div></div><div class="sec" id="B-sec-7" data-magellan-destination="B-sec-7"><h4 class="B title"><span class="label">3.3</span> Other Data </h4><p class="p">We briefly describe other data used to assess our argument.</p><div class="sec" id="C-sec-7" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-7"><h5 class="C title"><span class="label">3.3.1</span> Public Spending and Collective Goods </h5><p class="p">Our argument states that elites will support increasing property taxation if they have political control <em class="italic">and</em> valuable collective goods exist that can further their economic interests. Thus, any test of our argument must include evidence on the <em class="italic">types</em> of spending in which the state was engaged. While not as complete as our taxation data, we include two measures of collective goods that elites clearly valued in particular periods of our study. For the prewar period, we examine public spending on railroads. In the post-Reconstruction period, we use an original data set of state public spending on colleges and universities between 1880 and 1910. We contrast this with public spending on a redistributive good that should be more coveted by poorer residents: state spending on common schools. We describe each of these measures in more detail in what follows.</p></div><div class="sec" id="C-sec-8" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-8"><h5 class="C title"><span class="label">3.3.2</span> Demographic, Economic, and Political Variables </h5><p class="p">We use several additional demographic, economic, and political variables primarily as controls. Most controls come from the various decennial censuses between 1820 and 1910. These include once-a-decade values for population (White, Black, and enslaved until 1860), the urbanization rate (share of a state’s residents living in cities of 2,500 or more people), and economic output (agriculture and manufacturing). For each measure, we use linear interpolation for the non-decennial years. From <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-028" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-028"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Dubin</span>Dubin (2007)</a>, we created several measures of partisan competition and composition of each state’s legislature over time. Appendix B details each variable (i.e., sources and operationalization).</p></div></div></div><div class="sec" id="A-sec-6" data-magellan-destination="A-sec-6"><h3 class="A title"><span class="label">4</span> Property Taxes before the Civil War </h3><p class="p">We first test our argument about the importance of political control for elites and their demand for collective goods in the prewar period. We exploit the presence of a lasting international commodity price shock, which increased the value of production and therefore the demand for capital-intensive infrastructure by slaveholding elites. The key to increasing production was constructing a railroad network that would allow for the cultivation of lands that were too far from navigable water to profitably use enslaved labor. This would require extensive increases in public revenues to finance such a network in the vast and sparsely populated South. We contend that elites will support increasing taxation only if they control spending <em class="italic">and</em> this control of political power is likely to persist. We argue that variation across states in state legislative apportionment rules – which gave disproportionate influence to large slaveholders in the legislatures of some states but not others – meant that elites in the malapportioned states enjoyed greater political control and would therefore have stronger incentives to support increasing taxation.</p><p class="p">Indeed, we show that: 1) the rise in property tax revenues PWC and as a share of output, respectively, were substantially higher in states where legislative malapportionment provided the plantation class with a firmer grip on enduring political power; 2) property tax rates in the malapportioned states (MS) rose faster than those in the non-malapportioned states (NMS); 3) regressive poll taxes, which were levied more broadly across the White population, did not increase faster in the MS; and 4) increased revenue was allocated toward collective goods that furthered the economic interests of slaveholders (railroads) and not toward goods (public education) that would benefit the White population more generally.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-49" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-49"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">49</sup></a></p><div class="sec" id="B-sec-8" data-magellan-destination="B-sec-8"><h4 class="B title"><span class="label">4.1</span> Property Taxes between 1820 and 1860 </h4><p class="p">Our period begins in the 1820s, at which point there were eleven Southern states. As chattel slavery moved westward into the Southwest Territory (area won in the 1783 Treaty of Paris from the UK) and the newly acquired Louisiana Purchase (area acquired from France in 1803), the original five coastal British colonies were joined as states by Kentucky (1792), Tennessee (1796), Louisiana (1812), Mississippi (1816), Alabama (1819), and Missouri (1821). As shown in <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-4" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-4">Figure 4</a>, property taxes PWC collected in the 1820s were low compared to any time after 1845. Beyond some critical functions, such as courts and the enforcement of enslaved property rights (i.e., regulation of slave patrols and the state militia), the infrastructural capacity of these states was minimal and the governments did relatively little. There was very little systematic funding for public education or infrastructure such as canals and turnpikes.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-50" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-50"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">50</sup></a></p><p class="p">Yet, even at this low level of public spending, property taxes on average would decline even further in the 1830s. In an economic boom spurred on by substantial land speculation and a commodity bubble, state governments found alternative nontax sources of revenue. In particular, states successfully used their monopoly power on the incorporation of banks to generate rent profits that poured into the state treasury as dividends (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-113" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-113"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wallis</span>Wallis 2005</a>). In addition to revenues gained from taxes on and dividends from state banks, substantial additional revenues came from land sales, loans, and even briefly the surplus revenue paid out by the federal government in 1836. These temporary windfalls even led some states, such as Alabama, Georgia, and Maryland, to eliminate property taxes altogether. The loans taken on by Southern states in particular financed so-called land banks, used primarily by enslavers to finance the speculative boom in land and slaves of this period (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-113" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-113"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wallis</span>Wallis 2005</a>).</p><p class="p">The Panic of 1837 ushered in roughly seven years of deflationary and economically depressed conditions. The long-lasting downturn caused debt defaults across the economy, including on the state debt of four Southern states (Arkansas, Louisiana, Maryland, and Mississippi), as well as the territory of Florida. Sources of nontax revenue evaporated and states needed to raise tax revenues to finance their debts and fund government operations.</p><p class="p">While the increase in property taxes between the mid-1840s and the onset of the Civil War that is apparent in Figures <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-4" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-4">4</a> and <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-6" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-6">6</a> may capture some of the need to finance debts, this period also coincided with a substantial increase <span class="page-marker"></span>across Southern states in public spending on railroads (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-052" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-052"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Heath</span>Heath 1950</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-033" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-033"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Fishlow</span>Fishlow 1965</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-047" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-047"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Goodrich</span>Goodrich 1974</a>). In turn, this period witnessed a sustained boom in the international demand for Southern cash crops that relied on enslaved labor, notably cotton. In both New Orleans and Liverpool, the primary international market for cotton, the price of “Middling American cotton” and sugar more than doubled between the mid-1840s and late 1850s. Tobacco prices in Liverpool rose more than threefold between 1843 and 1857 (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-048" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-048"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Gray and Thompson</span>Gray and Thompson 1933</a>, p. 492, 1026, 1033–1038). <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-14" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-14">Figure 14</a> shows how the rising demand for Southern export crops affected commodity prices between 1840 and 1860. Specifically, <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-14" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-14">Figure 14</a> (a) shows the five-year moving average of cotton prices in New Orleans from 1840 and 1860; <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-14" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-14">Figure 14</a> (b) shows the five-year moving average of a commodity index reflecting variation in cotton, sugar, and tobacco prices over the same period.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-14" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-14"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig14.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-85810-mediumThumb-png-45405fig14.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-36056-smallThumb-png-45405fig14.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-03803-largeThumb-png-45405fig14.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-04892-optimisedImage-png-45405fig14.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 14</span> Cotton prices ($) and Commodity Price Index, 1840–1860 (five-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section><p class="p">These price increases coincided with a production boom in these crops. Southern cotton production exceeded 2.2 billion pounds in 1860, up from less than 800 million in 1840. Sugar production also nearly tripled over this period (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-048" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-048"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Gray and Thompson</span>Gray and Thompson 1933</a>, p. 1033), while tobacco exports rose almost fivefold (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-048" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-048"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Gray and Thompson</span>Gray and Thompson 1933</a>, pp. 1033–1036).</p><p class="p">Surging international prices and rapidly rising production enriched the relatively small group of Southern enslavers. For instance, the value of cotton exports rose from approximately $50,000,000 in 1846 to nearly $200,000,000 by 1860 (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-080" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-080"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference North</span>North 1960</a>, p. 233).<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-51" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-51"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">51</sup></a> As stated by <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-089" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-089"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ransom</span>Ransom (2001)</a>, “There could <span class="page-marker"></span>be little doubt that the prosperity of the slave economy rested on its ability to produce cotton more efficiently than any other region of the world.” In turn, international demand for cash crops and the increased ability of Southern enslavers to meet this demand strongly influenced the value of their enslaved property. To wit, the late 1830s and 1840s depression in cotton prices was followed by declines in the average value of slaves, as captured by prices of major Southern slave auctions. As shown in <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-15" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-15">Figure 15</a>, the surge in international prices for cash crops was similarly followed by rapid increases in the value of slaves.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-15" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-15"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig15.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-95230-mediumThumb-png-45405fig15.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-52170-smallThumb-png-45405fig15.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-15689-largeThumb-png-45405fig15.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-70031-optimisedImage-png-45405fig15.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 15</span> Average prices of enslaved persons</p> </div></div></section><p class="p">While the desire to meet rising international demand for these cash crops was clearly in enslavers’ economic interest, the limitations of the existing infrastructure network severely constrained their ability to do so. Millions of acres of otherwise fertile land went uncultivated due to their distance from navigable waters, rendering the use of expensive enslaved labor unprofitable. As was the case for non-slaveholders across the United States, substantial investments in infrastructure, such as canals and railroads, were necessary to connect <span class="page-marker"></span>vast amounts of potential farmland to markets. Furthermore, the lack of investment in infrastructure was an important source for Southern underdevelopment compared to the North (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-119" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-119"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wright</span>Wright 2022</a>).</p><p class="p">One option for enslavers would be to finance the construction of railroads privately, as was the case in the UK and many of the Northern states. As we argued earlier, increasing the fiscal capacity of the states, as would be required to finance large-scale railroad construction, would be risky if the state government came to be controlled by the non-slaveholding majority. Yet privately financing the construction of railroad network on the scale required to unlock millions of remote and uncultivated potential farmland was completely infeasible: the costs and risks to private capital were far too high, and expectations of satisfactory returns were unlikely to be fulfilled in the sparsely populated and capital-poor South (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-052" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-052"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Heath</span>Heath 1950</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-033" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-033"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Fishlow</span>Fishlow 1965</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-047" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-047"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Goodrich</span>Goodrich 1974</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-062" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-062"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Larson</span>Larson 2002</a>).<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-52" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-52"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">52</sup></a> According to <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-091" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-091"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Reed</span>Reed (1962</a>, p. 184), for example, “seventy-five per cent of the railroads chartered in the 1830s [in Louisiana] failed to materialize [due to constraints on capital].” More broadly, <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-062" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-062"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Larson</span>Larson (2002</a>, p. 239) claimed that the South was too “underdeveloped and incapable of supporting large-scale internal improvements on the strength of private fortunes alone.” The federal government was also not a viable solution; instead, public financing of infrastructure would need to come from Southern state and local governments (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-114" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-114"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wallis and Weingast</span>Wallis and Weingast 2018</a>). Unlike in the North, the South’s lack of large urban areas also meant that Southern state governments would need to be the primary source for public funding (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-033" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-033"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Fishlow</span>Fishlow 1965</a>, p. 397). As <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-074" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-074"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Marrs</span>Marrs (2009</a>, p. 24) argues: “States proved to be a critical solution to the problem of railroad financing in the South.” Changes in infrastructure technology and international commodity markets meant that the economic interests of enslavers would be furthered by raising taxation on themselves to finance railroad construction. These large investments in public infrastructure financed by self-taxation would not only open up more land for cultivation but would also increase the demand for and the value of slaves, the primary asset of enslavers.</p></div><div class="sec" id="B-sec-9" data-magellan-destination="B-sec-9"><h4 class="B title"><span class="label">4.2</span> Variation in De Jure Political Control </h4><p class="p">We argue that Southern states in which enslavers had greater political control were more likely to respond to this rising demand for these crops by increasing property taxes on themselves in order to fund railroad construction that would further their economic interests. We exploit the fact that in seven of the fourteen <span class="page-marker"></span>states, representation in both chambers of the state legislature was systematically malapportioned in favor of higher slave-share districts (e.g., counties); representation in both chambers of the other seven Southern states was based on the principle of “one [adult White] man, one vote.” In the seven MS, the bias was due to: 1) representation based on total population including the enslaved, or capped representation that limited urban areas (e.g., Baltimore, New Orleans), 2) using the amount of taxes paid as the basis (which favored highly enslaved areas), or 3) the use of a fixed basis of representation, regardless of differences and changes in population. In the NMS, legislative representation was determined by each county’s White or eligible voter population, and required frequent reapportionment to capture spatial shifts in population.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-53" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-53"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">53</sup></a> The states that comprise the MS and the NMS are reported in <a class="xref table" href="#TBLm-tblw-2" data-sectionId="#TBLm-tblw-2">Table 2</a>. For each state, the table also shows the basis of representation in the legislature.</p><section><div class="table-wrap" id="TBLm-tblw-2" data-magellan-destination="TBLm-tblw-2"><div class="caption"><h2 class="title"><span class="label">Table 2</span> Slave states and state legislative representation </h2></div><table style="width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;"><colgroup><col style="width:33.3%;"><col style="width:33.3%;"><col style="width:33.3%;"></colgroup><thead><tr><th colspan="1" rowspan="2"></th><th colspan="2" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;">Basis of representation</th></tr><tr><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Upper house (Senate) (1)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Lower house (H. of Rep.) (2)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td colspan="3" rowspan="1"><strong class="bold">Malapportioned States (MS)</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Florida</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">federal pop.</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">federal pop.</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Georgia</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">fixed (1)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">federal pop.*</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Louisiana</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">total pop.*</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">total pop.*</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Maryland</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">fixed (1)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">total pop.*</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">North Carolina</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">taxation</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">federal pop.</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">South Carolina</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">fixed (1)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">taxation</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Virginia</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">fixed</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">fixed</td></tr><tr><td colspan="3" rowspan="1"><strong class="bold">Non-malapportioned States (NMS)</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Alabama</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">White pop.</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">White pop.</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Arkansas</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">White males</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">White males</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Kentucky</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">qualified voters</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">qualified voters</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Mississippi</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">White pop.</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">White pop.</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Missouri</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">White pop.</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">White pop.</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Tennessee</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">qualified voters</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">qualified voters</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Texas</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">free pop.</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">free pop.</td></tr></tbody></table><div class="table-wrap-foot" id="TFN-tblwf-12" data-magellan-destination="TFN-tblwf-12"><p class="p">Note: Federal population refers to the formula by which enslaved persons were counted as three-fifths of a person for the purposes of apportionment (as was the case with the US Constitution until the Fourteenth Amendment [1868]). An asterisk indicates states in which a maximum number of representatives/senators could be apportioned to any individual district. The number in parentheses denotes states in which each administrative district received an equal number of representatives/senators.</p></div></div></section><p class="p">Legislative malapportionment provided a source of political power to enslavers. The economic geography of slavery meant that enslavers were typically spatially concentrated within each state.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-54" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-54"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">54</sup></a> Thus, systems of apportionment that overrepresented highly slave-dependent areas – whether by including slaves in the population count, basing representation on taxes paid, or using a fixed basis that overrepresented less populated rural areas<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-55" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-55"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">55</sup></a> – could, despite their minority status, manufacture majorities for enslavers in the state legislatures.</p><p class="p">The political power malapportionment provided was also enduring. This de jure electoral rule was “self-enforcing.” Because apportionment rules were enshrined in each state’s constitutions, the slaveholding elite need not expend resources to maintain them.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-56" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-56"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">56</sup></a> Furthermore, legislative majorities conferred by malapportionment allowed enslavers to block any equalizing reforms they opposed. Given this effective veto, it is unsurprising that none of the seven MS reformed their apportionment rules to a White-population basis. Legislative dominance was also critical in this period, as the other branches (the executive, the judiciary) were weak. Simply put, control of the state legislature meant control of the state government (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-049" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-049"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Green</span>Green 1966</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-105" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-105"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Thornton</span>Thornton 2014</a>). In sum, malapportionment increased both the current power of enslavers and their expectation of future control.</p><p class="p"><span class="page-marker"></span>Using malapportionment status to test our argument may lead to omitted variable bias if its adoption is not exogenous to the factors influencing taxation and spending on railroads. In each of the seven MS, this bias to legislative representation can be traced to the colonial era. Higher enslaved-share areas were overrepresented in colonial legislatures (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-012" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-012"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Pablo and Jensen</span>Beramendi and Jensen 2019</a>), which was carried over into the initial postindependence constitutions (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-049" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-049"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Green</span>Green 1966</a>, pp. 97–98).<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-57" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-57"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">57</sup></a> Simply put, disproportionate enslaver power was locked in <span class="page-marker"></span>long before the advent of railroads, as well as before the invention of the cotton gin and commercialization of cotton – Florida (1846) being the one exception. In the seven NMS, a population basis of apportionment was adopted in their initial constitutions and persisted throughout the antebellum period. The critical factor determining whether a new state adopted a biased basis of apportionment was whether the slaveholding elite was well established before statehood and able to implement this bias in the pre-statehood legislature (whether colonial or territorial).</p><p class="p">This is not to say that enslavers in the NMS did not also possess disproportionate political power (e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-116" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-116"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wooster</span>Wooster 1969</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-105" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-105"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Thornton</span>Thornton 2014</a>). Rather, the consequence for enslavers in the NMS was that power was always more contestable. These elites had to consider whether the upside of more collective goods in the present period was worth the potential costs of political power in their now fiscally enhanced state being in the hands of the non-slaveholding majority.</p><p class="p"><a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-16" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-16">Figure 16</a> shows the fourteen states by their malapportionment status and the share of their total population who were enslaved in 1860. While the average enslaved share in the MS (38 percent) exceeded that of the NMS (30 percent), there was great variation across both institutional groupings. Of the six states <span class="page-marker"></span>in which the enslaved share was greater than 40 percent – the so-called cotton states – two, Alabama and Mississippi, were non-malapportioned. In the five states whose enslaved share ranged between 20 percent and 40 percent of the total population, three were non-malapportioned. Of the three remaining “border” states – those with less than 20 percent enslaved share and who did not secede during the Civil War – one was malapportioned. Thus, the states are mostly balanced across this institutional feature at three very different levels of slave dependency.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-16" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-16"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig16.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-99271-smallThumb-png-45405fig16.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-10780-largeThumb-png-45405fig16.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-95285-mediumThumb-png-45405fig16.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-44872-optimisedImage-png-45405fig16.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 16</span> Apportionment status and enslaved share (% of pop.), 1860</p> </div></div></section><p class="p">To further mitigate concerns about malapportionment status being correlated with other factors that could influence the association between commodity prices and taxation outcomes, in <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-17" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-17">Figure 17</a> we conduct a balance test over a number of state-level characteristics that could predict the divergent fiscal trajectories we observe. The variables included in the balance test are: total population, enslaved population share, urban population share, state output, number of state officials PWC, and density of navigable rivers, as well as measures of agricultural suitability and production of cotton, sugar, and tobacco.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-58" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-58"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">58</sup></a> A statistically significant correlation between apportionment status and one of these covariates would suggest the presence of a potential alternative explanation for the decision of states to increase taxation. Different levels of cotton suitability between the MS and NMS, for example, would indicate that one <span class="page-marker"></span>group had more to gain from increasing taxation and investing in railroads than the other. Similarly, divergent cotton production levels in 1840 would suggest that some states benefited from greater productive capabilities when commodity prices began to rise. Differences in the initial stock of bureaucratic capacity may have allowed some states to raise taxes more rapidly than others, or created uneven incentives to invest in fiscal capacity (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-064" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-064"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Lee and Paine</span>Lee and Paine 2022</a>). Finally, the density of navigable rivers also matters in that it may have made the need for railroads more pressing in some areas than in others. We find no statistically significant differences in any of these covariates across MS and NMS.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-17" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-17"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig17.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-69373-optimisedImage-png-45405fig17.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-32500-largeThumb-png-45405fig17.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-32634-smallThumb-png-45405fig17.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54827-mediumThumb-png-45405fig17.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 17</span> Balance test for pretreatment covariates, 1840</p><p class="p">Note: Differences between (MS) and (NMS). Cotton, sugar, and tobacco suitability indices reflect the maximum potential yield based on climate, soil, and growing conditions as estimated by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). Shares of urban and enslaved population; cotton, sugar, and tobacco production; and state output are measured in 1840. Density of navigable rivers (representing the total length of rivers over the surface area of each state) is obtained from <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-007" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-007"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Atack</span>Atack (2015)</a>; and the share of public officials PWC is measured in 1850 (no prior census provides this information). See Table B4 for more details on sources.</p> </div></div></section><p class="p">In short, circa 1840, our comparison states had roughly similar endowments. They differed primarily on the supply side: in half of the states, the slaveholding elite’s power to control taxes and public spending was substantially less contested in both the present period and for the foreseeable future; in the other half, their control was less certain. Whereas the commodity boom increased the value of land and slaves, and infrastructure bottlenecks constrained those assets from reaching their full potential across both the MS and NMS, only the elite in the MS had the power and incentive to use their secure hold on power to tax themselves to finance collective goods that would leverage the boom for their benefit. We thus expect tax and spending differentials to emerge across the two types of states, with the MS increasing the incidence of taxation on their elites and public spending on railroads at a faster clip than their NMS counterparts.</p></div><div class="sec" id="B-sec-10" data-magellan-destination="B-sec-10"><h4 class="B title"><span class="label">4.3</span> Results </h4><p class="p">We begin with visual evidence that rising commodity prices translated into a greater rise in property taxes in the MS compared to the NMS. <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-18" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-18">Figures 18</a> and <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-19" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-19">19</a> show the trend in the average property taxes PWC (1820–60) and as a share of output (1840–60), respectively. Although both follow largely similar trajectories until the early 1840s, they quickly and noticeably diverge when commodity prices begin to increase, as predicted. Since these differences could, in theory, be driven by distinct levels of state capacity or uneven patterns of economic growth, in <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-20" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-20">Figure 20</a> we examine the trends in ad valorem property tax rates over the same period.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-59" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-59"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">59</sup></a></p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-18" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-18"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig18.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-56664-optimisedImage-png-45405fig18.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-52882-smallThumb-png-45405fig18.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-77484-mediumThumb-png-45405fig18.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-21509-largeThumb-png-45405fig18.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 18</span> Property taxes/White population (real $), 1820–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states</p> </div></div></section><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-19" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-19"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig19.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-01239-optimisedImage-png-45405fig19.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-95746-smallThumb-png-45405fig19.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-60665-largeThumb-png-45405fig19.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-40592-mediumThumb-png-45405fig19.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 19</span> Property taxes/agricultural and manufacturing output, 1840–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states</p> </div></div></section><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-20" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-20"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig20.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-71141-largeThumb-png-45405fig20.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-91541-mediumThumb-png-45405fig20.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-83197-smallThumb-png-45405fig20.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-03141-optimisedImage-png-45405fig20.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 20</span> Property tax rates, 1840–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states</p> </div></div></section><p class="p"> To evaluate whether changes in commodity prices disproportionately affect property taxes in the MS during this period, our empirical strategy adopts the following difference-in-differences approach:<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-60" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-60"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">60</sup></a> </p><div data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="disp-formula" id="EQN-df-1" data-magellan-destination="EQN-df-1"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>y</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub><mo>=</mo><msub><mi>β</mi><mn>0</mn></msub><mrow><mo> </mo></mrow><mi>l</mi><mi>n</mi><msub><mi>C</mi><mrow><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub><mo>+</mo><msub><mi>β</mi><mn>1</mn></msub><mrow><mo> </mo></mrow><mi>l</mi><mi>n</mi><msub><mi>C</mi><mrow><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub><mo>×</mo><msub><mi>M</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub><mo>+</mo><msub><mi>β</mi><mn>2</mn></msub><msub><mrow><mrow><mtext>X</mtext></mrow></mrow><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub><mo>+</mo><msub><mi>λ</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi></mrow></msub><mo>+</mo><msub><mi>γ</mi><mrow><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub><mo>+</mo><msub><mi>ϵ</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub><mo>,</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405eqn1.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off"></span><span class="label">(1)</span></div><p class="p continuation"><span class="page-marker"></span>where <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-1" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-1"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>y</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_1.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="18" height="13" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_1.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> is a state-level measure of property tax revenues or ad valorem rates, for state <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-2" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-2"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>i</mi></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_2.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="5" height="13" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_2.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> at time <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-3" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-3"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>t</mi></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_3.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="6" height="12" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_3.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span>. <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-4" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-4"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>M</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_4.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="24" height="17" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_4.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> is an indicator variable that takes the value 1 if the state legislature of state <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-5" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-5"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>i</mi></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_5.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="5" height="13" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_5.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> is malapportioned in year <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-6" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-6"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>t</mi></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_6.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="6" height="12" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_6.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span>, and 0 otherwise. Our main variable of interest <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-7" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-7"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>C</mi><mrow><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_7.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="15" height="17" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_7.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> reflects cotton prices (logged) in year <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-8" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-8"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>t</mi></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_8.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="6" height="12" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_8.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span>. The parameter <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-9" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-9"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>β</mi><mn>1</mn></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_9.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="18" height="17" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_9.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> captures the differential effect of commodity prices on property taxes in <span class="page-marker"></span>the MS. Both dependent and independent variables are measured as three-year moving averages to reduce small fluctuations. <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-10" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-10"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mrow><mrow><mtext>X</mtext></mrow></mrow><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_10.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="21" height="17" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_10.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> represents a vector of time-varying covariates; <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-11" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-11"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>λ</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_11.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="13" height="17" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_11.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> and <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-12" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-12"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>γ</mi><mrow><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_12.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="14" height="13" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_12.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> are respectively state and year fixed effects, and <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-13" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-13"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>ϵ</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_13.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="14" height="13" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_13.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> is an error term.</p><p class="p"><a class="xref table" href="#TBLm-tblw-3" data-sectionId="#TBLm-tblw-3">Table 3</a> shows our benchmark models investigating the effect of apportionment status and commodity prices on total state property taxation PWC without any additional covariates. The second column includes time-varying controls, namely total population (log), urban population (log), and total output (log). The third column includes the same covariates, but measured in 1840, to minimize potential concerns about posttreatment bias, and interacted with year indicators. The estimates are substantively similar across specifications. The positive and significant interaction term between apportionment status and cotton prices captures the predicted moderation effect. As expected, an increase in international commodity prices differentially affects tax revenues in the MS, where elites have full control of the state apparatus.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-61" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-61"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">61</sup></a> To address the concern that cotton prices might be endogenous, in Appendix Table A1, we adopt an <span class="page-marker"></span>alternative measure for our independent variable, a commodity price index weighted by the relative suitability of each state to the cultivation of three main crops: cotton, sugar, and tobacco. This measure reflects the exposure of states to fluctuations in international commodity prices at any given point in time based on their suitability to the cultivation of each crop relative to the Southern average. We also evaluate the possibility that coastal status and access to the Mississippi River might correlate with malapportionment and explain our results (see Table A2). Our substantive results remain unchanged.</p><section><div class="table-wrap" id="TBLm-tblw-3" data-magellan-destination="TBLm-tblw-3"><div class="caption"><h2 class="title"><span class="label">Table 3</span> Antebellum period: Property taxes, cotton prices, and malapportionment status </h2></div><table style="width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;"><colgroup><col style="width:25.0%;"><col style="width:25.0%;"><col style="width:25.0%;"><col style="width:25.0%;"></colgroup><thead><tr><th colspan="1" rowspan="3"></th><th colspan="3" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;"><em class="italic">Dependent variable</em></th></tr><tr><th colspan="3" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;">Property taxes per White capita (real $)</th></tr><tr><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">(1)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">(2)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">(3)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Cotton prices <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-14" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-14"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo>×</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_14.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_14.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">2.057 <a class="xref p" href="#P-para-2" data-sectionId="#P-para-2"><sup class="sup">***</sup></a></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1.959 <a class="xref p" href="#P-para-2" data-sectionId="#P-para-2"><sup class="sup">***</sup></a></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">2.087 <a class="xref p" href="#P-para-2" data-sectionId="#P-para-2"><sup class="sup">***</sup></a></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Malapportionment</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">(0.631)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">(0.565)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">(0.605)</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">State fixed effects</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Year fixed effects</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Geographic controls</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Time-varying covariates</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Time-invariant covariates</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Observations</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">268</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">268</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">259</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">R <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-15" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-15"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msup><mi> </mi><mrow><mn>2</mn></mrow></msup></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_18.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="7" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_18.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.429</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.476</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.623</td></tr></tbody></table><div class="table-wrap-foot" id="TFN-tblwf-13" data-magellan-destination="TFN-tblwf-13"><p class="p" id="P-para-2" data-magellan-destination="P-para-2">Note: Main variables measured as three-year moving averages. Geographic controls are: state area, cotton suitability, and river density. These covariates are interacted with year indicators. Time-varying covariates are: state population (log), urban population share, and log of total output (agriculture and manufacturing). Column 1 includes geographic controls only; column 2 includes geographic controls and time-varying covariates. Column 3 includes the same covariates measured in 1840 (pretreatment) interacted with year indicators. * p <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-16" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-16"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo><</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_20.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_20.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 0.1; ** p <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-17" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-17"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo><</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_22.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_22.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 0.05; *** p <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-18" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-18"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo><</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_24.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_24.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 0.01.</p></div></div></section><p class="p"><a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-21" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-21">Figure 21</a> shows that poll tax rates do not follow the same pattern: there is no difference in either levels or trends across the two groups of states. In fact, this figure indicates that unlike property taxes, regressive poll taxes did not rise in the MS. Consistent with <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-104" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-104"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Thornton, J. Morgan Kousser and James</span>Thornton</a>’s (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-104" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-104"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Thornton, J. Morgan Kousser and James</span>1982</a>) assessment that the wealthiest third of the citizenry paid at least two-thirds of all taxes during the antebellum period, these results suggest that elites in the MS financed state-level fiscal expansion by taxing themselves, eschewing taxes that fell more heavily on the non-slaveholding White majority.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-21" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-21"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig21.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-60871-smallThumb-png-45405fig21.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-75012-largeThumb-png-45405fig21.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-80321-mediumThumb-png-45405fig21.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67274-optimisedImage-png-45405fig21.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 21</span> Poll tax rates, 1840–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states</p> </div></div></section></div><div class="sec" id="B-sec-11" data-magellan-destination="B-sec-11"><h4 class="B title"><span class="label">4.4</span> Collective Goods for Elites: Railroads versus Education </h4><p class="p">A critical aspect of our argument is that economic elites will support increasing taxation on themselves if this revenue funds collective goods that enhance their interests. We now turn to railroad construction and trends in public education; the former disproportionately favored elites, while the latter, presumably, disproportionately benefited the average White citizen.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-62" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-62"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">62</sup></a></p><p class="p">To measure public support for railroads, we rely on data presented by <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-052" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-052"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Heath</span>Heath (1950)</a>, who collected all public (federal, state, and local) spending on railroads in the South prior to 1861. In total, at least $144 million of public funds were spent constructing railroads in these states prior to 1861 (out of $252 million total [public and private] spending on railroads in the South [<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-033" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-033"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Fishlow</span>Fishlow</a> <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-033" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-033"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Fishlow</span>1965</a>, p. 397]).<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-63" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-63"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">63</sup></a> Of the public total, 57 percent of this came from state governments.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-64" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-64"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">64</sup></a></p><p class="p"><span class="page-marker"></span>We create three measures of state public spending on railroads, presented in <a class="xref table" href="#TBLm-tblw-4" data-sectionId="#TBLm-tblw-4">Table 4</a>. Column 1 shows total spending on railroads by state governments in this period as a proportion of each state’s White population in 1860. On average, state government spending on railroads is approximately six times higher PWC in the MS. Column 2 normalizes state spending on railroads by state <span class="page-marker"></span>income in 1860. Even when normalized by income, MS governments spent three times more. Column 3 reports the share of public spending on railroads that comes from state sources. In the states in which enslavers had much greater control of state governments we see a much higher proportion of public spending occurring at the state level. Columns 4 and 5 provide railroad mileage data from <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-007" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-007"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Atack</span>Atack</a> (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-007" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-007"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Atack</span>2015</a>), allowing us to assess the possibility that public spending on railroads merely cloaks rent-seeking corruption by elites in the MS. Whether normalizing total railroad mileage by White population (column 4) or state income (column 5), the MS created significantly more railway mileage on average, indicating that public funds translated into output and did not solely line the pockets of governing elites.</p><section><div class="table-wrap" id="TBLm-tblw-4" data-magellan-destination="TBLm-tblw-4"><div class="caption"><h2 class="title"><span class="label">Table 4</span> Collective goods: State support for railroads, 1860 </h2></div><table style="width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;"><colgroup><col style="width:16.7%;"><col style="width:16.7%;"><col style="width:16.7%;"><col style="width:16.7%;"><col style="width:16.7%;"><col style="width:16.7%;"></colgroup><thead><tr><th colspan="1" rowspan="2"></th><th colspan="5" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">State Government Railroad Spending Railway Mileage</th></tr><tr><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Railroad spending PWC ($) (1)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Railroad spending sh. income (%) (2)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">State sh. public RR spending (%) (3)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Railway mileage PWC (4)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Railway mileage sh. income (%) (5)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td colspan="6" rowspan="1"><span class="underline"><strong class="bold">Malapportioned</strong></span></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Florida</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">62.7</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">39.0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">89.4</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.52</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.003</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Georgia</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">11.7</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">7.8</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">53.9</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.24</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.002</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Louisiana</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">9.5</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">3.7</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">38.7</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.09</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.004</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Maryland</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.07</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.006</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">North Carolina</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">16.9</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">13.6</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">89.3</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.14</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.001</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">South Carolina</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">33.2</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">17.2</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">70.6</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.34</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.002</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Virginia</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">22.7</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">18.6</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">75.0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.17</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.002</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"><strong class="bold">AVERAGE</strong></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">30.6</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">16.7</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">72.0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.22</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.003</td></tr><tr><td colspan="6" rowspan="1"><span class="underline"><strong class="bold">Non-malapportioned</strong></span></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Alabama</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">4.1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">3.0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">36.6</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.14</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.001</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Arkansas</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.6</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.4</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">47.4</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.02</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.000</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Kentucky</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.8</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.8</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">4.5</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.06</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.001</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Mississippi</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">6.0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">2.1</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">50.8</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.25</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.001</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Missouri</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">6.6</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">6.6</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.08</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.001</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Tennessee</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">20.9</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">20.7</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">66.9</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.14</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.001</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Texas</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.07</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.001</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"><strong class="bold">AVERAGE</strong></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">5.9</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">5.0</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">34.3</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.11</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.001</td></tr></tbody></table><div class="table-wrap-foot" id="TFN-tblwf-14" data-magellan-destination="TFN-tblwf-14"><p class="p">Note: Railroad spending comes from <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-052" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-052"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Heath</span>Heath (1950)</a>. Railway mileage was obtained from <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-007" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-007"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Atack</span>Atack (2015)</a>. PWC indicates per White capita.</p></div></div></section><p class="p">One concern is that we might be simply capturing demand side variation (e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-064" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-064"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Lee and Paine</span>Lee and Paine 2022</a>) – rather than, as we argue, political supply. Our evidence suggests this is unlikely. First, as our balance and robustness tests illustrate, we fail to confirm that the geography of the NMS meant they needed fewer railroads. Second, a large historical literature has shown that strong demand for railroads existed across the South (e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-052" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-052"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Heath</span>Heath 1950</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-047" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-047"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Goodrich</span>Goodrich 1974</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-062" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-062"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Larson</span>Larson 2002</a>). The problem of political supply rather than demand is demonstrated, for example, by <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-105" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-105"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Thornton</span>Thornton (2014</a>, p. 107), who notes the difficulty of receiving public financing in highly enslaved, but not malapportioned, Alabama: “Time and again, when a small loan or expenditure could have added millions of dollars to the commerce of the state by facilitating trade, the legislature refused to act.” Third, we look at railroad miles by state in 1880, roughly ten years after Congress completely altered the political system of Southern states with Reconstruction. As evidence that state-specific demand-side factors cannot explain the large differences in prewar railroad supply, we observe no meaningful difference on average across MS and NMS in railroad mileage as a share of income (0.0029 vs. 0.0025, <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-19" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-19"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>p</mi><mo>=</mo><mn>0.58</mn></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_25.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="67" height="17" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_25.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span>) and mileage PWC (0.23 vs 0.19, <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-20" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-20"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>p</mi><mo>=</mo><mn>0.36</mn></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_26.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="66" height="17" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_26.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span>) in 1880.</p><div class="sec" id="C-sec-9" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-9"><h5 class="C title"> Public Education Spending </h5><p class="p">We now turn to public education, a redistributive good that would have been much more favored by the wider electorate. The 1860 Census provides several measures of state-level support for public education, such as the sources of public financing for public <em class="italic">and</em> private schools, and White school attendance in public and private schools. We normalize this information with the White school-aged population (ages five to fourteen) and state income to create measures of enrollment rates and expenditures. <a class="xref table" href="#TBLm-tblw-5" data-sectionId="#TBLm-tblw-5">Table 5</a> reports average spending and enrollment figures for MS (column 1) and NMS (column 2).</p><section><div class="table-wrap" id="TBLm-tblw-5" data-magellan-destination="TBLm-tblw-5"><div class="caption"><h2 class="title"><span class="label">Table 5</span> State support for redistribution: Public education, 1860 </h2></div><table style="width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;"><colgroup><col style="width:33.3%;"><col style="width:33.3%;"><col style="width:33.3%;"></colgroup><thead><tr><th colspan="1" rowspan="1"></th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Malapportioned States (average) (1)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">Non-malapportioned States (average) (2)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td colspan="3" rowspan="1"><span class="underline"><strong class="bold">Panel A: School Attendance</strong></span></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Whites attending school /</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">56.4</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">63.4</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Whites, 5–14 (%)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">White public school pupils /</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">32.4</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">43.6</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Whites, 5–14 (%)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">White public school pupils /</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">74.8</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">85.8</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Total pupils (%)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td></tr><tr><td colspan="3" rowspan="1"><span class="underline"><strong class="bold">Panel B: State Government Spending</strong></span></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">State public school spending /</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.72</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.89</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Whites, 5–14 ($)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">State public school spending /</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">2.12</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">2.06</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">public school pupils ($)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">State total educ. spending /</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">3.39</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">2.4</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">public school and private pupils ($)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td></tr></tbody></table><div class="table-wrap-foot" id="TFN-tblwf-15" data-magellan-destination="TFN-tblwf-15"><p class="p">Note: All variables were constructed from the 1860 US Census. Each value is the average across the states in the MS (column 1) and NMS (column 2).</p></div></div></section><p class="p"><span class="page-marker"></span>Panel A focuses on white school attendance, especially in public schools. As is evident, a greater share of White school-aged children attended school in the NMS (63 percent) than in the MS (56 percent). The census also asked state superintendents to report the number of pupils in public and private schools, respectively.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-65" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-65"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">65</sup></a> We thus construct two measures of state reliance on public schools: White public school pupils as a share of each state’s White school-aged population and the share of total pupils (private and public school) in public schools. With both measures, the average is higher in the NMS.</p><p class="p">Panel B focuses on state government education spending for both public and private schools. First, we compare state government spending on public schools as a share of the state’s White population, ages five to fourteen. On average, it is slightly higher in the NMS (eighty-nine cents per school-aged White person versus seventy-two cents). Next, we calculate state government support as a <span class="page-marker"></span>proportion of public school pupils. Although the MS had a greater share of students in private schools, state government spending per public school pupil was almost identical ($2.12 in the average MS versus $2.06 in NMS). The census data also allow us to construct measures of total public spending per public and private school pupil. Despite private school enrollment comprising only roughly 25 percent of total pupils in the MS, private schools received on average roughly 40 percent of state education funding. In other words, despite significantly higher taxes, the average MS did not provide more support for public education; instead, they funneled more public money toward private education. In sum, none of these measures show differences across the MS and NMS in public education supply that are remotely comparable to the gaps observed in public support for railroads.</p></div></div><div class="sec" id="B-sec-12" data-magellan-destination="B-sec-12"><h4 class="B title"><span class="label">4.5</span> Robustness </h4><p class="p">In the Appendix, we evaluate the robustness of our results. To minimize concerns that property taxes may be rising mechanically due to differential changes in the intensity of slavery across states, Appendix Table A3 includes the size of the enslaved population as an additional covariate in our baseline specifications. Our coefficients of interest remain largely unchanged while the size of the enslaved population has a negative (albeit not always significant) association with property taxes.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-66" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-66"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">66</sup></a> In Appendix C, we discuss endogeneity concerns with malapportionment, and we consider whether omitted factors may explain both malapportionment and the observed increase in property taxes in the late antebellum period. Similarly, in Appendix D, we address concerns that initial differences in state capacity may have been responsible for the uneven increase in taxation across states. We also use county-level collection of state taxes to demonstrate that greater taxes did indeed fall on the counties with higher shares of enslaved population.</p></div></div><div class="sec" id="A-sec-7" data-magellan-destination="A-sec-7"><h3 class="A title"><span class="label">5</span> Postwar Taxation </h3><div class="sec" id="B-sec-13" data-magellan-destination="B-sec-13"><h4 class="B title"><span class="label">5.1</span> Reconstruction and Its Aftermath </h4><div class="sec" id="C-sec-10" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-10"><h5 class="C title"><span class="label">5.1.1</span> Context </h5><p class="p">In the aftermath of the North’s victory in the American Civil War and the Thirteenth Amendment’s emancipation of nearly 4 million enslaved Americans, congressional Republicans sought to permanently weaken Southern rural <span class="page-marker"></span>elites’ stranglehold on political power with the passage of the Military Reconstruction Acts of 1867 and 1868 (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-037" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-037"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Foner</span>Foner 2014</a>).<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-67" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-67"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">67</sup></a> These acts, as a condition for regaining their seats in Congress, required ten former Confederate states to create new state constitutions granting universal adult male suffrage and to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment, which enshrined the principle of civil rights and equal protection under the law for all citizens.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-68" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-68"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">68</sup></a> Perhaps just as important, these acts also required the army to register adult Black males to vote and to protect their ability to exercise the franchise and run for office.</p><p class="p">These reforms resulted in a temporary transformation of the party system, and the distribution of political power more broadly, in these ten Southern states. Immediately following the adoption of new state constitutions, which extended the franchise to all adult males, the Republican Party, which was nonexistent in the prewar South, won nine gubernatorial elections and majorities in seventeen legislative chambers (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-028" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-028"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Dubin</span>Dubin</a> <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-028" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-028"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Dubin</span>2007</a>, <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-029" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-029"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Dubin</span>2010</a>). The Republican Party’s initial success was driven by Black voters, who formed the backbone of the party in the South. The effectiveness of these reforms was demonstrated by the election of thousands of Black politicians and officials to local, state, and federal office throughout the South in the decade following passage of the Military Reconstruction Acts (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-036" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-036"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Foner</span>Foner 1993</a>).</p><p class="p">This political revolution resulted in a substantially expanded role for the Southern states in providing redistributive public goods. According to <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-037" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-037"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Foner</span>Foner (2014</a>, p. 364), “Serving an expanded citizenry and embracing a new definition of public responsibility, Republican government affected virtually every facet of Southern life … Public schools, hospitals, penitentiaries, and asylums for orphans and the insane were established for the first time or received increased funding.” Most dramatically, Republicans fundamentally altered the role of the state with regards to providing a public education for all children (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-037" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-037"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Foner</span>Foner 2014</a>, p. 366). This new redistributive spending was financed primarily by increasing property taxes on the landed elite (see Figures <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-4" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-4">4</a> and <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-6" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-6">6</a>).<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-69" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-69"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">69</sup></a></p><p class="p">Rising property taxes thus became an effective rallying cry for opponents of Reconstruction. Democratic leaders in many states soon organized taxpayers’ conventions, where participants expressed their objection not only to the <span class="page-marker"></span>claimed profligacy of Reconstruction government but to the new purposes of public spending, such as the financing of common schools. Convinced that the increasing tax burden resulted from the fact that “nine-tenths of the members of the Legislature own no property and pay no taxes” (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-037" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-037"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Foner</span>Foner 2014</a>, p. 416), Democrats called for a return to rule by property holders, which entailed denying Blacks, as well as many Whites, any role in government.</p><p class="p">The powerful backlash in response to radical changes in government was not confined to taxpayers’ conventions. It also took the form of political violence, the intensity of which can scarcely be dissociated from fiscal policy: as shown by <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-069" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-069"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Logan</span>Logan (2019)</a>, Black officeholders in locations with higher taxes were more likely to be victims of attacks. In addition to the use of the US Army to suppress this violent counterrevolutionary reaction, Congress responded by passing the three Enforcement Acts empowering the newly created Department of Justice to regulate state and local elections, enforce political and civil rights, and prosecute those who impeded political participation. Through its expanded authority, the federal government was able to successfully prosecute more than 1,000 violations between 1871 and 1874, and to temporarily constrain non-state violent groups such as the Ku Klux Klan (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-115" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-115"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Walton, Puckett and Deskins</span>Walton et al. 2012</a>).</p><p class="p">While Radical Reconstruction was briefly successful at overturning the existing political structure in these states, little was done to remedy the vastly unequal ownership of economic assets, in particular land. Despite much debate, no program of land redistribution was adopted. As a result, landownership remained highly concentrated, especially in the former plantation counties where most of the Black population lived. We argue that the persistence of this massive inequality in economic resources meant that the ability of Blacks to successfully use their newly granted political rights to influence social and economic policies required constant federal intervention on their behalf. But the federal intervention, especially in terms of the military occupation, was spatially uneven and declining in scope over time.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-70" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-70"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">70</sup></a></p><p class="p">There was also significant spatial and temporal variation in the extent to which Reconstruction was successful, as measured by the victories of the Republican Party. This variation leads to our main prediction regarding the incidence of property taxes during Reconstruction and its immediate aftermath. In five Reconstruction states – Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina – the Republican Party was able to win unified control <span class="page-marker"></span>of the state government (legislature and governor’s office) for multiple electoral cycles in a row. South Carolina, for instance, even had a majority-Black state legislature from 1868 until 1876. We call these five Reconstruction states <em class="italic">Republican Control</em> states. We argue that this control demonstrates that federal intervention, even if only briefly, limited the ability of Southern elites to use their de facto power to overcome majoritarian preferences when de jure political rights are effectively enforced. Despite considerable resistance, with the federal government subsidizing the cost of enforcement, we expect property taxes on elites to rise and remain high as long as this “democracy by the gun” persists.</p><p class="p">The federal government’s ability to protect Black voters across the entire South was never fully realized. In the other five Reconstruction states – Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, Texas, and Virginia – the Republican Party never gained a stronghold. Following the first set of Reconstruction elections, the Democratic Party always held at least one chamber of the legislature or the governor’s office until the Democratic Party regained complete control. We call these five states the <em class="italic">Mixed Control</em> Reconstruction states. In these states, where the Democratic Party always retained enough power to protect planters, we do not expect taxation to rise much at all, and certainly to be significantly lower than in the five <em class="italic">Republican Control</em> Reconstruction states.</p><p class="p">Last, we call the four Southern states that were not subject to the Reconstruction Acts (i.e., were not placed under military rule, were not required to write new state constitutions, retained federal representation) the <em class="italic">non-Reconstruction</em> states. As with the <em class="italic">Mixed Control</em> states, we do not expect property taxes to increase in <em class="italic">non-Reconstruction</em> states during the Reconstruction period.</p><p class="p">The federal government’s ability to enforce Black political rights in the South fell precipitously following the congressional elections of 1874, as Democrats won a majority in the federal House of Representatives for the first time since the onset of the Civil War. Democrats used this majority to block further military appropriations for Reconstruction.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-71" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-71"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">71</sup></a> The Compromise of 1877, which gave the Republicans the presidency in exchange for, among other promises, a commitment to remove troops engaged in enforcing Reconstruction, ended the remaining federal efforts to protect Black voters (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-037" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-037"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Foner</span>Foner 2014</a>). The end of any federal commitment to enforce Black political rights coincided with the loss of political control by Republicans in the last few Reconstruction states <span class="page-marker"></span>(e.g., Florida, South Carolina) and with the slow convergence of property taxation across all three sets of states.</p><p class="p">Our argument predicts that under the conditions observed in the post-Reconstruction period, we should no longer see increases in property taxes. While Southern elites, through the Democratic Party, regained power, especially relative to Reconstruction, their hold on power remained contested and future political control was uncertain. Although substantially weakened by the increasingly unfettered ability of Southern Democrats to use violence and electoral fraud, Blacks formally retained the franchise and in practice remained politically active (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-061" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-061"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Kousser</span>Kousser 1974</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-109" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-109"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Tolnay and Beck</span>Tolnay and Beck 1995</a>). Non-Democratic candidates and parties still contested and occasionally even won elections in some states in the immediate post-Reconstruction period (1877–90). Furthermore, federal politics could shift in a way that supported interventions to enforce Black political rights. In this setting of contested and uncertain control on power, we expect that elites will not have incentives to support increases in property taxation.</p><p class="p">At the same time, the coercive taxation framework predicts that in the absence of external enforcement, not only are tax increases unlikely, but we should actually see a collapse in the ability of the state to extract. This is precisely what we observe with the end of federal intervention, when property tax rates in occupied states reverted to pre-Reconstruction levels.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-72" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-72"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">72</sup></a></p></div><div class="sec" id="C-sec-11" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-11"><h5 class="C title"><span class="label">5.1.2</span> Analysis </h5><p class="p">We again start with graphical evidence of our claim that on average the military occupation of the ten Reconstruction states (RS) led to higher progressive property taxation than what was observed in the four non-Reconstruction states (NRS). We then distinguish between states where the Republican Party gained unified political control and those where party control was mixed, in order to evaluate whether these groups displayed differential trajectories.</p><p class="p">We first examine whether the presence of federal troops affected property tax trends. <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-22" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-22">Figures 22</a> and <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-23" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-23">23</a> respectively present property taxes PWC and as a share of output, and <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-24" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-24">Figure 24</a> presents ad valorem rates across the ten RS and four NRS. The vertical lines show the year in which the Democratic Party <span class="page-marker"></span>regained unified control in each state (i.e., “Redemption” in the language of Southern Democrats). As these figures illustrate, although both groups started off with similar levels of taxation in the immediate aftermath of the war, property taxes rose substantially more among the Reconstruction states, while trends remained relatively stable over time in comparison states.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-22" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-22"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig22.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-28951-mediumThumb-png-45405fig22.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-51437-optimisedImage-png-45405fig22.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-31906-largeThumb-png-45405fig22.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-01553-smallThumb-png-45405fig22.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 22</span> Property taxes per White capita (real $), 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-23" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-23"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig23.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-43007-largeThumb-png-45405fig23.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-04220-mediumThumb-png-45405fig23.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-86730-optimisedImage-png-45405fig23.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-02940-smallThumb-png-45405fig23.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 23</span> Property taxes/total output (agriculture and manufacturing), 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-24" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-24"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig24.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-77073-largeThumb-png-45405fig24.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-50112-smallThumb-png-45405fig24.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-23879-optimisedImage-png-45405fig24.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-45352-mediumThumb-png-45405fig24.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 24</span> Property tax rate, 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section><p class="p"><span class="page-marker"></span>We now separate states into three groups: the five <em class="italic">Republican Control</em> Reconstruction states, five <em class="italic">Mixed Control</em> Reconstruction states, and four <em class="italic">non-Reconstruction</em> states. Their trajectories are shown in <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-25" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-25">Figures 25</a>, <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-26" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-26">26</a>, and <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-27" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-27">27</a>. In accordance with our theoretical expectations, almost all of the increase in property taxes observed among Reconstruction states in the previous figures can be attributed to the five states in which Republicans were able to achieve unified political control for multiple consecutive electoral cycles.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-25" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-25"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig25.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-64365-mediumThumb-png-45405fig25.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67929-largeThumb-png-45405fig25.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-95576-smallThumb-png-45405fig25.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54212-optimisedImage-png-45405fig25.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 25</span> Property taxes per White capita (real $), 1868–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-26" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-26"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig26.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-09009-mediumThumb-png-45405fig26.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-35041-optimisedImage-png-45405fig26.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-99618-smallThumb-png-45405fig26.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-92292-largeThumb-png-45405fig26.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 26</span> Property taxes/total output (agricultural and manufacturing), 1868–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-27" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-27"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig27.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-82180-mediumThumb-png-45405fig27.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-38281-smallThumb-png-45405fig27.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-14214-optimisedImage-png-45405fig27.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-89700-largeThumb-png-45405fig27.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 27</span> Property tax rate, 1868–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section><p class="p"> <span class="page-marker"></span>To further investigate the association between Reconstruction status and property taxation between 1868 and 1880, we adopt the following two-way fixed-effects model: </p><div data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="disp-formula" id="EQN-df-2" data-magellan-destination="EQN-df-2"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>y</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub><mo>=</mo><msub><mi>β</mi><mn>1</mn></msub><msub><mi>R</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub><mo>+</mo><msub><mi>β</mi><mn>2</mn></msub><msub><mrow><mrow><mtext>X</mtext></mrow></mrow><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub><mo>+</mo><msub><mi>λ</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi></mrow></msub><mo>+</mo><msub><mi>γ</mi><mrow><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub><mo>+</mo><msub><mi>ϵ</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub><mo>,</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405eqn2.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off"></span><span class="label">(2)</span></div><p class="p continuation">where <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-21" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-21"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>y</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_27.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="18" height="13" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_27.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> is a state-level measure of property tax revenues or ad valorem rates, for state <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-22" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-22"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>i</mi></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_28.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="5" height="13" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_28.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> at time <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-23" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-23"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>t</mi></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_29.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="6" height="12" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_29.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span>. <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-24" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-24"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>R</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_30.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="20" height="17" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_30.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> is an indicator variable that takes the value 1 if state <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-25" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-25"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>i</mi></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_31.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="5" height="13" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_31.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> is <span class="page-marker"></span>occupied by federal military forces in year <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-26" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-26"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>t</mi></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_32.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="6" height="12" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_32.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span>, and 0 otherwise. Both dependent and independent variables are measured as three-year moving averages. <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-27" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-27"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mrow><mrow><mtext>X</mtext></mrow></mrow><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_33.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="21" height="17" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_33.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> represents a vector of time-varying covariates, while <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-28" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-28"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>λ</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_34.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="13" height="17" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_34.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> and <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-29" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-29"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>γ</mi><mrow><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_35.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="14" height="13" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_35.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> represent state and year fixed effects.</p><p class="p"><a class="xref table" href="#TBLm-tblw-6" data-sectionId="#TBLm-tblw-6">Table 6</a> presents our baseline results for this period. As our theory predicts, federal intervention is associated with a significant increase in property taxes PWC. <a class="xref table" href="#TBLm-tblw-7" data-sectionId="#TBLm-tblw-7">Table 7</a> further breaks down this result by differentiating between the five <em class="italic">Republican Control</em> states (i.e, where Republicans had unified control [governor plus both chambers of the legislature] for several consecutive electoral cycles), and the five <em class="italic">Mixed Control</em> Reconstruction states (i.e., those where the Republican Party lacked unified control for consecutive cycles).<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-73" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-73"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">73</sup></a> <span class="page-marker"></span>To assuage concerns that the Reconstruction variable may simply be picking up variation in the proportion of the newly enfranchised electorate across states, all specifications account for the share of the enslaved population in 1860. As the results show, the effect of Reconstruction on property taxes is much greater in states where the elite-dominated Democratic Party was fully removed from power than in those states where Democrats were still able to formally influence policymaking.</p><section><div class="table-wrap" id="TBLm-tblw-6" data-magellan-destination="TBLm-tblw-6"><div class="caption"><h2 class="title"><span class="label">Table 6</span> Postwar period: Property taxes and Reconstruction status </h2></div><table style="width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;"><colgroup><col style="width:25.0%;"><col style="width:25.0%;"><col style="width:25.0%;"><col style="width:25.0%;"></colgroup><thead><tr><th colspan="1" rowspan="3"></th><th colspan="3" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;"><em class="italic">Dependent variable</em></th></tr><tr><th colspan="3" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;">Property taxes per White capita (real $)</th></tr><tr><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">(1)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">(2)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">(3)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Reconstruction Status</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.385 <a class="xref p" href="#P-para-3" data-sectionId="#P-para-3"><sup class="sup">*</sup></a></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.407 <a class="xref p" href="#P-para-3" data-sectionId="#P-para-3"><sup class="sup">***</sup></a></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.421 <a class="xref p" href="#P-para-3" data-sectionId="#P-para-3"><sup class="sup">**</sup></a></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">(0.204)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">(0.155)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">(0.209)</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">State fixed effects</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Year fixed effects</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Geographic covariate</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Time-varying covariates</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Time-invariant covariates</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Observations</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">306</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">306</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">306</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">R <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-30" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-30"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msup><mi> </mi><mrow><mn>2</mn></mrow></msup></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_39.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="7" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_39.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.332</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.474</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.521</td></tr></tbody></table><div class="table-wrap-foot" id="TFN-tblwf-16" data-magellan-destination="TFN-tblwf-16"><p class="p" id="P-para-3" data-magellan-destination="P-para-3">Note: Dependent variable measured as three-year moving average. All specifications account for share of enslaved population, state area, and population size (log) in 1860. Time-varying covariates included in column 2 are: state population (log), urban population (log), and agricultural and manufacturing output (log). Column 3 includes the same covariates measured in 1860 (pretreatment) interacted with year indicators. We test for the potential influence of negative weights, as proposed by <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-022" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-022"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference de Chaisemartin and D’Haultfoeuille</span>de Chaisemartin and D’Haultfoeuille (2020)</a>, and find that all of our ATT receive a positive weight. * p <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-31" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-31"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo><</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_41.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_41.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 0.1; ** p <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-32" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-32"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo><</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_43.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_43.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 0.05; *** p <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-33" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-33"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo><</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_45.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_45.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 0.01.</p></div></div></section><section><div class="table-wrap" id="TBLm-tblw-7" data-magellan-destination="TBLm-tblw-7"><div class="caption"><h2 class="title"><span class="label">Table 7</span> Post Civil War period: Property taxes, Reconstruction status, and party control </h2></div><table style="width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;"><colgroup><col style="width:25.0%;"><col style="width:25.0%;"><col style="width:25.0%;"><col style="width:25.0%;"></colgroup><thead><tr><th colspan="1" rowspan="3"></th><th colspan="3" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;"><em class="italic">Dependent variable</em></th></tr><tr><th colspan="3" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;">Property taxes per White capita (real $)</th></tr><tr><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;">(1)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;">(2)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;">(3)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Reconstruction and</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"><span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-34" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-34"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo>−</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_46.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="2" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_46.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 0.164</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.111</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"><span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-35" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-35"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo>−</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_47.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="2" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_47.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 0.027</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"><em class="italic">Mixed Party</em> Control</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">(0.265)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">(0.139)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">(0.171)</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Reconstruction and</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1.054 <a class="xref p" href="#P-para-4" data-sectionId="#P-para-4"><sup class="sup">***</sup></a></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.802 <a class="xref p" href="#P-para-4" data-sectionId="#P-para-4"><sup class="sup">***</sup></a></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">1.236 <a class="xref p" href="#P-para-4" data-sectionId="#P-para-4"><sup class="sup">***</sup></a></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"><em class="italic">Full Republican</em> Control</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">(0.359)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">(0.296)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">(0.291)</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">State fixed effects</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Year fixed effects</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Geographic covariate</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Time-varying covariates</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Time-invariant covariates</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Observations</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">306</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">306</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">306</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">R <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-36" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-36"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msup><mi> </mi><mrow><mn>2</mn></mrow></msup></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_51.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="7" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_51.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.422</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.495</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.596</td></tr></tbody></table><div class="table-wrap-foot" id="TFN-tblwf-17" data-magellan-destination="TFN-tblwf-17"><p class="p" id="P-para-4" data-magellan-destination="P-para-4">Note: Dependent variable measured as three-year moving average. All specifications account for share of enslaved population, state area, and population size (log) in 1860. Time-varying covariates included in column 2 are: state population (log), urban population (log), and agricultural and manufacturing output (log). Column 3 includes the same covariates measured in 1860 (pretreatment) interacted with year indicators. The omitted category is <em class="italic">Non-Reconstruction</em>. Wald tests reveal that we can reject the null hypothesis that the coefficients for <em class="italic">Mixed</em> and <em class="italic">Full Republican</em> control are equal. * p <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-37" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-37"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo><</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_53.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_53.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 0.1; ** p <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-38" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-38"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo><</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_55.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_55.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 0.05; *** p <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-39" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-39"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo><</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_57.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_57.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 0.01.</p></div></div></section><p class="p">One obvious question regards what drove Republican control across states. <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-020" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-020"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chacón, Jensen and Yntiso</span>Chacón et al. (2021)</a> show, using a county-level panel, that for a given set of structural characteristics that shaped demands for redistribution (including the size of the formerly enslaved population), the local proximity of federal troops increased the electoral success of Republican state legislators. In Appendix Table A4, we show that this pattern also holds at the state level.</p><p class="p"><span class="page-marker"></span>A related concern is that our analysis may suffer from omitted variable bias. <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-102" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-102"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Suryanarayan and White</span>Suryanarayan and White (2021)</a>, for example, have shown that within Confederate states, the hollowing out of the state’s administrative apparatus in the post-Reconstruction period was stronger in formerly high-slavery counties where intra-White inequality was higher. To account for the possibility that these two factors varied systematically with Republican Party control within the Confederate sample, we include both the share of the enslaved population in 1860 and intra-White inequality in 1850 as covariates, which we interact with year indicators to capture differences in trajectories across states (Table A5). Our results remain unchanged, suggesting that slavery, intra-white inequality, and Republican control influenced taxation outcomes through independent channels.</p><p class="p">A final concern might be that the observed patterns reflect different trends in overall revenues across states, rather than an expansion in elite taxation. Using the same approach we used to investigate this possibility during the antebellum period, we look at the trajectories of poll taxes across RS and NRS. As <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-28" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-28">Figure 28</a> shows, there is no evidence of significant changes in non-property taxation across both groups of states during this period.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-28" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-28"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig28.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-55957-optimisedImage-png-45405fig28.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-75875-mediumThumb-png-45405fig28.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-88916-largeThumb-png-45405fig28.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-68317-smallThumb-png-45405fig28.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 28</span> Poll tax rate, 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-reconstruction states</p> </div></div></section></div><div class="sec" id="C-sec-12" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-12"><h5 class="C title"><span class="label">5.1.3</span> State Spending on Common Schools </h5><p class="p">Last, we provide evidence that RS and, in particular, states with full Republican control, not only levied significantly higher property taxes during the <span class="page-marker"></span>occupation period, but they also spent significantly more on redistributive public goods preferred by Blacks and poorer Whites. As with property taxes, we expect spending in these states to decline with the end of Reconstruction. Given the absence of significant political changes in the NRS, and the contested nature of political power in the <em class="italic">Mixed Control</em> states, we should observe less variation in education spending during or after the end of Reconstruction across these two groups.</p><p class="p">To test this argument, we collect the amount of either state taxes devoted to common schools or state spending from general revenues allocated toward public schools annually between 1870 and 1910, taken from state reports of the superintendent of public education (see Appendix B for sources).</p><p class="p"><a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-29" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-29">Figure 29</a> illustrates the trends in state taxes allocated to common schools across RS and NRS. State revenues devoted to common schools as a share of output expanded markedly throughout the first half of the 1870s among the states that underwent Reconstruction, only to fall abruptly following removal of federal troops.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-74" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-74"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">74</sup></a></p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-29" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-29"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig29.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-14954-optimisedImage-png-45405fig29.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-45140-largeThumb-png-45405fig29.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-92497-smallThumb-png-45405fig29.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-06707-mediumThumb-png-45405fig29.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 29</span> State taxation for common schools/total output, 1870–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section><p class="p">In <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-30" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-30">Figure 30</a>, we distinguish between states where the Republican Party had unified control of state government for consecutive terms and those where the Democratic Party retained some representation. The evidence is consistent with <span class="page-marker"></span>the theoretical expectation that fiscal resources devoted to common schools as a share of output saw a substantial increase in states dominated by the Republican Party, while remaining largely unchanged in the other two groups of states. With the end of federal Reconstruction, however, this exceptional bout of growth was replaced by a period of steep decline in state school revenues among RS, which again contrasts with the trends observed in the NRS and <em class="italic">Mixed Control</em> states, where school taxes as a share of output remained generally stable during the same period.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-30" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-30"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig30.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67483-optimisedImage-png-45405fig30.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54451-mediumThumb-png-45405fig30.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-42234-smallThumb-png-45405fig30.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-81264-largeThumb-png-45405fig30.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 30</span> State taxation for common schools/total output, 1870–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section></div></div><div class="sec" id="B-sec-14" data-magellan-destination="B-sec-14"><h4 class="B title"><span class="label">5.2</span> Jim Crow: Formal Black Disenfranchisement (1880–1910) </h4><div class="sec" id="C-sec-13" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-13"><h5 class="C title"><span class="label">5.2.1</span> Context </h5><p class="p">While the redistributive threat posed by the Republican Reconstruction governments had been eliminated by 1877, adult Black males formally retained the right to vote. In the years after Reconstruction, non-Democratic Party candidates for governor and the state legislature continued to receive substantial shares of the vote in many Southern states.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-75" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-75"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">75</sup></a> Of particular concern to Southern <span class="page-marker"></span>elites, cross-racial class-based (“fusion”) coalitions had successfully formed to win control of state governments in Virginia (early 1880s) and North Carolina (mid-1890s), and had nearly won in several other states (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-082" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-082"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Perman</span>Perman 2003</a>).</p><p class="p">While the durability of such coalitions was never demonstrated during this period, the mere possibility posed a particular threat to Southern elites. Like many rural societies based on coerced labor, the US South during the 1880s was characterized by high land inequality, fiscal retrenchment, and low spending on broad public goods, especially public education (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-005" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-005"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Alston and Ferrie</span>Alston and Ferrie 2007</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-073" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-073"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Margo</span>Margo 2007</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-040" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-040"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Galor, Moav and Vollrath</span>Galor et al. 2009</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-111" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-111"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Vollrath</span>Vollrath 2013</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-102" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-102"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Suryanarayan and White</span>Suryanarayan and White 2021</a>). The increase in regressive taxation and retrenchment in public spending that emerged in the post-Reconstruction period engendered significant resentment among poorer Whites and fueled the populist and cross-racial fusion movements that threatened Southern Democratic Party dominance (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-061" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-061"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Kousser</span>Kousser 1974</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-055" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-055"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hyman</span>Hyman 1989</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-051" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-051"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hahn</span>Hahn 2006</a>).</p><p class="p">These electoral threats to Democratic Party rule ended with the adoption by eleven states of various suffrage restrictions, such as poll taxes and literacy tests, between 1889 and 1906 (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-082" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-082"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Perman</span>Perman 2003</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-110" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-110"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Valelly</span>Valelly 2009</a>).<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-76" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-76"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">76</sup></a> While not explicitly racial in nature, these restrictions removed the formal voting eligibility of substantial portions of the Black electorate.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-77" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-77"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">77</sup></a> The historical record is clear that elites saw White supremacy as crucial for maintaining Democratic Party hegemony. To take just one example, a delegate to the 1898 Louisiana constitutional convention, which adopted poll taxes and a literacy test, said: “What is the state? It is the Democratic Party … We meet here to establish the supremacy of the white race, and the white race constitutes the Democratic Party of this state.” The effects of these restrictions on lower-income Whites is less known. While ‘Grandfather’ clauses and other similar mechanisms were adopted to maintain White voter suffrage, turnout and likely voter eligibility of lower-income Whites declined (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-061" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-061"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Kousser</span>Kousser 1974</a>).</p><p class="p">Our argument suggests that in the post-Reconstruction period, during which political contestation to Democratic Party elite rule remained and future control was uncertain, we should expect declining and/or low levels of progressive property taxation. If franchise restrictions led to tighter elite control <em class="italic">and</em> elites demanded some collective goods, we should see that Black disenfranchisement resulted in higher property taxes. If, however, elite control was not coupled <span class="page-marker"></span>with demands for greater collective goods, then taxation should not rise much. As shown in what follows, states in which elite control was strongest – as measured separately by either the implementation of a literacy test (which disenfranchised most Black voters) or the Democratic Party seat share in the state legislature – had higher property taxes PWC. Spending, however, does not increase to the same extent as in the prewar period. We believe there were fewer collective goods desired by elites at this time, something that would not change appreciably until the automobile age. The key point in terms of our argument is that property taxes and spending on elite goods, such as colleges and universities, increased more in states in which the Democratic Party had greater control.</p></div><div class="sec" id="C-sec-14" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-14"><h5 class="C title"><span class="label">5.2.2</span> Analysis </h5><p class="p">We begin by visually showing the change in property taxes between 1880 and 1910 across states that adopted some type of suffrage restriction (poll tax or literacy test) versus those that did not enact any of these measures. This allows us to assess if the patterns observed among disenfranchising states diverge from the secular trends affecting all states irrespective of their voting laws.</p><p class="p">Each category separates the states into the likely effects of Black disenfranchisement on elite political control. Literacy tests and poll taxes drastically reduced the political participation of Black voters and therefore should have provided elites with a higher degree of political control both in the present and into the future. By contrast, the absence of suffrage restrictions clearly did little to institutionally buffer elite dominance. Holding elite demand for collective goods constant, we expect property taxes in the states with poll taxes or literacy tests to increase faster (or fall less) than in the states without voting restrictions.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-78" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-78"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">78</sup></a></p><p class="p"><a class="xref fig" href="#FIGGm-figg-1" data-sectionId="#FIGGm-figg-1">Figure 31</a> shows the average property taxes PWC and as a share of output, along with ad valorem rates, for each set of states between 1880 and 1910. The dashed vertical lines in these figures denote the year in which each state adopted voting restrictions (either a poll tax or a literacy test). As the first figure shows, property taxes PWC increased rapidly, on average, among states that implemented suffrage restrictions and remained largely unchanged in comparison states. As a share of output (<a class="xref fig" href="#FIGGm-figg-1" data-sectionId="#FIGGm-figg-1">Figure 31b</a>), property taxes fell markedly and continuously among non-Restriction states while showing a less pronounced decrease among disenfranchising states. In particular, the acceleration observed <span class="page-marker"></span>in the years after the last state (Georgia) implemented restrictive measures does not appear to be driven by common shocks affecting all states: there is no increase in states that did not adopt voting restrictions.</p><section><div class="fig-group" id="FIGGm-figg-1" data-magellan-destination="FIGGm-figg-1"><div class="fig"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig31a.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic"></div></div><div class="fig"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig31b.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic"></div></div><div class="fig"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig31c.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-75572-smallThumb-png-45405fig31c.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-39025-optimisedImage-png-45405fig31c.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-87434-mediumThumb-png-45405fig31c.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-19422-largeThumb-png-45405fig31c.jpg"></div></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 31</span> Property tax outcomes by restriction status, 1880–1910</p></div></div></section><p class="p">While the amount of property taxes levied constitutes a common measure of direct taxation on the wealthy, it may reflect both a political decision and underlying differences in states’ fiscal capabilities. Because our theory seeks <span class="page-marker"></span>to explain supply-side decisions, changes in ad valorem property tax rates provide a strong complementary test. We present these results in <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGGm-figg-1" data-sectionId="#FIGGm-figg-1">Figure 31</a>c. The striking divergence is consistent with our previous findings and strengthens the credibility of our other taxation measures.</p><p class="p">Another way of evaluating the existence of differential trends across groups of states is to look at taxation patterns based on the number of years from the implementation of suffrage restrictions. Given the staggered adoption of disenfranchising measures across states, such figures may provide a clearer depiction of the incremental divergence between Restriction and non-Restriction states. Figure <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGGm-figg-2" data-sectionId="#FIGGm-figg-2">32</a> shows, in Black, average property taxes among states that implemented voting restrictions in the ten years before disenfranchisement and the twenty years after. The grey lines show property taxes in states that did not adopt restrictive measures. Once again, the figures show a marked divergence in property taxes between states that adopted franchise restrictions and the comparison group.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-79" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-79"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">79</sup></a></p><section><div class="fig-group" id="FIGGm-figg-2" data-magellan-destination="FIGGm-figg-2"><div class="fig"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig32a.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic"></div></div><div class="fig"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig32b.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic"></div></div><div class="fig"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig32c.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-27743-largeThumb-png-45405fig32c.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-62236-smallThumb-png-45405fig32c.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-72925-mediumThumb-png-45405fig32c.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-57195-optimisedImage-png-45405fig32c.jpg"></div></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 32</span> Property tax outcomes by disenfranchisement status ten years before and twenty years after suffrage restrictions</p><p class="p">Note: The black lines show average (a) property taxes PWC, (b) as a share of output, and (c) ad valorem rates across states that adopted suffrage restrictions. For each state where voting restrictions were implemented in a given year, we calculate the average property taxes of a control group that is composed of all states that did not have restrictive measures in that year or before – i.e., the control group includes both never-treated and not-yet-treated units. The grey line reflects the average trend across all control groups.</p></div></div></section><p class="p">To further assess our hypothesis that variation in elite control is the relevant mechanism through which poll taxes and literacy tests may influence<span class="page-marker"></span> <span class="page-marker"></span>property taxation, we investigate the heterogeneous effects of suffrage restrictions with respect to the level of political dominance that the Democratic Party achieved across states. Specifically, we differentiate between states where the Democratic Party had a high (i.e., above average) share of seats in the state legislature following the adoption of restrictions and those where the party’s dominance was less pronounced – Arkansas, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia – despite having adopted the same measures as their counterparts.</p><p class="p">We present property taxes PWC across time by level of Democratic control in <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-31" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-31">Figure 33</a>, property taxes over output in <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-32" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-32">Figure 34</a>, and ad valorem tax rates in <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-33" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-33">Figure 35</a>. The diverging lines suggest a significant gap in taxation between the disenfranchising states where the Democratic Party dominated the legislature and both states without restrictions and those with voting restrictions but weaker Democratic control. Although the three groups display largely parallel trends before 1890, their taxation patterns begin to diverge after the first states (Florida, Mississippi, and Tennessee) adopt franchise restrictions. Overall, the figures show that Democratic-leaning states appear to experience a larger increase in property taxes PWC – and a smaller decrease in property taxes over output – than their counterparts, which we attribute to elites’ increased political control and reduced uncertainty over their future ability to shape fiscal policy in these states.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-31" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-31"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig33.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-37418-smallThumb-png-45405fig33.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-25730-optimisedImage-png-45405fig33.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-62685-largeThumb-png-45405fig33.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-94749-mediumThumb-png-45405fig33.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 33</span> Property taxes per White capita (real $), 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic seat share (three-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-32" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-32"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig34.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-36597-mediumThumb-png-45405fig34.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-85266-optimisedImage-png-45405fig34.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-37141-smallThumb-png-45405fig34.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-06889-largeThumb-png-45405fig34.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 34</span> Property taxes/output, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic seat share (three-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-33" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-33"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig35.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-29698-optimisedImage-png-45405fig35.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-61324-largeThumb-png-45405fig35.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-76375-smallThumb-png-45405fig35.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-70854-mediumThumb-png-45405fig35.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 35</span> Property tax rate, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic seat share (three-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section></div><div class="sec" id="C-sec-15" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-15"><h5 class="C title"><span class="label">5.2.3</span> Event Study </h5><p class="p"> To further investigate whether the adoption of suffrage restrictions significantly altered the levels of progressive taxation across states, we estimate an event study model that relies on information from states without suffrage restrictions to estimate the counterfactual trend of disenfranchising states. Specifically, we rely on the estimation technique proposed by <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-101" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-101"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Sun and Abraham</span>Sun and Abraham (2021)</a>, <span class="page-marker"></span>which is robust to treatment effect heterogeneity. This method uses a linear two-way fixed-effects specification that interacts cohort indicators with relative period indicators to estimate a weighted average of the cohort-specific average treatment effects on the treated (<span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-40" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-40"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>C</mi><mi>A</mi><mi>T</mi><msub><mi>T</mi><mrow><mi>e</mi><mo>,</mo><mi>l</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_58.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="58" height="18" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_58.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span>) as follows: </p><div data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="disp-formula" id="EQN-df-3" data-magellan-destination="EQN-df-3"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>y</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub><mo>=</mo><msub><mi>α</mi><mi>i</mi></msub><mo>+</mo><msub><mi>λ</mi><mi>t</mi></msub><mo>+</mo><mrow><munder><mo>∑</mo><mrow><mi>e</mi></mrow></munder></mrow><mrow><munder><mo>∑</mo><mrow><mi>l</mi><mo>≠</mo><mo>−</mo><mn>1</mn></mrow></munder></mrow><msub><mi>δ</mi><mrow><mi>e</mi><mo>,</mo><mi>l</mi></mrow></msub><mo>(</mo><mrow><mrow><mtext>1</mtext></mrow></mrow><mo>{</mo><msub><mi>E</mi><mi>i</mi></msub><mo>=</mo><mi>e</mi><mo>}</mo><mo>⋅</mo><msubsup><mi>D</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow><mi>l</mi></msubsup><mo>)</mo><mo>+</mo><msub><mi>ϵ</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub><mo>,</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405eqnu1_1.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off"></span> </div><p class="p continuation">where <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-41" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-41"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>y</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_59.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="18" height="13" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_59.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> is the outcome of interest for unit <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-42" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-42"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>i</mi></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_60.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="5" height="13" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_60.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> at time <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-43" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-43"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>t</mi></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_61.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="6" height="12" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_61.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span>, <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-44" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-44"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>E</mi><mi>i</mi></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_62.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="16" height="17" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_62.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> is the time at which unit <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-45" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-45"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>i</mi></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_63.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="5" height="13" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_63.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> first receives the binary treatment, and <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-46" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-46"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msubsup><mi>D</mi><mrow><mi>i</mi><mi>t</mi></mrow><mi>l</mi></msubsup></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_64.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="22" height="24" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_64.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> is an indicator for unit <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-47" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-47"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>i</mi></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_65.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="5" height="13" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_65.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> that is <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-48" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-48"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>l</mi></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_66.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="6" height="14" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_66.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> periods away from the adoption of suffrage restrictions at calendar time <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-49" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-49"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>t</mi></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_67.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="6" height="12" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_67.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span>.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-80" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-80"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">80</sup></a> Additionally, <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-50" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-50"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>α</mi><mi>i</mi></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_68.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="14" height="13" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_68.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> accounts for fixed-state characteristics that influence taxation levels and the probability of suffrage restrictions being adopted, while <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-51" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-51"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mi>λ</mi><mi>t</mi></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_69.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="13" height="17" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_69.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> accounts for any common temporal shocks affecting all states. Under the identifying assumptions of no anticipation and parallel trends, the coefficient estimator <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-52" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-52"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msub><mover><mi>δ</mi><mo>ˆ</mo></mover><mrow><mi>e</mi><mo>,</mo><mi>l</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_70.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="23" height="22" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_70.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> is a DID estimator for <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-53" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-53"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>C</mi><mi>A</mi><mi>T</mi><msub><mi>T</mi><mrow><mi>e</mi><mo>,</mo><mi>l</mi></mrow></msub></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_71.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="58" height="18" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_71.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span>.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-81" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-81"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">81</sup></a></p><p class="p">The results shown in <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGGm-figg-34" data-sectionId="#FIGGm-figg-34">Figure 36</a> are consistent with our theory: suffrage restrictions were followed by an expansion of property taxes that exceeded what is observed in states that did not adopt restrictive measures. <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGGm-figg-34" data-sectionId="#FIGGm-figg-34">Figure 36a</a> shows the average estimated effect on property taxes of voting restrictions for<span class="page-marker"></span> <span class="page-marker"></span>all disenfranchising states (regardless of party dominance), and 95 percent confidence intervals from standard errors clustered at the state level. <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGGm-figg-34" data-sectionId="#FIGGm-figg-34">Figure 36b</a> shows the average estimated effect of voting restrictions for the eleven states with above-average Democratic Party seat share in the legislature.</p><section><div class="fig-group" id="FIGGm-figg-34" data-magellan-destination="FIGGm-figg-34"><div class="fig"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig36a.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">(a)</span> All Restriction states</p> </div></div><div class="fig"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig36b.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">(b)</span> States with high Democratic seat share</p> </div></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 36</span> Event study estimate of the effect of suffrage restrictions on property taxes per White capita, ten years before and and twenty years after disenfranchisement</p><p class="p">Note: Point estimates and 95 percent confidence intervals for the effect of suffrage restrictions on property taxes PWC, based on an event study model estimated for the ten years preceding and the twenty years following the adoption of voting restrictions. Standard errors are clustered at the state level. Figure (a) comprises all states. Figure (b) shows the effect of suffrage restrictions among states where the Democratic Party had an above-average seat share in the legislature. Estimates ten years or more after treatment should be interpreted cautiously, as the sample size decreases over time.</p></div></div></section><p class="p">These figures highlight three central findings. First, the estimated coefficients for <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-54" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-54"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mi>l</mi><mo>></mo><mn>0</mn></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_72.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="37" height="14" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_72.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> suggest that following the adoption of suffrage restrictions, disenfranchising states experienced a progressive increase in property taxes PWC that surpassed the trajectory of states without restrictive measures. Second, the estimated coefficients for the pretreatment period are statistically indistinguishable from zero, adding credibility to the identifying assumptions. Third, the estimated long-term effect of disenfranchisement on property taxation is substantively large: restrictions increased property taxes by $0.55 PWC within ten years of disenfranchisement, which represents a 33 percent increase from the pre-restriction average of 1.65. Among the sample of states dominated by the Democratic Party, the expansion in property taxes is even larger, reaching a 39 percent increase from the pre-restriction average over the same period. Appendix Figure A7 shows the same analysis using property taxes as a share of output as the dependent variable. The substantive results remain unchanged.</p><p class="p">Taken together, these results provide support for the argument that suffrage restrictions were a critical determinant of the expansion of property taxation among Southern states in the early twentieth century. Nonetheless, a few limitations are worth highlighting. First, it is difficult to ascertain if these estimates reflect a causal effect of suffrage restrictions. Important correlates of taxation, such as those highlighted by <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-102" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-102"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Suryanarayan and White</span>Suryanarayan and White (2021)</a> – namely, the level of intra-White inequality or administrative capacity – might be systematically associated with disenfranchisement and thus account for our results. We investigate this possibility and find no significant pretreatment differences across disenfranchising and non-disenfranchising states (Figure A8a). Similarly, we find the level of legislative control exerted by the Democratic Party across disenfranchising states to be unrelated to pre–Jim Crow levels of intra-White inequality and state capacity (Figure A8b). To further assuage concerns that <em class="italic">Restriction</em> and <em class="italic">non-Restriction</em> states are fundamentally different, we carry out additional analyses implementing the <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-016" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-016"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Brantly and Sant’Anna</span>Callaway and Sant’Anna (2021)</a> estimator, which uses future-treated states as control units in their pretreatment years. The results, presented in Appendix Figure A9, again show a positive impact of suffrage restrictions on property taxes PWC, taxes as a share of output, and ad valorem rates. Appendix Figure A10, in turn, shows that our findings are robust to the DIDm estimator proposed by <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-022" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-022"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference de Chaisemartin and D’Haultfoeuille</span>de Chaisemartin and D’Haultfoeuille (2020)</a>. The DIDm estimator allows us to <span class="page-marker"></span>control for state-specific linear time trends and for intra-White inequality (and bureaucratic capacity) interacted with time-fixed effects.</p><p class="p">A second potential concern is that the differential trends we observe in property taxes over time may simply reflect a larger effort of <em class="italic">Restriction</em> states to increase total revenues (i.e., through all types of tax instruments), rather than a phenomenon restricted to progressive taxes. If this is the case, we would expect to see the same pattern of divergence in more regressive forms of taxation, such as poll taxes. This is not what the evidence shows: states that adopted voting restrictions levy higher property taxes than their counterparts, while maintaining their poll tax rates largely unchanged – their trend is parallel to that observed in <em class="italic">non-Restriction states</em> throughout the whole period. The trajectories shown in <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-35" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-35">Figure 37</a> thus provide support for the idea that even though elites favored increasing property taxes in <em class="italic">Restriction</em> states, they refrained from raising the fiscal burden of other societal groups.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-35" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-35"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig37.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-90148-mediumThumb-png-45405fig37.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67186-optimisedImage-png-45405fig37.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-39857-smallThumb-png-45405fig37.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-44693-largeThumb-png-45405fig37.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 37</span> Poll tax rate, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status (three-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section><p class="p">Finally, readers might also wonder about the plausibility of an alternative interpretation to our results. Specifically, the concomitant growth of urban areas and rates of industrialization during this period raise the question of whether increases in revenue resulted from expanding property values of urban assets, rather than an increased burden on landed elites. This may have been the case if, for instance, landed elites used property value assessments as a means of shifting the tax burden to the manufacturing sector. <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-071" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-071"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mares and Queralt</span>Mares and Queralt (2015)</a> have found support for this idea in the Prussian setting, where intra-elite conflict <span class="page-marker"></span>was shown to have prompted the support for and development of increased fiscal extraction. To investigate this possibility, we gathered data on property value assessments across eight states from 1885 to 1910 – seven <em class="italic">Restriction</em> states and the <em class="italic">non-Restriction</em> state of Missouri.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-82" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-82"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">82</sup></a> We then subtract from total assessed property values the amount related to rural land to create a variable that represents the share of non-rural land property values. The idea is that if non-land assets were disproportionately increasing in value over time, then this would suggest that property taxes were increasingly borne by non-rural actors. Using the <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-101" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-101"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Sun and Abraham</span>Sun and Abraham (2021)</a> approach adopted in the foregoing analyses, we investigate whether voting restrictions were associated with a differential increase in urban or industrial taxable property values. We find no evidence in support of this mechanism in our setting: not only do we not see any systematic relationship between disenfranchisement and the share of non-land property value (<a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-36" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-36">Figure 38</a>), we also fail to find a positive association between this measure and property taxes collected in our two-way fixed-effects specifications – in fact, if anything, this association appears to be negative (see <a class="xref table" href="#TBLm-tblw-8" data-sectionId="#TBLm-tblw-8">Table 8</a>).</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-36" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-36"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig38.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-07918-smallThumb-png-45405fig38.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-74838-optimisedImage-png-45405fig38.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-27792-largeThumb-png-45405fig38.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-86934-mediumThumb-png-45405fig38.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 38</span> Event study estimate of the effect of suffrage restrictions on the share of non-land property value</p><p class="p">Note: Point estimates and 95 percent confidence intervals for the effect of suffrage restrictions on the non-land share of property values, based on an event study model estimated for the ten years before and the twenty years after restrictions are adopted. Standard errors clustered at the state level.</p> </div></div></section><section><div class="table-wrap" id="TBLm-tblw-8" data-magellan-destination="TBLm-tblw-8"><div class="caption"><h2 class="title"><span class="label">Table 8</span> Non-land share of property value and property taxes collected, 1885–1910 </h2></div><table style="width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;"><colgroup><col style="width:25.0%;"><col style="width:25.0%;"><col style="width:25.0%;"><col style="width:25.0%;"></colgroup><thead><tr><th colspan="1" rowspan="3"></th><th colspan="3" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;"><em class="italic">Dependent variable</em></th></tr><tr><th colspan="3" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;">Total property taxes, real $ (log)</th></tr><tr><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">(1)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">(2)</th><th colspan="1" rowspan="1" style="vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;">(3)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Non-land property value (%)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.364</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"><span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-55" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-55"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo>−</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_73.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="2" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_73.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 0.836</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"><span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-56" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-56"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo>−</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_74.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="2" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_74.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 2.202 <a class="xref p" href="#P-para-5" data-sectionId="#P-para-5"><sup class="sup">**</sup></a></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">(0.497)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">(0.724)</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">(0.961)</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1"></td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Additional covariates</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Time-varying covariates</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Time-invariant covariates</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">No</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Yes</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">Observations</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">248</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">248</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">248</td></tr><tr><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">R <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-57" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-57"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><msup><mi> </mi><mrow><mn>2</mn></mrow></msup></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_76.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="7" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_76.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span></td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.105</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.366</td><td colspan="1" rowspan="1">0.718</td></tr></tbody></table><div class="table-wrap-foot" id="TFN-tblwf-18" data-magellan-destination="TFN-tblwf-18"><p class="p" id="P-para-5" data-magellan-destination="P-para-5">Note: Main variables measured as three-year moving averages. Covariates included are: state population (log), urban population (log), and total output (log). All specifications include state area interacted with year indicators. Column 2 includes time-varying covariates, and column 3 includes the same covariates but measured in 1880 (pretreatment) interacted with year indicators. * p <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-58" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-58"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo><</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_78.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_78.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 0.1; ** p <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-59" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-59"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo><</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_80.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_80.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 0.05; *** p <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-60" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-60"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on"><math xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" class="math"><mo><</mo></math></span></span><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_82.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="10" height="10" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_82.png" data-zoomable="false"></span> </span> 0.01.</p></div></div></section></div><div class="sec" id="C-sec-16" data-magellan-destination="C-sec-16"><h5 class="C title"><span class="label">5.2.4</span> State Spending on Common Schools versus Universities </h5><p class="p">Last, we check for evidence on whether this increase in property taxation was allocated toward redistributive goods or elite collective goods. We choose one good of each type: state spending on common schools represents our measure of redistributive expenditure and state spending on colleges and universities is our measure of a collective good that is preferred by elites.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-83" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-83"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">83</sup></a> We expect states where the Democratic Party has firmer control (which is likely to persist due to the adoption of suffrage restrictions) to increase their spending on universities but not necessarily on common schools. For spending on universities, we located the itemized list of total disbursements from each state’s report of auditor, treasurer, or comptroller. Combined with our previously described measure of state spending on common schools, we have good coverage (each state typically has at least one value every three years between 1880 and 1910).</p><p class="p"><span class="page-marker"></span><a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-37" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-37">Figure 39</a> illustrates the trends in state taxes devoted to common schools across disenfranchising and non-disenfranchising states. <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-38" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-38">Figure 40</a> shows average school taxes as a share of output among states that adopted voting restrictions in the ten years before their implementation and the twenty years after, <span class="page-marker"></span>and compares them to the trends observed among the control group – that is, all states that did not have voting restrictions in place in any given year.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-84" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-84"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">84</sup></a> The evidence provides support for the expectation that state taxes devoted to schools as a share of output did not differ systematically across the two groups of states, which maintained parallel trajectories throughout the whole period. In contrast to the Reconstruction era, and consistent with our theoretical expectations, these results show that unlike the trends observed in property taxes, expenditure patterns on redistributive goods did not diverge systematically across disenfranchising and comparison states during the Jim Crow period. In other words, the expanded fiscal resources restriction states obtained through property taxation were not proportionally allocated to the provision of broad-access public goods.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-37" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-37"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig39.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-62292-smallThumb-png-45405fig39.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-65752-optimisedImage-png-45405fig39.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-16004-largeThumb-png-45405fig39.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-14588-mediumThumb-png-45405fig39.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 39</span> State spending on common schools/output, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status (three-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-38" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-38"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig40.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-82332-mediumThumb-png-45405fig40.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-02249-largeThumb-png-45405fig40.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67048-smallThumb-png-45405fig40.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-72172-optimisedImage-png-45405fig40.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 40</span> State spending on common schools/output by disenfranchisement status ten years before and twenty years after suffrage restrictions</p> </div></div></section><p class="p">In <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-39" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-39">Figure 41</a>, we distinguish between restriction states where the Democratic Party had a higher-than-average share of seats in the state legislature versus those where the Democratic Party had a weaker grip on power, and those that never implemented voting restrictions. Again, we see no systematic divergence in allocations for common schools over time across the three groups of states. These figures provide further support for the idea that regardless of the level of Democratic dominance, and despite the increase in taxation that occurred in some states during this period, redistributive spending as a share of output <span class="page-marker"></span>remained relatively stable throughout the whole period across the three groups of states.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-39" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-39"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig41.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-38783-mediumThumb-png-45405fig41.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-14708-largeThumb-png-45405fig41.jpg" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-65834-optimisedImage-png-45405fig41.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-34897-smallThumb-png-45405fig41.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 41</span> State spending on common schools/output, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic Party control (three-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section><p class="p">By contrast, state spending on selective public goods related to elite education experienced a remarkably different trajectory. Exploring the temporal variation in state spending on colleges and universities, we investigate whether elites in disenfranchising states were willing to progressively increase the amount of public resources allocated to the provision of this type of <em class="italic">selective</em> public good.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-85" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-85"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">85</sup></a> <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-40" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-40">Figure 42</a> shows average college spending PWC and as a share of output among states that adopted voting restrictions in the ten years before the implementation and the twenty years after, together with the trends of the comparison group.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-86" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-86"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">86</sup></a> <a class="xref fig" href="#FIGm-fig-41" data-sectionId="#FIGm-fig-41">Figure 43</a> shows divergent trends in college spending across non-restriction states and disenfranchising states – distinguishing between those where the Democratic Party had a higher versus lower share of seats in the legislature. While spending PWC and as a share of output stagnated (or increased only mildly) in non-restriction states, it experienced gradual and sustained increase among restriction states, especially in those controlled by the Democratic Party.</p><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-40" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-40"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig42.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-97437-optimisedImage-png-45405fig42.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-47545-largeThumb-png-45405fig42.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-35404-mediumThumb-png-45405fig42.jpg" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-13947-smallThumb-png-45405fig42.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 42</span> College spending by disenfranchisement status ten years before and twenty years after suffrage restrictions</p> </div></div></section><section><div class="fig" id="FIGm-fig-41" data-magellan-destination="FIGm-fig-41"><div class="figure-thumb"><img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig43.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image graphic" data-optimised-image="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54082-optimisedImage-png-45405fig43.jpg" data-zoomable="false" data-small-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-25644-smallThumb-png-45405fig43.jpg" data-large-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-58396-largeThumb-png-45405fig43.jpg" data-medium-thumb="urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-88175-mediumThumb-png-45405fig43.jpg"></div><div class="caption"><p class="p"><span class="label">Figure 43</span> State spending on colleges, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic Party control (three-year moving average)</p> </div></div></section><p class="p">Overall, together with the evidence on taxes destined to common schools, these results provide support for the idea that after disenfranchisement, elites raised property taxes in the states where they had greater political control and spent the increased public resources on the provision of selective (rather than redistributive) public goods. Our results stand in contrast to <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-067" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-067"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Lieberman</span>Lieberman (2003)</a>, who finds that in South Africa “the push from white lower groups” led upper-class groups to accept an increase in progressive taxation and redistributive spending that benefited low-income Whites.</p></div></div></div><div class="sec" id="A-sec-8" data-magellan-destination="A-sec-8"><h3 class="A title"> Conclusion </h3><p class="p">This Element explains patterns of fiscal development in the American South from 1820–1910. Our theoretical discussion contrasted exchange and coercion-based models of taxes and spending, and drilled down on the particular challenges of taxing agricultural elites in highly unequal societies. We argued that the willingness of the plantation class to comply with tax demands would in substantial part determine the amount of taxes raised, the costs of enforcement, <span class="page-marker"></span><span class="page-marker"></span>and the sustainability of the fiscal pathway. We then laid out specific conditions under which agricultural elites would accept (or resist) taxation: landed elites would support taxation if and only if they covet collective goods from the state, have a monopoly on political power in the present, and also believe this monopoly will persist. These conditions allow them to benefit from public spending today, while ensuring that the enhanced extractive powers of the state will not be used against them later.</p><p class="p"><span class="page-marker"></span>We then assessed the explanatory power of these models using original, archival data with relatively comprehensive coverage of state-level taxes and spending from 1820–1910. Our analysis pinned down the incidence of taxation and the distribution of spending, leveraged shocks that changed elite power and preferences at critical moments, and identified the political developments and institutional mechanisms that influenced the trajectory of these fiscal outcomes over time.</p><p class="p">In brief, we find that both broad models of public finance help us understand the evolution of taxation and spending across Southern states from 1820 to 1910. Consistent with the theoretical conjectures, the quasi-voluntary periods were prevalent, lucrative, and self-sustaining; the coercion model briefly proved capable of raising significant amount of revenue, but it also triggered significant resistance, which probably contributed endogenously to its own demise. Because it relied on third-party enforcement, it proved ephemeral once this external (federal) enforcement was removed. We find strong support for our hypothesis about elite behavior with respect to taxes and spending and the institutions governing these fiscal outcomes across all three periods and across different constellations of spatial variation in planter power.</p><p class="p">Among the specific findings, we highlight the following: during the antebellum period, half of the Southern states were malapportioned in ways that provided the plantation elites an enduring lock on power; the other half were not malapportioned, meaning that the majority of poor Whites could always pose a redistributive threat. When a common economic shock from roughly 1844 to 1860 raised the value of slaves and cash crops throughout the South, it triggered significantly different fiscal responses. In MS, governments raised taxes on the agricultural elites and plowed it back into railroads, thereby increasing the net wealth of the plantation class. In NMS, by contrast, legislatures were unable to agree to raise taxes or fund railroads. The tax-railroad gap between MS and NMS only changed when existing political institutions were altered by Reconstruction.</p><p class="p">The Civil War temporarily diminished the power of the plantation class throughout the South. As in the prewar period, however, there was spatial and temporal variation, determined in this case by the extent of Northern occupation. Places with more Northern troops had more coercive power. They elected more Black officials and Republicans, raised more from property taxes, and spent more progressively.</p><p class="p">The presidential election of 1876 heralded the North’s final retreat from Southern politics, though the threat of Northern intervention persisted until the 1890s. While planter elites were able to reassert their power over Southern politics, their ability to secure their hold on power (that is, to create an <span class="page-marker"></span>enduring lock) was limited until they enacted voting restrictions that reduced Black, and to a lesser extent poor White, electoral participation. In places with more restrictions, the Democratic Party reigned supreme, triggering a rise in progressive taxes and spending on goods that disproportionately favored White elites, notably universities.</p><p class="p">In short, we find that the plantation class embraced taxes on themselves whenever and wherever they unambiguously called the shots politically, had institutional mechanisms that locked in their power, and desired collective goods. In places where they were neither completely dominant, nor well protected against future reversals in power, elite taxation stalled. In places where their political power was effectively restricted (primarily due to federal enforcement of lower-class political rights), elite taxation surged. As external enforcement dissipated, property taxes collapsed. Our finding about the fragile nature of coercion-induced compliance during Reconstruction echoes arguments found elsewhere. <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-102" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-102"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Suryanarayan and White</span>Suryanarayan and White (2021</a>, p. 3), for example, note that “Southern white elites were able to weaken taxation and bureaucratic institutions in the Southern states, even before the enactment of institutional mechanisms such as Jim Crow and suffrage restrictions.” Our general conclusion complements their findings by showing that rather than marking the end of elite taxation, the implementation of Jim Crow-era suffrage restrictions constituted the nadir of the downward trend, as elites reimposed taxes on themselves once they had successfully eliminated potential rivals.</p><p class="p">The fact that the plantation elite increased taxation and fiscal capacity whenever they had uncontested and uncontestable power and resisted it when these conditions were missing is only one facet of our story. Another facet is that taxation of the elite seems to be unassociated with redistribution or development in a broader sense. In other words, there was no benevolence here, as taxation of the elite was essentially for the elite, with the proceeds helping sustain a repressive state and exploitative economy. <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-083" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-083"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Phillips</span>Phillips (1908</a>: p. 20), for example, claimed that “The building of railroads led to little else but the extension and intensification of the plantation system and the increase of the staple output.” We believe the post-1890s increase in progressive taxation had a similar pro-wealthy White skew, as suggested by educational expenditures.</p><p class="p">Even more interesting perhaps is the question of why Southern elites did not impose more taxes on poor Southern Whites when their control over government was unassailable. One potential explanation is that relying on other sources of revenue, such as consumption taxes, was not feasible: tax collection in agricultural economies that operate primarily through informal structures – i.e., without broad reliance on banking systems or written records of economic transactions – is costly, as enforcement consumes a large proportion of potential <span class="page-marker"></span>revenue (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-079" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-079"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Moore, Deborah Braütigam, Fjeldstad and Moore</span>Moore 2008</a>). Large-scale consumption taxes, for example, might have required better technologies, higher levels of development, and/or higher levels of urbanization (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-003" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-003"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Aidt and Jensen</span>Aidt and Jensen 2009</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-011" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-011"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers</span>Beramendi et al. 2019</a>). Second, given their lack of influence over spending, lower-income Whites might have rebelled or migrated to other states if their tax burden became too high. With few incoming migrants and considerable outflows of people, particularly following the Civil War, labor scarcity was a chronic threat.<a class="xref footnote" href="#FN-fn-87" data-sectionId="#FN-fn-87"><span class="show-for-sr">Footnote </span><sup class="sup">87</sup></a> More importantly, perhaps, more intense taxation on non-elites could have engendered more enduring and broad-based class-based cross-race coalitions that could have upended planter political control. The fact that poll taxes really only rose substantially immediately after the Civil War, when the plantation class was at its weakest, but not when Southern elites dominated comfortably, reveals that the elite were unwilling or unable to shift taxes to groups with mobility options and without a significant voice in government.</p><p class="p">Another question concerns the generalizability of our explanation for elite behavior and taxation and spending patterns outside of the American South. We think the conditions we have identified for rural elite support for or resistance to taxes may be generalizable. However, the necessary empirical conditions – unchallenged political control by the rural elite, no foreseeable threats to their rule, and the existence of cost-effective collective goods that directly benefit them – may be rare. The existing literature suggests that agricultural elites do not generally want collective goods from the state, an assumption that seems plausible on its face. Likewise, we can also imagine the rural class not pursuing goods that they might benefit from if the provision of such goods could set in motion social or economic changes that might threaten their rent-generation system over the long run. We further speculate that the belief that monopolies on power will persist is not widespread. In Imperial Brazil (1822–89), for example, rural elites clearly had uncontested political control in a variety of places, but whether they could exert full control over the allocation of fiscal resources is an entirely different matter. Throughout most of the nineteenth century, control over public finance was concentrated in the central government and the various regional elites had little assurance that they (rather than other groups) would benefit from the way in which taxes were used. This limited the amount of resources that they were willing to accord to the government (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-065" data-sectionId="#REFe-r-065"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Leff and Stephen Haber</span>Leff 1997</a>, p. 55). Overall, we suspect that taxation of the rich, by the rich, for the rich might be more likely in hybrid regimes that limit both the political power of the masses and the centralization of power in an unelected ruler. In <span class="page-marker"></span>Apartheid-era South Africa for example, progressive taxation accompanied and undergirded mass repression. Clearly, much more could be done to assess the extent to which our explanation travels to other settings.</p><p class="p">In short, this Element has both revealed heretofore unknown fiscal patterns in the American South during the nineteenth century and introduced a novel explanation for the emergence of elite taxation with a specific set of institutions and economic conditions. Our findings suggest an important twist on the fiscal contract adage of “no taxation without representation.” For the rich, “no taxation if others have (or might obtain) representation” may be more appropriate. We think our study’s basic organizing principles – taxes and public spending should go together; they are linked by mechanisms of representation; and deviations from this tripartite structure are likely to generate attempts to change the institutions that govern representation and fiscal policy – should inform the comparative literature on the development of fiscal systems elsewhere.</p></div></div></div></div><div class="book-back"><div class="book-part series-page" id="EMT-bp-1" data-magellan-destination="EMT-bp-1"><div class="body"><div class="sec" id="A-sec-9" data-magellan-destination="A-sec-9"><ul class="list simple"><li class="list-item"><p class="p series-editor"> David Stasavage</p></li><li class="list-item"><p class="p aff"> <em class="italic">New York University</em></p></li><li class="list-item"><p class="p bio"> David Stasavage is Julius Silver Professor in the Wilf Family Department of Politics at New York University. He previously held positions at the London School of Economics and at Oxford University. His work has spanned a number of different fields and currently focuses on two areas: development of state institutions over the long run and the politics of inequality. He is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.</p></li></ul><section><header><hgroup><h2 class="title"> About the Series </h2></hgroup></header><ul class="list simple"><li class="list-item"><p class="p"> The Element Series Political Economy provides authoritative contributions on important topics in the rapidly growing field of political economy. Elements are designed so as to provide broad and in depth coverage combined with original insights from scholars in political science, economics, and economic history. Contributions are welcome on any topic within this field.</p></li></ul></section></div></div></div><div class="book-part series-page" id="EMT-bp-2" data-magellan-destination="EMT-bp-2"><div class="back"><section></section></div></div></div></article></div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="list-divider separator default" data-v-7036083a> <div id="footnotes-list" class="circle-list"><h2>Footnotes</h2> <div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-1" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">1</sup></span> See, for instance, among countless others, <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-061" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-061"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Kousser</span>Kousser (1974)</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-118" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-118"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wright</span>Wright (1978)</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-059" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-059"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Key</span>Key (1984)</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-035" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-035"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Fogel</span>Fogel (1994)</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-109" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-109"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Tolnay and Beck</span>Tolnay and Beck (1995)</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-090" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-090"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ransom and Sutch</span>Ransom and Sutch (2001)</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-082" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-082"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Perman</span>Perman (2003)</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-031" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-031"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Einhorn</span>Einhorn (2006)</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-005" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-005"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Alston and Ferrie</span>Alston and Ferrie (2007)</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-073" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-073"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Margo</span>Margo (2007)</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-110" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-110"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Valelly</span>Valelly (2009)</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-076" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-076"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference McCurry</span>McCurry (2012)</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-037" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-037"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Foner</span>Foner (2014)</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-008" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-008"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Bateman, Katznelson and Lapinski</span>Bateman, Katznelson, and Lapinski (2018)</a>.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-2" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">2</sup></span> According to <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-079" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-079"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Moore, Deborah Braütigam, Fjeldstad and Moore</span>Moore (2008</a>, p. 44), for example, coercive extraction of the poor (rather than the wealthy) has been especially likely to emerge historically in agrarian societies where ruling elites “are unrestrained by their subjects (or alternative centres of power) and have no compelling reasons to seek broad support,” features characterizing the US South during much of the period on which we focus. Furthermore, based on the specific conditions highlighted by several extant theories—e.g., the timing of industrialization for <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-011" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-011"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers</span>Beramendi et al. (2019</a>, p. 50) and the extent of industrial political power for <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-054" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-054"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Hollenbach</span>Hollenbach (2021</a>, pp. 9–10) – indeed, the American South, which was a late industrializer without a politically powerful industrial class, would constitute an unlikely case of progressive taxation and increased government spending. One case, obviously, does not make or break a theory.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-3" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">3</sup></span> The primary existing data set of Southern state-level taxation by <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-103" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-103"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Sylla, Legler and Wallis</span>Sylla, Legler, and Wallis (1993)</a> is appreciably less complete, particularly in the prewar era.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-4" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">4</sup></span> Despite federal-level legality until 1808, most slaves brought to the United States arrived prior to the American Revolution.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-5" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">5</sup></span> These five states contained roughly 93 percent of the country’s total enslaved population in 1790.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-6" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">6</sup></span> While many people remained enslaved in Northern states, antislavery and gradual abolition laws were adopted by each of the original Northern states by 1804. The Northwest Ordinance of 1787 prohibited slavery in the Northwest Territory – the area that would become the states of Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Ohio, and Wisconsin. The corresponding Southwest Ordinance of 1790 permitted slavery in the territories south of the Ohio River (Alabama, Kentucky, Mississippi, and Tennessee).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-7" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">7</sup></span> By 1860, the enslaved made up more than half of the Southern agricultural labor force (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-089" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-089"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ransom</span>Ransom 2001</a>) and accounted for nearly half of all tangible Southern wealth (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-119" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-119"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wright</span>Wright 2022</a>). On the importance of slavery for the prewar Southern economy, see, e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-089" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-089"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Ransom</span>Ransom (2001)</a>, <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-046" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-046"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference González, Marshall and Naidu</span>González, Marshall, and Naidu (2017)</a>, and <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-119" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-119"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wright</span>Wright (2022)</a>.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-8" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">8</sup></span> The urbanization rate is the share of total population living in municipalities of at least 2,500 inhabitants in the United States (Census, 1820–1910), and England and Wales (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-063" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-063"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Law</span>Law 1967</a>), and 2,000 people in the German Empire (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-092" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-092"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Reulecke</span>Reulecke 1977</a>). Note that the German Empire had a lower urbanization rate than Prussia, while the eleven Confederate states had lower urbanization rates than the fourteen states we classify as Southern.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-9" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">9</sup></span> Using the 1860 Census, we estimate that 10 percent of the South’s adult White males owned approximately 90 percent of the slaves. The share of adult White males who owned at least twenty slaves, the traditional definition of a planter, was below 8 percent in every state. If we use adult White males as a rough approximation of the electorate in each state, in no state did more than 40 percent of the voters own at least one slave.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-10" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">10</sup></span> <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-002" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-002"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Acemoglu and Robinson</span>Acemoglu and Robinson (2006</a>: pp. 325–326) define de jure power “as the political power allocated by political institutions (such as constitutions or electoral systems)” and de facto power as something that “emerges from the ability to engage in collective action, or use brute force or other channels such as lobbying or bribery.” In terms of the South, de facto power refers to what <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-026" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-026"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Donnelly</span>Donnelly (1965)</a> called “the traditional powers of their planter oligarchy.”</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-11" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">11</sup></span> The original six Confederate states seceded by January 1861. Texas followed in March. The final four states that would make up the Confederacy joined after the attack on Fort Sumter in April made war an inevitability. The “border” slave states of Kentucky, Maryland, and Missouri ultimately remained in the Union.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-12" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">12</sup></span> This was both because this elite was seen as dominating prewar federal politics – so called Slave Power – and because they hoped to create a competitive Southern Republican Party that could contest for federal office. Congressional Republicans did not want to cede the South to the Democratic Party, especially as the newly passed Fourteenth Amendment increased Southern representation with the removal of the three-fifths clause for federal apportionment.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-13" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">13</sup></span> Congressional Reconstruction was the price to be readmitted to federal representation. The three border states never lost representation, and Tennessee had been readmitted in 1866.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-14" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">14</sup></span> Black adult males comprised 40 percent or more of registered voters in ten of eleven states (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-115" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-115"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Walton, Puckett and Deskins</span>Walton, Puckett, and Deskins 2012</a>).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-15" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">15</sup></span> As <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-037" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-037"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Foner</span>Foner (2014</a>, p. 365) emphasizes, “Not only the scope of its activity, but the interests it aspired to serve distinguished the Reconstruction state from its predecessors and successors. … All these activities inevitably entailed a dramatic growth in the cost of government.”</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-16" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">16</sup></span> <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-020" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-020"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chacón, Jensen and Yntiso</span>Chacón, Jensen, and Yntiso (2021)</a> demonstrate that Black state legislators were much more likely to be elected in counties occupied by federal troops than otherwise similar unoccupied counties. As the occupation declined, fewer Black politicians were elected and thousands were assassinated (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-030" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-030"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Egerton</span>Egerton 2014</a>).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-17" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">17</sup></span> While the full extent of the violence used against Blacks during Reconstruction is unknown, it has been estimated that more than 50,000 were murdered, with possibly a third of these murders being politically motivated (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-030" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-030"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Egerton</span>Egerton 2014</a>).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-18" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">18</sup></span> The presidential election of 1876 erupted into a constitutional crisis when the pivotal electoral votes for Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina were claimed by both parties. While the details are still in dispute, the resolution of this crisis possibly involved Southern support for the Republican candidate, Hayes, as a trade for the removal of the few remaining federal troops supporting Reconstruction.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-19" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">19</sup></span> Approximately 90 percent of the almost 9 million total Black population in the United States in 1900 still resided in these fourteen states.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-20" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">20</sup></span> Notably, here “redistribution” encompasses both those cases in which the rich are taxed more heavily and government revenues are spent on universal public goods or transfers to poorer citizens, as well as those in which elites are the ones benefiting from regressive transfers at the expense of other social groups – much like the “redistributive state” conceived by <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-084" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-084"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Polanyi</span>Polanyi (1944)</a> and modeled by <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-014" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-014"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Besley and Persson</span>Besley and Persson (2011)</a>.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-21" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">21</sup></span> See <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-001" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-001"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Acemoglu, Naidu, Restrepo and Robinson</span>Acemoglu et al. (2015)</a> and <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-097" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-097"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Scheve and Stasavage</span>Scheve and Stasavage (2017)</a> for recent surveys.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-22" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">22</sup></span> The historical record is replete with narratives linking coercive and redistributive taxation with revolt or rebellion. The slogan “no taxation without representation,” for example, animated the American Revolution. David Ramsay, one of the earliest historians of the American Revolution, wrote that the colonists’ uprising against a small tax on tea was motivated by the belief that they “could not be compelled to pay any taxes, nor be bound by any laws, but such as had been granted or enacted by the consent of themselves, or of their representatives” (1789: 20). Similarly, Thomas Millard (1926) commented that Chinese “revolutions start with the tax collector” (in <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-013" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-013"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Bernstein and Lü</span>Bernstein and Lü 2003</a>, p. 252).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-23" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">23</sup></span> Many early modern representative institutions emerged, in fact, as part of an explicit bargain in which the elite agreed to provide tax revenue in return for representation in assemblies, thereby creating an explicit link between taxation and representation (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-024" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-024"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Dincecco</span>Dincecco 2011</a>).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-24" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">24</sup></span> One finds quasi-voluntary tax relationships between economic elites and government for a variety of specific goods and services, including security or defense (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-095" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-095"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Scheve and Stasavage</span>Scheve and Stasavage 2010</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-024" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-024"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Dincecco</span>Dincecco 2011</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-034" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-034"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Flores-Macías</span>Flores-Macías 2022</a>), property rights (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-107" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-107"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Timmons</span>Timmons 2005</a>), and firm/sector-specific protections (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-086" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-086"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Queralt</span>Queralt 2017</a>).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-25" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">25</sup></span> Mares and Queralt, by contrast, argue that progressive income taxes were more likely to be adopted where the power of “landowning elites was severely threatened by the rise of a new economic elite linked to the emerging manufacturing sector. Anticipating a future decline in economic power, politicians representing the interests of landowning elites regarded the income tax as a tool that could rebalance some of these economic losses by imposing a higher tax burden on the industrial sector” (2015, p. 1976). While <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-071" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-071"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mares and Queralt</span>Mares and Queralt</a> (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-071" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-071"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mares and Queralt</span>2015</a>, <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-072" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-072"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Mares and Queralt</span>2020</a>) view elite competition and rural political power as the driving forces behind burden-shifting and coercive taxation, we will argue that more complete and secure rural elite control (in effect, the absence of competition) drives contractual self-taxation.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-26" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">26</sup></span> The term “public good” refers to a class of goods that are nonexcludable and nonrivalrous. “Impure” public goods fall somewhere between private goods and pure public goods. They might either be characterized by limited rivalry or feature some type of exclusion mechanism in their consumption. Although impure public goods may disproportionately benefit certain groups in society, they still produce positive externalities and are distinct from private goods.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-27" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">27</sup></span> Our argument does not presume that rural elites are homogeneous on all dimensions, but may require a minimal degree of consensus regarding the level and type of state-supplied public goods.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-28" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">28</sup></span> The fact that elites eschewed taxation of other groups does not mean that they did not engage in other forms of coercive extraction. In fact, enslaved Blacks were seconded as labor for railroad construction in various places. Nonetheless, the extensive labor coercion Southern elites employed against Blacks was not fully fungible for capital-intensive goods.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-29" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">29</sup></span> As shown in <a class="xref table" href="#TBLm-tblw-1" data-sectionid="#TBLm-tblw-1">Table 1</a>, Arkansas (1836), Florida (1845), and Texas (1845) were admitted as states after 1820.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-30" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">30</sup></span> In addition to the difficulty in locating reports for each state-year during this period, comparability across periods and non-Confederate states is further complicated by the Confederate states’ use of their own (debased) currency.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-31" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">31</sup></span> This is consistent with estimates <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-112" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-112"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wallis</span>Wallis (2000)</a> offers for all US states in this period.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-32" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">32</sup></span> According to <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-031" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-031"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Einhorn</span>Einhorn (2006</a>, p. 250), “Slaveholders were not always unwilling to pay taxes. Sometimes, they supported lavish spending for which they paid large parts of the tab. But slaveholders would not allow nonslaveholders to decide how to tax.”</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-33" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">33</sup></span> We were able to locate only two years of property tax data before 1840 for Louisiana and none for Missouri and Tennessee. For states admitted after 1820, we have excellent coverage. We have 64 of 69 possible state-year observations for Arkansas (admitted in 1836), and 54 of 61 possible observations each for Florida and Texas (both admitted in 1845).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-34" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">34</sup></span> We have three or fewer observations in the 1820s for Louisiana (2), Maryland (3), Missouri (0), and Tennessee (0).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-35" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">35</sup></span> Source: <a class="uri" href="https://www.minneapolisfed.org/about-us/monetary-policy/inflation-calculator/consumer-price-index-1800-">www.minneapolisfed.org/about-us/monetary-policy/inflation-calculator/consumer-price-index-1800-</a>.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-36" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">36</sup></span> For instance, despite comprising nearly 50 percent of Georgia’s population in 1890, Black Georgians owned less than 3 percent of the state’s assessed taxable property wealth – i.e., paid less than 3 percent of the state’s property taxes (<em class="italic">Report of the Comptroller-General, 1890</em>, pp. 4–5). Other states that provided information on taxable property by race (e.g., Arkansas, Louisiana) reported nearly identical proportions.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-37" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">37</sup></span> Unfortunately, this information is unavailable before 1840.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-38" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">38</sup></span> The value of agriculture plus manufacturing output does not include the value of services. Therefore, it is not a perfect substitute for income. Unfortunately, state-based measures of nominal income are not available as frequently as agriculture and manufacturing output. We chose to use the consistently available measure.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-39" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">39</sup></span> Tax rates were typically established by a statute passed each year by the state legislature. In some instances (e.g., Georgia), the legislature set the amount it wanted to collect for specific spending items (e.g., common schools). They would then empower the governor or comptroller/auditor to set the ad valorem rate that would likely yield this amount.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-40" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">40</sup></span> Due to the paucity of states with a uniform and universal property tax system at the beginning of our period, we begin our sample in 1840.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-41" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">41</sup></span> Rural includes all property taxes on rural land and farm structures, farm animals (cattle, horses, pigs), farm equipment, and, in the prewar period, the enslaved – nearly 95 percent of the South’s enslaved population resided in rural areas (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-044" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-044"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Goldin</span>Goldin 1976</a>). Urban includes all taxes on manufacturing assets (factories), all urban land and buildings, mining assets, merchandise, intangible assets, and assets of businesses, such as banks and insurance companies. We omitted from either category all assets that we could not determine as fitting exclusively into either one, including railroads, the value of individually owned money on deposits, bonds, household items, and other forms of personal property. This unspecified category also includes what many states classified in their reports as “other property.”</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-42" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">42</sup></span> In the other six prewar uniform/universal ad valorem property tax states, they either switched prior to 1840 or their reports do not provide sufficient information to do this analysis.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-43" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">43</sup></span> As Figure A1 shows, in each state, the correlation between total tax revenues and property taxes is extremely high (the average R-squared is 0.96).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-44" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">44</sup></span> In the Southern states between 1820 and 1910, poll taxes were never levied on women or men below the age of twenty-one. Men above some age, often fifty or sixty, were also frequently exempt. While free Blacks in the prewar period often paid a rate that was much higher than the White rate (to incentivize their emigration), we only use the poll tax rate on Whites in the prewar period. In the postwar period, the same poll tax rate was levied equally on all eligible adult males.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-45" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">45</sup></span> According to <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-061" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-061"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Kousser</span>Kousser (1974)</a>, one of the designers of Mississippi’s 1890 poll tax suffrage requirement called it the “most effective instrumentality of Negro disfranchisement.”</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-46" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">46</sup></span> <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-085" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-085"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Porter</span>Porter (1918)</a> shows that weak tax-vote links (e.g., when/where they existed, the rates were negligible) were somewhat common in Northern colonies/states before the Civil War. Among Southern states, antebellum North Carolina required voters to have paid some tax to be eligible to vote, but was not explicit about which tax (p. 106). A Georgia law from 1798 required all prior-year tax assessments to have been paid before voting, though enforcement may have been haphazard (pp. 125, 160).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-47" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">47</sup></span> For example, in 1910, Alabama state-level property tax revenues were twelve times higher than the amount collected from poll taxes statewide.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-48" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">48</sup></span> Most of the observed changes reflect the effects of deflating this measure rather than changes in nominal rates.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-49" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">49</sup></span> This evidence builds on previous work, which uses this same international price-shock strategy to show that <em class="italic">total</em> state tax revenues, rather than property taxes, rose more in the MS between 1844 and 1860 (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-056" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-056"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Jensen, Pardelli and Timmons</span>Jensen, Pardelli, and Timmons 2023</a>).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-50" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">50</sup></span> Southern fiscal inactivity during the 1820s was in stark contrast to the large and expensive publicly financed infrastructure projects undertaken in a number of Northern states, such as New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-062" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-062"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Larson</span>Larson 2002</a>). Maryland was a clear exception among Southern states, as was Virginia to a much lesser extent.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-51" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">51</sup></span> Approximately 75 percent of cotton produced was exported; cotton exports alone comprised more than half of the total value of American exports in this period.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-52" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">52</sup></span> While the Northern states were more capital-poor than the UK, they had much deeper capital markets and were much more densely populated than states in the South.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-53" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">53</sup></span> By the 1850s, almost all adult White males were eligible to vote (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-060" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-060"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Keyssar</span>Keyssar 2001</a>).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-54" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">54</sup></span> Figure A2 shows the geographic distribution of slavery across the South.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-55" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">55</sup></span> Less than 4 percent of the enslaved resided in the South’s urban counties (1860 Census).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-56" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">56</sup></span> An analogous example is that low-population American states do not need to expend resources to maintain the enormous advantages in the US Senate conferred by the two-senators-per-state mandate of the US Constitution.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-57" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">57</sup></span> Appendix C outlines the origins of each state’s system of apportionment. It also provides evidence that differences across states in this legislative feature are unrelated to the factors that caused divergence in prewar property taxes and public support for railroads, and uses original data on representation to demonstrate the persistence and magnitude of this bias in favor of enslavers in the MS, and the lack of bias in favor of enslavers in the NMS.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-58" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">58</sup></span> See Table B4 for sources and additional details on each variable.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-59" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">59</sup></span> Unfortunately, the rate measure is not consistently available for all states throughout the period under analysis. As a result, some of the observed variation may reflect missing data.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-60" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">60</sup></span> See, e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-027" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-027"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Dube and Vargas</span>Dube and Vargas (2013)</a>; <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-041" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-041"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Garfias</span>Garfias (2018)</a>.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-61" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">61</sup></span> A key assumption required to interpret these results causally is that, in the absence of an increase in commodity prices, taxation outcomes in the MS and NMS would have followed a similar trajectory. Although untestable, this assumption implies that fiscal trends in these two groups of states should be parallel prior to the price shock. Appendix Figures A3 and A4 show that this is the case for both state property taxes as a share of output and PWC. In both figures, the trajectories of property taxes in the MS and NMS are almost identical prior to the rise in commodity prices. Over time, we observe a meaningful divergence between these two groups, with the MS experiencing larger increases in taxation.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-62" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">62</sup></span> Public education was the most significant early redistributionist program in the United States and a critical pillar of future American prosperity (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-045" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-045"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Claudia and Katz</span>Goldin and Katz 2009</a>).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-63" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">63</sup></span> According to <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-052" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-052"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Heath</span>Heath (1950</a>: p. 43), the public total is a lower bound, as it excludes many forms of public sector support (e.g., tax exemptions). At the same time, the private sector fraction is an upper bound, as companies often significantly overstated actual paid-in capital.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-64" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">64</sup></span> The rest came from local governments (38 percent) and the federal government (5 percent). While substate spending was important in a few states (notably Kentucky), all states with above-average railroad mileage in 1860 had a majority of public spending on railroads come from state governments; as shown in <a class="xref table" href="#TBLm-tblw-4" data-sectionid="#TBLm-tblw-4">Table 4</a>, the three states most reliant on county and municipal expenditures (Kentucky, Louisiana, and Alabama) all had below-average railroad mileage by 1860. By comparison, in the Northern states, antebellum-era railroad spending was much more likely to come from private and local government sources (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-047" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-047"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Goodrich</span>Goodrich 1974</a>, pp. 270–271).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-65" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">65</sup></span> In some states, the number of pupils reported by state superintendents was smaller than school attendance rates reported by households.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-66" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">66</sup></span> This result is consistent with <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-119" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-119"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wright</span>Wright</a>’s (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-119" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-119"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Wright</span>2022</a>) argument that because enslaved people are a mobile form of property, their value does not appreciate with local investments the way land does. In this sense, all else equal, the intensity of slavery should decrease local tax revenues and infrastructure spending.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-67" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">67</sup></span> Republicans used their enormous congressional majorities to overcome fierce resistance from Southern Whites and Northern Democrats, as well as vetoes of each bill by President Andrew Johnson.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-68" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">68</sup></span> See <a class="xref table" href="#TBLm-tblw-1" data-sectionid="#TBLm-tblw-1">Table 1</a>, column 6 for these states.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-69" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">69</sup></span> Levies were so high that, according to <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-037" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-037"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Foner</span>Foner (2014</a>, p. 376), “immense tracts fell into the hands of state governments for nonpayment of taxes – in Mississippi alone over 6 million acres, one fifth of the entire area of the state, was forfeited in this way. Stephen Duncan, the antebellum South’s largest cotton producer, saw seven of his Louisiana plantations seized and sold for back taxes in 1874.”</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-70" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">70</sup></span> While the presence of troops has been shown to positively affect the election of Black politicians (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-020" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-020"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chacón, Jensen and Yntiso</span>Chacón et al. 2021</a>) and the amount of property taxes levied (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-018" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-018"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Chacón and Jensen</span>Chacón and Jensen 2020b</a>), the size of the occupation was simply too small, not to mention declining throughout Reconstruction, to protect Black voters and politicians across the vast rural South.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-71" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">71</sup></span> The Supreme Court dealt additional blows to Congressional Reconstruction through several rulings that limited the federal government’s ability to prosecute violations of the Fourteenth Amendment (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-037" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-037"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Foner</span>Foner 2014</a>). See, for instance, <em class="italic">United States</em> v. <em class="italic">Cruikshank</em> (1876).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-72" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">72</sup></span> <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-102" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-102"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Suryanarayan and White</span>Suryanarayan and White (2021)</a> provide an alternative explanation to the coercive taxation model for the observed decline in fiscal revenue following Reconstruction. The authors argue that in societies with high status inequality, high-rank groups may not only change fiscal policy but also seek to undermine the state’s bureaucratic capacity as a means of blocking future redistribution. Rather than emphasizing the consequences of the removal of federal enforcement, their argument highlights status and economic inequality as the key factors explaining the uneven decline in taxation across Confederate counties in the aftermath of Reconstruction.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-73" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">73</sup></span> To address concerns about <em class="italic">Reconstruction Status</em> or <em class="italic">Republican Control</em> being correlated with other factors that could influence taxation trajectories, in Appendix Figure A5 we conduct balance tests over a number of state-level characteristics relevant to this period. Predictably, the only significant difference relates to the share of enslaved population in RS versus NRS.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-74" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">74</sup></span> Due to the admittance of Black children to public schools, we no longer normalize public education revenues by White population in the postwar period.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-75" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">75</sup></span> Far from the ‘One-Party South’ it would become in the twentieth century, the period between 1880 and 1900 saw opposition parties routinely win more than a third of the state legislative seats. Prior to adoption of suffrage restrictions on Blacks, non-Democratic Party candidates routinely won more than 40 percent of the popular vote for governor: Alabama (three out of ten elections), Arkansas (five/seven), Florida (three/three), Georgia (two/ten), Louisiana (two/four), Mississippi (one/three), North Carolina (six/six), South Carolina (zero/eight), Tennessee (ten/ten), Texas (four/ten), Virginia (four/five) (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-029" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-029"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Dubin</span>Dubin 2010</a>).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-76" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">76</sup></span> See <a class="xref table" href="#TBLm-tblw-1" data-sectionid="#TBLm-tblw-1">Table 1</a>, columns 7 and 8, for the timing and types of suffrage restrictions adopted in each state.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-77" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">77</sup></span> In states that adopted literacy tests, it has been shown that Black disenfranchisement was nearly 100 percent (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-058" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-058"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Keele, Cubbison and White</span>Keele, Cubbison, and White 2021</a>). In states requiring the payment of the poll tax to be eligible to vote, it has been estimated that approximately half of Black voters lost their eligibility (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-061" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-061"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Kousser</span>Kousser 1974</a>).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-78" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">78</sup></span> While <em class="italic">No Restriction</em> states are clearly different in important ways (i.e., Blacks comprised a much smaller share of these states’ populations), they do provide evidence that we are not simply capturing some period-specific trend.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-79" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">79</sup></span> Appendix Figure A6 shows the Nadaraya-Watson nonparametric regressions with Epanechnikov kernel (bandwidths chosen by rule-of-thumb estimator) of property taxes (a) PWC, (b) as a share of output, and (c) ad valorem rates with 95 percent confidence intervals.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-80" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">80</sup></span> For never-treated units <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-61" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-61"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on">Ei=∞</span></span><img data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_83.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="54" height="17" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_83.png" data-zoomable="false" /></span> </span>, and <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-62" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-62"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on">Ditl=0</span></span><img data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_84.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="54" height="24" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_84.png" data-zoomable="false" /></span> </span>, for all <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-63" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-63"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on">l</span></span><img data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_85.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="6" height="14" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_85.png" data-zoomable="false" /></span> </span> and all <span data-mathjax-status="texmath alt-graphic" class="inline-formula" id="EQNt-inf-64" data-magellan-destination="EQNt-inf-64"> <span class="alternatives"><span class="mathjax-tex-wrapper" data-mathjax-type="texmath"><span class="tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on">t</span></span><img data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_86.png?pub-status=live" class="aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off" width="6" height="12" data-original-image="/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_86.png" data-zoomable="false" /></span> </span>.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-81" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">81</sup></span> In settings with treatment effect heterogeneity and variation in treatment timing, two-way fixed-effects models can yield estimates that do not capture the dynamic treatment effect and may reflect spurious terms comprising treatment effects from other periods (see, e.g., <a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-023" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-023"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference de Chaisemartin and D’Haultfoeuille</span>de Chaisemartin and D’Haultfoeuille 2022</a>).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-82" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">82</sup></span> Unfortunately, this information was only available for this restricted sample of states.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-83" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">83</sup></span> We do not focus on railroads after the Civil War because we do not have the same clean breakdown of expenditures. It is also worth noting that the nature of railroad financing changed after the Civil War, with direct state support becoming much less relevant vis-à-vis the federal government and private inflows (notably from the North) (<a class="xref bibr" href="#REFe-r-047" data-sectionid="#REFe-r-047"><span class="show-for-sr">Reference Goodrich</span>Goodrich 1974</a>).</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-84" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">84</sup></span> Figure A11 in the Appendix shows the Nadaraya-Watson regressions.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-85" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">85</sup></span> Spending on White universities and colleges includes spending on medical schools and technical, engineering schools, but excludes teaching colleges – then called normal schools or industrial schools; it also excludes all federal spending on schools, as well as state spending on Black colleges and universities.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-86" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">86</sup></span> Figure A12 in the Appendix shows the Nadaraya-Watson regressions.</p></div></div></div><div data-type="fulltextNote" id="FN-fn-87" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"></div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><p class="p"><span class="label"><sup class="sup">87</sup></span> 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class="surname">Wright</span>, <span class="given-names">Gavin</span></span>. <span class="year">2022</span>. “<span class="article-title">Slavery and the rise of the nineteenth-century American economy</span>.” <span class="source">Journal of Economic Perspectives</span> <span class="volume">36</span>(<span class="issue">2</span>): <span class="fpage">123</span>–<span class="lpage">148</span>.<a class='ref-link' target='_blank' aria-label='Google Scholar link for Slavery and the rise of the nineteenth-century American economy' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar_lookup?title=Slavery+and+the+rise+of+the+nineteenth-century+American+economy&author=Wright+Gavin&publication+year=2022&journal=Journal+of+Economic+Perspectives&volume=36&pages=123-148>Google Scholar</a></div></div></div><div id="REFe-r-120" aria-flowto="reference-120-content reference-120-button" class="circle-list__item"> <div class="circle-list__item__indicator"><AppButton icon="up-circle" aria-label="Return to the reference 120 in the content" id="reference-120-button" class="circle-list__item__indicator__up"></AppButton></div> <div aria-hidden="true" data-test-hidden="true" class="circle-list__item__number"> </div> <div class="circle-list__item__grouped"><div id="reference-120-content" class="circle-list__item__grouped__content"><span class="string-name"><span class="surname">Ziblatt</span>, <span class="given-names">Daniel</span></span>. <span class="year">2009</span>. “<span class="article-title">Shaping democratic practice and the causes of electoral fraud: The case of nineteenth-century Germany</span>.” <span class="source">American Political Science Review</span> <span class="volume">103</span>(<span class="issue">1</span>): <span class="fpage">1</span>–<span class="lpage">21</span>.<a class='ref-link' target='_blank' aria-label='Google Scholar link for Shaping democratic practice and the causes of electoral fraud: The case of nineteenth-century Germany' 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class="article-title">Strategic interactions and the formation of modern states: france and England</span>.” <span class="source">International Social Science Journal</span> <span class="volume">32</span>(<span class="issue">4</span>): <span class="fpage">687</span>–<span class="lpage">716</span>.<span class="page-marker"></span><a class='ref-link' target='_blank' aria-label='Google Scholar link for Strategic interactions and the formation of modern states: france and England' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar_lookup?title=Strategic+interactions+and+the+formation+of+modern+states%3A+france+and+England&author=Zolberg+Aristide&publication+year=1980&journal=International+Social+Science+Journal&volume=32&pages=687-716>Google Scholar</a></div></div></div></div></div> </div></div> <div id="figures-tab" class="figures tab-pane" data-v-241a4b23><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 0" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl1.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl1.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Table 1</span> <span data-v-241a4b23>The fourteen Southern states, 1820–1910</span></p></div> <span data-v-241a4b23>Sources: Kousser (1974), Valelly (2009), Walton et al. (2012: Table 13.9); US Census (1820, 1860, and 1900).</span></div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 1" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-12929-mediumThumb-png-45405fig1.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-63690-optimisedImage-png-45405fig1.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 1</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Urbanization rate across regions, 1820–1910</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 2" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-47189-mediumThumb-png-45405fig2.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-43183-optimisedImage-png-45405fig2.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 2</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Agriculture share of output (agriculture and manufacturing), 1840–1910</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 3" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-94894-mediumThumb-png-45405fig3.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-87510-optimisedImage-png-45405fig3.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 3</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Total property taxes by state (million, real $), 1820–1910 three-year moving average</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 4" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-41680-mediumThumb-png-45405fig4.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-16701-optimisedImage-png-45405fig4.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 4</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property taxes per White capita (real $), 1820–1910 three-year moving average</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 5" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-80335-mediumThumb-png-45405fig5.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-71152-optimisedImage-png-45405fig5.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 5</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property taxes per White capita by state (real $), 1820–1910</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 6" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-17775-mediumThumb-png-45405fig6.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-00972-optimisedImage-png-45405fig6.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 6</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property taxes/agricultural and manufacturing output, 1840–1910 three-year moving average</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 7" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-99849-mediumThumb-png-45405fig7.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-80227-optimisedImage-png-45405fig7.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 7</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property taxes/agricultural and manufacturing output by state, 1840–1910</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 8" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-60918-mediumThumb-png-45405fig8.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-46353-optimisedImage-png-45405fig8.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 8</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Ad valorem property rate, 1840–1910 three-year moving average</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 9" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-25006-mediumThumb-png-45405fig9.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-49920-optimisedImage-png-45405fig9.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 9</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Agricultural output and exclusively rural share of property taxes (%) eight-state average 1846–1910</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 10" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-89363-mediumThumb-png-45405fig10.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-19340-optimisedImage-png-45405fig10.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 10</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Manufacturing output and exclusively urban share of property taxes (%) eight-state average, 1846–1910</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 11" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-53238-mediumThumb-png-45405fig11.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-64707-optimisedImage-png-45405fig11.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 11</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Local and state taxes/White population (real $, fourteen-state average), 1860–1910</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 12" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-49320-mediumThumb-png-45405fig12.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-21471-optimisedImage-png-45405fig12.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 12</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Local and state taxes as a share of agricultural and manufacturing output (fourteen-state average), 1860–1910</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 13" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-43516-mediumThumb-png-45405fig13.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-50892-optimisedImage-png-45405fig13.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 13</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Poll tax rate (fourteen-state average), 1820–1910 three-year moving average</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 14" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-85810-mediumThumb-png-45405fig14.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-04892-optimisedImage-png-45405fig14.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 14</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Cotton prices ($) and Commodity Price Index, 1840–1860 (five-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 15" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-95230-mediumThumb-png-45405fig15.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-70031-optimisedImage-png-45405fig15.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 15</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Average prices of enslaved persons</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 16" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl2.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl2.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Table 2</span> <span data-v-241a4b23>Slave states and state legislative representation</span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 17" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-95285-mediumThumb-png-45405fig16.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-44872-optimisedImage-png-45405fig16.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 16</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Apportionment status and enslaved share (% of pop.), 1860</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 18" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54827-mediumThumb-png-45405fig17.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-69373-optimisedImage-png-45405fig17.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 17</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Balance test for pretreatment covariates, 1840</span><span class="p">Note: Differences between (MS) and (NMS). Cotton, sugar, and tobacco suitability indices reflect the maximum potential yield based on climate, soil, and growing conditions as estimated by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). Shares of urban and enslaved population; cotton, sugar, and tobacco production; and state output are measured in 1840. Density of navigable rivers (representing the total length of rivers over the surface area of each state) is obtained from Atack (2015); and the share of public officials PWC is measured in 1850 (no prior census provides this information). See Table B4 for more details on sources.</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 19" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-77484-mediumThumb-png-45405fig18.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-56664-optimisedImage-png-45405fig18.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 18</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property taxes/White population (real $), 1820–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 20" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-40592-mediumThumb-png-45405fig19.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-01239-optimisedImage-png-45405fig19.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 19</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property taxes/agricultural and manufacturing output, 1840–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 21" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-91541-mediumThumb-png-45405fig20.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-03141-optimisedImage-png-45405fig20.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 20</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property tax rates, 1840–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 22" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl3.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl3.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Table 3</span> <span data-v-241a4b23>Antebellum period: Property taxes, cotton prices, and malapportionment status</span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 23" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-80321-mediumThumb-png-45405fig21.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67274-optimisedImage-png-45405fig21.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 21</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Poll tax rates, 1840–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 24" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl4.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl4.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Table 4</span> <span data-v-241a4b23>Collective goods: State support for railroads, 1860</span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 25" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl5.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl5.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Table 5</span> <span data-v-241a4b23>State support for redistribution: Public education, 1860</span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 26" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-28951-mediumThumb-png-45405fig22.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-51437-optimisedImage-png-45405fig22.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 22</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property taxes per White capita (real $), 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 27" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-04220-mediumThumb-png-45405fig23.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-86730-optimisedImage-png-45405fig23.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 23</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property taxes/total output (agriculture and manufacturing), 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 28" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-45352-mediumThumb-png-45405fig24.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-23879-optimisedImage-png-45405fig24.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 24</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property tax rate, 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 29" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-64365-mediumThumb-png-45405fig25.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54212-optimisedImage-png-45405fig25.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 25</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property taxes per White capita (real $), 1868–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 30" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-09009-mediumThumb-png-45405fig26.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-35041-optimisedImage-png-45405fig26.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 26</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property taxes/total output (agricultural and manufacturing), 1868–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 31" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-82180-mediumThumb-png-45405fig27.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-14214-optimisedImage-png-45405fig27.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 27</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property tax rate, 1868–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 32" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl6.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl6.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Table 6</span> <span data-v-241a4b23>Postwar period: Property taxes and Reconstruction status</span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 33" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl7.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl7.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Table 7</span> <span data-v-241a4b23>Post Civil War period: Property taxes, Reconstruction status, and party control</span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 34" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-75875-mediumThumb-png-45405fig28.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-55957-optimisedImage-png-45405fig28.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 28</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Poll tax rate, 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-reconstruction states</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 35" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-06707-mediumThumb-png-45405fig29.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-14954-optimisedImage-png-45405fig29.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 29</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">State taxation for common schools/total output, 1870–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 36" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54451-mediumThumb-png-45405fig30.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67483-optimisedImage-png-45405fig30.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 30</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">State taxation for common schools/total output, 1870–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 37" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig31a.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig31a.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 31</span> <span data-v-241a4b23></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 38" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig31b.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig31b.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 31</span> <span data-v-241a4b23></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 39" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-87434-mediumThumb-png-45405fig31c.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-39025-optimisedImage-png-45405fig31c.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 31</span> <span data-v-241a4b23></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 40" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig32a.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig32a.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 32</span> <span data-v-241a4b23></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 41" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig32b.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig32b.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 32</span> <span data-v-241a4b23></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 42" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-72925-mediumThumb-png-45405fig32c.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-57195-optimisedImage-png-45405fig32c.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 32</span> <span data-v-241a4b23></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 43" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-94749-mediumThumb-png-45405fig33.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-25730-optimisedImage-png-45405fig33.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 33</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property taxes per White capita (real $), 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic seat share (three-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 44" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-36597-mediumThumb-png-45405fig34.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-85266-optimisedImage-png-45405fig34.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 34</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property taxes/output, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic seat share (three-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 45" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-70854-mediumThumb-png-45405fig35.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-29698-optimisedImage-png-45405fig35.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 35</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Property tax rate, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic seat share (three-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 46" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig36a.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig36a.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 36(a)</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">All Restriction states</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 47" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig36b.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig36b.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 36(b)</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">States with high Democratic seat share</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 48" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-90148-mediumThumb-png-45405fig37.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67186-optimisedImage-png-45405fig37.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 37</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Poll tax rate, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status (three-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 49" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-86934-mediumThumb-png-45405fig38.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-74838-optimisedImage-png-45405fig38.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 38</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">Event study estimate of the effect of suffrage restrictions on the share of non-land property value</span><span class="p">Note: Point estimates and 95 percent confidence intervals for the effect of suffrage restrictions on the non-land share of property values, based on an event study model estimated for the ten years before and the twenty years after restrictions are adopted. Standard errors clustered at the state level.</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 50" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl8.png" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405tbl8.png" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Table 8</span> <span data-v-241a4b23>Non-land share of property value and property taxes collected, 1885–1910</span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 51" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-14588-mediumThumb-png-45405fig39.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-65752-optimisedImage-png-45405fig39.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 39</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">State spending on common schools/output, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status (three-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 52" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-82332-mediumThumb-png-45405fig40.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-72172-optimisedImage-png-45405fig40.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 40</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">State spending on common schools/output by disenfranchisement status ten years before and twenty years after suffrage restrictions</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 53" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-38783-mediumThumb-png-45405fig41.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-65834-optimisedImage-png-45405fig41.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 41</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">State spending on common schools/output, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic Party control (three-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 54" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-35404-mediumThumb-png-45405fig42.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-97437-optimisedImage-png-45405fig42.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 42</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">College spending by disenfranchisement status ten years before and twenty years after suffrage restrictions</span></span></p></div> </div></div> <hr aria-hidden="true" class="separator dashed" data-v-7036083a data-v-241a4b23></div><div data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item" data-v-241a4b23><div class="figures__item__image-box" data-v-241a4b23><button class="figures__ref" data-v-241a4b23> View in content </button> <img src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" alt="Figure 55" data-zoomable="true" data-src="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-88175-mediumThumb-png-45405fig43.jpg" data-enlarged-image="https://static.cambridge.org/binary/version/id/urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54082-optimisedImage-png-45405fig43.jpg" class="graphic" data-v-241a4b23></div> <div data-v-241a4b23><div class="caption" data-v-241a4b23><p data-v-241a4b23><span class="label" data-v-241a4b23>Figure 43</span> <span data-v-241a4b23><span class="p">State spending on colleges, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic Party control (three-year moving average)</span></span></p></div> </div></div> </div></div> <div id="metrics-tab" class="metrics tab-pane" data-v-c41a0c86><div class="app-loader" data-v-c41a0c86></div></div></div></div> </div> <div role="complementary" aria-label="related contents" class="column__main__right" data-v-9124f604><div class="access-block row access-status" data-v-5fad35b8 data-v-9124f604><span 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{layout:"default",data:[{element:{id:"1B32EABA137128C2E9C15F2480196470",metadata:{bookTitleCode:"582450",title:by,subtitle:b,cover:"\u002F\u002Fassets.cambridge.org\u002F97810094\u002F54056\u002Fcover\u002F9781009454056.jpg",doi:{url:"https:\u002F\u002Fdoi.org\u002F10.1017\u002F9781009122825",value:"10.1017\u002F9781009122825"},eisbn:"9781009122825",publishedBy:k,authorsGroup:{authors:{contributors:[{givenNames:"Jeffrey",surname:"Jensen",nameStyle:a,affiliations:[{text:T,email:b}],isCorresponding:d,notes:b,isAnonymous:d,fullName:"Jeffrey Jensen",searchUrl:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Jeffrey%20Jensen&eventCode=SE-AU",orcidUrl:b},{givenNames:"Giuliana",surname:"Pardelli",nameStyle:a,affiliations:[{text:T,email:b}],isCorresponding:d,notes:b,isAnonymous:d,fullName:"Giuliana Pardelli",searchUrl:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Giuliana%20Pardelli&eventCode=SE-AU",orcidUrl:b},{givenNames:"Jeffrey F.",surname:"Timmons",nameStyle:a,affiliations:[{text:T,email:b}],isCorresponding:d,notes:b,isAnonymous:d,fullName:"Jeffrey F. Timmons",searchUrl:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters%5BauthorTerms%5D=Jeffrey%20F.%20Timmons&eventCode=SE-AU",orcidUrl:b}]},editors:{contributors:[],label:"Edited by"}},collections:[],freeAccessDateRangeInfo:b,creativeCommons:{oaLicenseType:"CC-BY-NC",licenses:["CC","BY","NC"],descriptions:["This content is Open Access and distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence CC-BY-NC 4.0 \u003Ca href=https:\u002F\u002Fcreativecommons.org\u002Fcclicenses\u002F target=\"_blank\"\u003Ehttps:\u002F\u002Fcreativecommons.org\u002Fcclicenses\u002F\u003C\u002Fa\u003E"]}},publishedMetadata:{keywords:[{url:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters[keywords]=political economy",name:"political economy"},{url:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters[keywords]=rural elites",name:"rural elites"},{url:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters[keywords]=public goods",name:"public goods"},{url:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters[keywords]=political inequality",name:"political inequality"},{url:"\u002Fcore\u002Fsearch?filters[keywords]=property taxation",name:"property taxation"}],onlinePublishDate:"2023-12-21T00:05:12.802Z",printPublishDate:"2024-02-22T00:00:00.000Z",copyright:b},forthcommingMetadata:b,content:{html:"\u003Cdiv class=\"html-view\"\u003E\u003Carticle class=\"book elements BITS\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"book-body\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"book-part chapter\" id=\"CT-bp-1\" data-magellan-destination=\"CT-bp-1\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"body\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"A-sec-3\" data-magellan-destination=\"A-sec-3\"\u003E\u003Ch3 class=\"A title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Political and Fiscal Development in the American South \u003C\u002Fh3\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"B-sec-1\" data-magellan-destination=\"B-sec-1\"\u003E\u003Ch4 class=\"B title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E1.1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Introduction \u003C\u002Fh4\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe story of the American South as an unequal, politically repressive, violent, exploitative, and backward society has been widely told.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-1\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-1\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Yet the fiscal history of this region over the long run has never been thoroughly examined. This Element fills this void. We study the evolution of political institutions and public finances across Southern states from 1820 to the eve of the adoption of the federal income tax in 1913 and the onset of World War I. The beginning of this period saw the rising use of enslaved labor to grow the cash crops demanded by rapidly industrializing Western economies, which led to the enrichment of a relatively small planter elite. The second half of this period witnessed the destruction of chattel slavery with the Confederacy’s defeat in the American Civil War, the federal government’s attempt to “reconstruct” the political systems of these states with the extension of suffrage to the newly emancipated, and the ultimate removal of these rights through the use of extensive violence. The period ends with the creation of the “One-Party South,” which resulted in the continued political domination by a small elite well into the mid-twentieth century. As we will show, these momentous political and economic developments altered the power and preferences of the South’s rural elites, setting in motion major changes in fiscal systems across and within states.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EIn seeking to explain and document the within- and cross-state fiscal patterns over this ninety-year period, we focus primarily on property taxes. Not only did property taxes comprise the vast majority of tax revenues in each of the fourteen states over this period, but they were borne most heavily by the same landed elites who dominated Southern politics. We have a secondary focus on alternative forms of tax revenue and on key investment-related expenditures, notably education and railroads. Taken together, these variables capture the most important elements of state-level finances in the American South during this period.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThis Element has several key distinguishing features. First, we adopt a theoretically driven approach, building on a growing literature in political economy that seeks to explain variation across the world in taxation and state capacity (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-077\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-077\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Meltzer and Richard\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMeltzer and Richard 1981\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-015\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-015\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Boix\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBoix 2003\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-099\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-099\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Sokoloff and Zolt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESokoloff and Zolt 2006\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-095\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-095\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Scheve and Stasavage\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EScheve and Stasavage 2010\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-014\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-014\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Besley and Persson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBesley and Persson 2011\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-006\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-006\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ansell and Samuels\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EAnsell and Samuels 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-096\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-096\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Scheve and Stasavage\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EScheve and Stasavage 2016\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-025\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-025\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Dincecco\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EDincecco 2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-011\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-011\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBeramendi, Dincecco, and Rogers 2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-102\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-102\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Suryanarayan and White\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESuryanarayan and White 2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). While providing a parsimonious account of state-level finances is challenging due to the substantial heterogeneity across and within states throughout this period, we contend that a \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Efiscal-exchange\u003C\u002Fem\u003E lens, focusing on the preferences and power of the landed elite, can help illuminate the historical record. The fiscal-exchange tradition posits that the most efficient, sustainable means of raising revenue is for states to trade services and goods for taxes, as long as three assumptions hold. First, collecting taxes purely through force is costly. Second, citizens are willing to accept taxes commensurate with coveted services – that is, they engage in what \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-066\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-066\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Levi\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELevi (1988)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E called quasi-voluntary compliance. Third, commitment mechanisms – e.g., political representation via assemblies or political parties – ensure taxpayers that their money will be spent appropriately. The fiscal-exchange tradition thus links quasi-voluntary tax compliance to spending through formal representation, and argues that deviations from such an arrangement are likely to generate significant resistance and attempts to change the institutions that govern representation and fiscal policy.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe extend this framework to outline the conditions under which rural elites in an agricultural setting characterized by high levels of inequality and labor coercion would support or reject progressive taxation, and explain why they could not impose onerous taxes on other groups in society, notably low-income Whites. Given the agrarian structure of the Southern state economies and the concentration of assets and income in the hands of the plantation class, rural elites constituted the most obvious potential source of government revenue during the nineteenth century. As such, their willingness to comply with tax demands would determine in substantial part the amount of taxes raised, the costs of enforcement, and the sustainability of the fiscal pathway. Specifically, we argue that rural elites will support taxation on themselves and build fiscal capacity under three conditions. The first key driver is exclusive political control. If rural elites control politics in the present period and this control is likely to persist into the future, their willingness to increase taxation on themselves rises. Political control in the present period is necessary, as this determines how state fiscal resources are spent. Future control is also critical, as tax capacity, once established, can have a long half-life (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-021\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-021\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference D’arcy and Nistotskaya\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ED’arcy and Nistotskaya 2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Without the expectation of future control, elites fear increasing the state’s ability to extract, as power over taxation and spending could shift toward social groups with different preferences (e.g., urban residents or lower-income voters). Yet these two conditions are not sufficient on their own. We argue that in addition to political control, both in the present and into the future, rural elites must have demand for collective goods that will benefit their economic interests and are difficult to provision privately. By contrast, agricultural elites will \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eseek to stymie progressive taxation under most other circumstances—i.e., when they are out of power or their dominance is contested, when there is uncertainty over future political control, or when demand for collective goods is weak or fragmented.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EExplaining when and why rural elites accept self-taxation (and refrain from coercive taxation of others) adds fresh insights to the rich literature about the rise and fall of progressive taxes and the role of various elites in driving changes in fiscal systems. The existing literature has shown that rural elites may actively undermine the capacity for progressive taxation when power is uncertain or contested (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-102\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-102\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Suryanarayan and White\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESuryanarayan and White 2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E); that rural elites may support progressive taxation when they can pass the burden onto emerging competitors, notably the manufacturing sector (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-071\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-071\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mares and Queralt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMares and Queralt 2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-072\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-072\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mares and Queralt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E); and that \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Eurban\u003C\u002Fem\u003E elites may accept progressive taxes on themselves when they desire spending on human capital that will facilitate industrialization (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-011\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-011\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBeramendi et al. 2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-054\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-054\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hollenbach\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHollenbach 2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). The prevailing view, however, is that rural elites generally oppose fiscal extraction, especially when the burden could fall on them, and that polities controlled by rural elites eschew investments in fiscal capacity and adopt regressive tax systems (e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-068\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-068\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Lizzeri and Persico\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELizzeri and Persico 2004\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-039\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-039\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Galor and Moav\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGalor and Moav 2006\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-040\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-040\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Galor, Moav and Vollrath\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGalor, Moav, and Vollrath 2009\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-009\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-009\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Baten and Hippe\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBaten and Hippe 2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-011\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-011\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBeramendi et al. 2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-054\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-054\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hollenbach\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHollenbach 2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-2\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-2\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E2\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EOur analysis thus offers a nuanced challenge to existing accounts using an unlikely case, and also contributes several ideas to the fiscal-exchange literature – notably that quasi-voluntary compliance by rural elites rests on exclusive political control in the present and into the future. Specifically, we argue that merely having political representation in the present period, the standard minimal threshold for fiscal bargains, is insufficient, suggesting that high rural elite taxation is incompatible with shared state control. Second, instead of an exchange between rulers and economic elites over taxation and representation, we consider the consequences for taxation when the rulers and the primary target for taxation – due to their control of society’s resources\u002Fassets – are the same. Although coercive taxation of non-elite groups by elites remains an \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eoption in these settings, collecting taxes from low-income groups in agrarian economies tends to be costly and conflictual and to produce a low “tax take” (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-079\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-079\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Moore, Deborah Braütigam, Fjeldstad and Moore\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMoore 2008\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Thus, rural elites interested in the provision of capital-intensive public goods have incentives to refrain from imposing excessive tax burdens on other social groups if doing so has the potential to stimulate rebellion, exit, or demands for representation that could upend their exclusive control – especially if the tax yield would be low.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ECritically, the South’s rural elites were neither benevolent, nor did their actions trigger widely shared long-run development. They increased taxation on themselves to fund public spending that would benefit them disproportionately, rather than to provide public goods that would improve broader welfare or generate long-term development. The coexistence in the American South of greater investments in state capacity in the absence of broad-based development is consistent with claims found elsewhere (e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-086\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-086\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Queralt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EQueralt 2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe second key distinguishing feature of this Element is the abundance of original, archival data upon which it rests. We collected a nearly complete data set of annual state tax revenues, including specifically the amount of property taxes, for each state between 1820 and 1910. We complement these data with several additional measures, including the amount of regressive poll taxes levied for each state and ad valorem property tax rates over the same period. For a subset of states, we are also able to test whether rural elites “passed on” taxation by decomposing the share of property taxes levied on each sector (e.g., rural vs. urban). We also have the amount of substate (county, municipal, etc.) property taxes levied once every ten years between 1860 and 1910. This allows us to test whether there was substitution between state and substate taxes that could weaken our argument. Finally, we have data for key expenditure items, notably education and railroads. The comprehensive nature of our data not only allows us to test our argument vis-à-vis other arguments, but presents for the first time a relatively complete picture of Southern fiscal history at the state level over this period.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-3\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-3\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E3\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EUsing these data and three distinct temporal shocks to the political institutions of Southern states, we find substantial support for our argument. In the prewar period between roughly 1820 and the early 1840s, we observe relatively low progressive taxation across all of these states. Yet the onset of a boom in international demand for Southern cash crops such as cotton, which increased the demand for land to be cultivated, combined with technological improvements in railroads that could unlock millions of acres of land that was far \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Efrom navigable water, substantially increased the demand from Southern slaveholders for the construction of railroads – collective goods. We show that the shock had differential effects depending on the extent of planter control: only in states in which contemporary \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Eand\u003C\u002Fem\u003E future slaveholder political control was higher – due to legislative malapportionment that persistently overrepresented highly enslaved counties – did property taxes, which fell overwhelmingly on slaveholders, rise substantially. We show that these states also allocated significantly more state financing toward railroads and as a result constructed substantially more miles of railroad track. Importantly, rural elites in malapportioned states did not impose higher taxes on poorer Whites to finance state expansion.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe second period, Reconstruction (1867–77), was marked by emancipation from slavery, the extension of the franchise to all adult male former slaves, and its enforcement by Congress in the aftermath of the Civil War: the victorious federal government used the US Army to register Black voters and uphold their newly granted political rights. The presence of the Army, particularly in plantation areas, allowed for the imposition of higher property taxes, triggering a significant backlash against the fiscal policies and political institutions that facilitated such extraction (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-037\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-037\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Foner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFoner 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-070\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-070\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Logan\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELogan 2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-102\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-102\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Suryanarayan and White\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESuryanarayan and White 2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). However, the short-run fiscal effects of the federal intervention were substantial, especially in places where rural elites’ formal political representation was disproportionately small. Progressive taxes rose the most in places where rural elites had the least political recourse for resisting taxation due to federal protection of Black voters and officeholders – that is, where the US military limited Southern elites’ ability to use their disproportionate de facto power to prevent the expanded electorate from levying and collecting large amounts of progressive taxation. Property taxes rose the least in the four Southern states that were not occupied by federal troops.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe Reconstruction Southern tax boom lasted only as long as the federal intervention, which eroded across these states until finally ending with the Compromise of 1877. Once the federal government stopped subsidizing the costs of enforcing these policy changes, taxes across all of the previously occupied states converged to a lower level. In the absence of a powerful external enforcer, and facing intense political contestation, rural elites began to effectively curtail progressive taxation.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe third and final burst of property taxes occurred at the beginning of the “Jim Crow” period (circa 1890), during which eleven of the fourteen states adopted suffrage restrictions that disenfranchised their Black populations and some low-income Whites. With the decline in political contestation and rural elites once more gaining a firm control over state politics, the prospects of \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Epresent and future cross-class and cross-race redistribution declined, and elite taxes increased – as did spending on selective public goods, such as universities. In the states without voting restrictions, by contrast, property taxes and higher education spending lagged. Once again, rural elites in more protected political positions did not impose higher taxes on poorer Whites to finance state expansion.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EIn short, we contend, Southern fiscal development during this period largely reflects the power and preferences of the plantation class, whose members embraced progressive taxation when and where they wanted collective goods and had a secure grip on power but behaved contrastingly toward property taxes in circumstances where their dominance was contested.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThis Element makes several contributions to at least two literatures. First, it contributes to the political economy of taxation literature by identifying precise and simple conditions that facilitate taxation of the rural rich, by the rural rich, and for the rural rich. Our framework not only establishes a higher minimal threshold for a bargain to emerge between rural elites and rulers than one commonly finds in the fiscal-exchange literature; it also suggests that some bargains may preclude others, making control of the state zero-sum. Second, it makes an important contribution to the historical American political economy literature. For one, our framework provides important analytical insights that distinguish our work from other explanations of Southern taxation, even those focusing on smaller, specific periods of time (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-098\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-098\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Seligman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESeligman 1969\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-112\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-112\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wallis\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWallis 2000\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-031\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-031\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Einhorn\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EEinhorn 2006\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). More broadly – and while much is known about individual Southern states, time periods, and particular dimensions of fiscal development – to our knowledge no work has tried to explain Southern fiscal developments across these fourteen states for this length of time, nor has any study drawn upon a nearly as complete annual data set of state taxation, or tried to put together both the revenue and spending sides of government accounts for each Southern state over these three different eras. Furthermore, the fact that our long-run analysis leverages exogenous shocks and considerable variation in both the input and output variables should lend confidence to the inferences.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThis Element proceeds as follows. We begin with a brief historical overview of this period. In \u003Ca class=\"xref sec\" href=\"#A-sec-4\" data-sectionId=\"#A-sec-4\"\u003ESection 2\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, we outline a theoretical framework for understanding Southern taxation and situate this within the existing literature on the political economy of taxation. In \u003Ca class=\"xref sec\" href=\"#A-sec-5\" data-sectionId=\"#A-sec-5\"\u003ESection 3\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, we describe our data collection efforts and resulting data set in detail. In \u003Ca class=\"xref sec\" href=\"#A-sec-6\" data-sectionId=\"#A-sec-6\"\u003ESection 4\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, we examine the prewar period (1820–60). We follow this in \u003Ca class=\"xref sec\" href=\"#A-sec-7\" data-sectionId=\"#A-sec-7\"\u003ESection 5\u003C\u002Fa\u003E by examining the postwar period (1868–1910).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"B-sec-2\" data-magellan-destination=\"B-sec-2\"\u003E\u003Ch4 class=\"B title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E1.2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Historical Context \u003C\u002Fh4\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe fourteen states that comprise our study are not called Southern states due simply to their geographic position relative to other states that made up the United States. Rather, their primary defining feature between the seventeenth and mid-twentieth centuries was the reliance on and exploitation of enslaved and later politically repressed agricultural laborers who descended from Africans brought against their will to the British North American colonies by a relatively small White rural elite.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-4\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-4\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E4\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E While slavery was legal in each of the thirteen British colonies on the eve of the American Revolution (1775–83), only in the Southern coastal colonies from Maryland to Georgia was a quarter to half of the population enslaved (1790 Census).\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-5\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-5\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E5\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E As the US territory expanded westward and new states were admitted to the Union, slavery thrived in the Southern states, especially with the invention of the cotton gin in 1793 and the massive increase in international demand for cotton from industrializing Europe. At the same time, each Northern state successively abolished or severely restricted slavery.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-6\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-6\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E6\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E By 1850, 99 percent of the approximately 3.2 million enslaved people lived in the fourteen states we study. \u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#TBLm-tblw-1\" data-sectionId=\"#TBLm-tblw-1\"\u003ETable 1\u003C\u002Fa\u003E reports key variables of interest for each state and period of our study between 1820 and 1910. Column 1 reports the share of the total population who were enslaved in 1820, the first year of our study, and column 2 shows the same in 1860, the year before the American Civil War began.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap\" id=\"TBLm-tblw-1\" data-magellan-destination=\"TBLm-tblw-1\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Ch2 class=\"title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003ETable 1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The fourteen Southern states, 1820–1910 \u003C\u002Fh2\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Ctable style=\"width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;\"\u003E\u003Ccolgroup\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:11.1%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:11.1%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:11.1%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:11.1%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:11.1%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:11.1%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:11.1%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:11.1%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:11.1%;\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fcolgroup\u003E\u003Cthead\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003EEnslaved pop. share 1820 (%) (1)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003EEnslaved pop. share 1860 (%) (2)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003EBlack share 1868 (%) (3)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003EBlack share pop. reg. voters 1900 (%) (4)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003EPrewarmalappor-tioned state (5)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003ERecon-struction state (6)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003EType of suffrage restriction (7)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003EYear enacted (8)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Fthead\u003E\u003Ctbody\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EAlabama\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E33\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E45\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E63\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E45\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ELT, PT\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1901\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EArkansas\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E26\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E35\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E28\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EPT\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1892\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EFlorida\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E44\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E58\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E44\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EPT\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1889\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EGeorgia\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E44\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E44\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E50\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E47\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ELT, PT\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1906\u003Ca class=\"xref p\" href=\"#P-para-1\" data-sectionId=\"#P-para-1\"\u003E*\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EKentucky\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E23\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E19\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E13\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENone\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ELouisiana\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E45\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E47\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E65\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E47\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ELT, PT\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1898\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EMaryland\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E26\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E13\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E20\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENone\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EMississippi\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E44\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E55\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E56\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E59\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ELT, PT\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1890\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EMissouri\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E15\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E10\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E5\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENone\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EN. Carolina\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E32\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E33\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E41\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E33\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ELT, PT\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1900\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ES. Carolina\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E51\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E57\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E63\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E58.4\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ELT, PT\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1895\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ETennessee\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E19\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E25\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E40\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E24\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EPT\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1889\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ETexas\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E30\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E46\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E22\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EPT\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1902\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EVirginia\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E40\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E31\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E47\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E36\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ELT, PT\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1901\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Ftbody\u003E\u003C\u002Ftable\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap-foot\" id=\"TFN-tblwf-11\" data-magellan-destination=\"TFN-tblwf-11\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\" id=\"P-para-1\" data-magellan-destination=\"P-para-1\"\u003ENote: Arkansas (1836), Florida (1845), and Texas (1845) were admitted as states after 1820. LT = Literacy Test. PT = Poll Tax. *Georgia enacted the literacy test in 1906 and the poll tax in 1877.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"attrib\"\u003ESources: \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-061\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-061\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Kousser\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EKousser (1974)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-110\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-110\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Valelly\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EValelly (2009)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-115\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-115\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Walton, Puckett and Deskins\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWalton et al. (2012\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: Table 13.9); US Census (1820, 1860, and 1900).\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWhereas slavery was the main defining feature of the Southern economy and society, two other crucial features need highlighting.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-7\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-7\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E7\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E First, the South, especially the more heavily enslaved states that later formed the Confederacy, was overwhelmingly rural and agrarian. \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-1\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-1\"\u003EFigure 1\u003C\u002Fa\u003E provides a comparative perspective, showing the urbanization rate every ten years between 1820 and 1910 for the US South, the first fifteen Northern US states, England and Wales, and the \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGerman Empire over the same period.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-8\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-8\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E8\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E The Southern urbanization rate in 1910 is roughly half the value of England’s in 1820, and just barely above the US North’s figure for 1850. \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-2\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-2\"\u003EFigure 2\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows the agricultural share of output (comprising agricultural and manufacturing activities). The share of manufacturing output in the average Northern state in 1850 exceeds the same share in the average Southern state in 1910.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-1\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-1\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig1.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-63690-optimisedImage-png-45405fig1.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-41428-largeThumb-png-45405fig1.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-12929-mediumThumb-png-45405fig1.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-94550-smallThumb-png-45405fig1.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Urbanization rate across regions, 1820–1910\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-2\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-2\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig2.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-47189-mediumThumb-png-45405fig2.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-32303-largeThumb-png-45405fig2.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-90472-smallThumb-png-45405fig2.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-43183-optimisedImage-png-45405fig2.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Agriculture share of output (agriculture and manufacturing), 1840–1910\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ESecond, Southern states were characterized by extreme levels of economic inequality, as the ownership of the enslaved was heavily concentrated in a small minority. The average enslaver in 1860, for example, had approximately fourteen times the wealth of the average non-slaveholder (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-118\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-118\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wright\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWright 1978\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 36), and the Southern wealth Gini coefficient was estimated to be 0.71 (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-089\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-089\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ransom\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ERansom 2001\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, pp. 63–64).\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-9\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-9\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E9\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Furthermore, due to the low levels of economic integration between the high-enslaved (“lowland”) and low-enslaved (“highland\u002Fupland”) areas across the South (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-118\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-118\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wright\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWright 1978\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 39), the economic spillovers of \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESouthern slavery were fairly low to most of the majority nonslaveowner White population.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ENot only was economic inequality between enslaver and non-enslaver Whites high, poor Whites also experienced substantial political inequality as a result of slavery. While enslavers were unlikely to have ever comprised a majority of the adult White male population in any Southern colony or state, the historical record leaves little doubt that slaveholders dominated colonial and later state politics (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-049\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-049\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Green\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGreen 1966\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-116\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-116\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wooster\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWooster 1969\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, 1975; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-057\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-057\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Johnson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EJohnson 1999\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-076\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-076\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference McCurry\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMcCurry 2012\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-105\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-105\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Thornton\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EThornton 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-078\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-078\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Merritt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMerritt 2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-019\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-019\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chacón and Jensen\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EChacón and Jensen 2020c\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Their dominance stemmed from substantial advantages in not only de facto but de jure power\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-10\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-10\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E10\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E – for example, during colonial times they used their dominance to structure political institutions, including the malapportionment of state legislatures to systematically overrepresent districts with greater enslaved density (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-049\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-049\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Green\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGreen 1966\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-017\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-017\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chacón and Jensen\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EChacón and Jensen 2020a\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EEnslaver dominance of Southern state governments was critical because states played the primary role in the promotion of economic development and the provision of public goods in the prewar period (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-112\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-112\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wallis\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWallis 2000\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-114\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-114\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wallis and Weingast\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWallis and Weingast 2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Thus the promotion of economic development, including \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Epublicly supported systems of education and infrastructure, as well as the choice on the system of taxation to finance these public expenditures, was substantially influenced by a small rural elite.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe 1860 election of the Republican candidate, Abraham Lincoln, to the presidency led to the rapid secession of eleven Southern states and the formation of the Confederate States of America in February 1861.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-11\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-11\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E11\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E The Confederacy’s defeat in the American Civil War (1861–5) and the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment to the US Constitution, abolishing slavery, resulted in the permanent emancipation of nearly 4 million enslaved Southerners (out of a total population of roughly 12 million).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ECongressional Republicans sought to use the South’s defeat as an opportunity to transform each state’s political system with the goal of diminishing the power of the small planter elite (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-037\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-037\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Foner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFoner 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-12\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-12\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E12\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E With the passage of several Military Reconstruction Acts in 1867 and 1868, “radical Reconstruction” would entail the use of the military to register all adult Black males to vote and then protect their access to the ballot box in the ten Reconstruction states.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-13\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-13\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E13\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Furthermore, the passage of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments would, in principle, offer the recently enfranchised equal protection under the law, guaranteed citizenship, and the prohibition of racial disenfranchisement.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EFor a brief period, Southern politics was completely upended. \u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#TBLm-tblw-1\" data-sectionId=\"#TBLm-tblw-1\"\u003ETable 1\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, column 3 shows the share of each state’s registered voters who were Black in 1867–8.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-14\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-14\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E14\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E This led to the election for the first time in American history of thousands of Blacks to local, state, and federal office across the ten Reconstruction states (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-036\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-036\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Foner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFoner 1993\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). There was a fundamental expansion in the role of the Southern state, especially with respect to public education. This fiscal expansion was financed primarily by raising property taxes that fell most heavily on the small, landed elite.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-15\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-15\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E15\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EThe rising tax burden quickly emerged as a focal point for Reconstruction’s opponents. In several states, Democratic leaders organized taxpayers’ conventions, whose supporters demanded a reduction in spending and called for a return to rule by men of property – which entailed denying Blacks, as well as some Whites, any role in Southern public affairs (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-037\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-037\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Foner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFoner 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). From the outset, this largely elite-driven backlash against Radical Republican rule used highly organized terrorist groups, such as the Ku Klux Klan, to restore Democratic Party rule and limit Black political power. Despite the promise to use the federal military to enforce these newly granted civil and political rights, the occupation was never extensive enough to protect a largely rural Black population, thinly distributed across the vast South.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-16\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-16\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E16\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Furthermore, with western expansion making greater demands on federal resources, the size of the occupation decreased throughout the period of Congressional Reconstruction (1867–77). The extensive use of violence eventually resulted in the return to power of the Democratic Party, termed “Redemption” by the conservative elites who had been restored to office.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-17\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-17\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E17\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Federal military enforcement of Black political rights ended with the so-called Compromise of 1877.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-18\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-18\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E18\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWhile the end of Reconstruction saw Black political power fall substantially, the political control of the planter class was by no means uncontested. For one, Blacks formally retained the right to vote and therefore remained a threat to the political dominance of Southern Democratic elites (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-061\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-061\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Kousser\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EKousser 1974\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-082\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-082\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Perman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EPerman 2003\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-110\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-110\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Valelly\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EValelly 2009\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). In terms of future power, the possibility remained that the federal government would intervene on behalf of Black voters. Moreover, elections continued to be highly contested affairs: the period between 1880 and 1900 saw opposition parties routinely win more than a third of the state legislative seats, and non-Democratic Party candidates often won more than 40 percent of the popular vote for governor (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-028\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-028\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Dubin\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EDubin\u003C\u002Fa\u003E \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-028\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-028\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Dubin\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2007\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-029\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-029\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Dubin\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2010\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThese working-class electoral threats to Democratic Party rule largely ceased between 1889 and 1907 with the adoption of suffrage restrictions, such as poll taxes and literacy tests, in eleven Southern states, which had the consequence \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eof formally disenfranchising most Black voters. At the same time, the threat of federal intervention on behalf of Black rights receded substantially after 1890. The defeat of the Lodge Federal Elections Bill of 1890, which would have provided for the federal regulation of congressional elections, ended Congress’ efforts to protect Southern Black voters until the 1960s. That states would be largely left to their own devices was largely confirmed in May 1896 and April 1898, when the Supreme Court handed down two decisions that ratified developments in the South. \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EPlessy v. Ferguson\u003C\u002Fem\u003E (1896) confirmed the federal government’s inability to protect individual rights within the states, and \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EWilliams v. Mississippi\u003C\u002Fem\u003E (1898) removed any remaining uncertainty that the methods of disfranchisement employed in the South would be declared unconstitutional (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-082\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-082\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Perman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EPerman 2003\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). These factors contributed to the creation of the “One-Party South,” which would reign through much of the twentieth century.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#TBLm-tblw-1\" data-sectionId=\"#TBLm-tblw-1\"\u003ETable 1\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows some key demographic and political features of this final period of our study – the onset of “Jim Crow” (1889–1910). Column 4 reports the share of each state’s population who were Black in 1900,\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-19\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-19\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E19\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E and columns 7 and 8 show the date and type of suffrage restrictions adopted.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"A-sec-4\" data-magellan-destination=\"A-sec-4\"\u003E\u003Ch3 class=\"A title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Theoretical Framework \u003C\u002Fh3\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"B-sec-3\" data-magellan-destination=\"B-sec-3\"\u003E\u003Ch4 class=\"B title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E2.1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The Existing Literature \u003C\u002Fh4\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe know that some polities are better at raising revenue than others and that the incidence of taxation varies significantly across space and time. The existing scholarship on this topic is sufficiently broad and multifaceted that our coverage of the literature will necessarily be limited. Generally speaking, extant theories emphasize the role of four broad factors to explain tax patterns, particularly the emergence of progressive taxation: temporary contextual factors, especially war (e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-106\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-106\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Tilly and Charles Tilly\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ETilly 1975\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-095\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-095\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Scheve and Stasavage\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EScheve and Stasavage 2010\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), structural conditions that determine actor incentives as well as the technical feasibility of particular fiscal arrangements, such as geography or the structure of the economy (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-079\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-079\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Moore, Deborah Braütigam, Fjeldstad and Moore\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMoore 2008\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-093\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-093\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ross\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ERoss 2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-075\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-075\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mayshar, Moav and Neeman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMayshar, Moav, and Neeman 2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), the specific constellation of social and political groups, such as ethnic or class solidarity or the nature of political coalitions (e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-067\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-067\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Lieberman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELieberman 2003\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-006\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-006\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ansell and Samuels\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EAnsell and Samuels 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-094\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-094\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Saylor\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESaylor 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-071\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-071\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mares and Queralt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMares and Queralt 2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, 2020; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-011\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-011\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBeramendi et al. 2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-102\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-102\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Suryanarayan and White\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESuryanarayan and White 2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), and the institutions that govern the relationship between citizens and the state (e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-066\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-066\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Levi\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELevi 1988\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-081\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-081\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference North and Weingast\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ENorth and Weingast 1989\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-100\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-100\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Stasavage\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EStasavage 2007\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-108\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-108\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Timmons\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ETimmons 2010\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Additionally, within each of these categories,\u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ethere are two basic approaches for explaining variation in the form of taxation: the \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Ecoercive approach\u003C\u002Fem\u003E, which underscores the extractive power of governments to impose taxes regardless of the preferences of taxpayers, and the \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Efiscal contract\u003C\u002Fem\u003E perspective, which emphasizes mutually agreed-upon bargains between state leaders and resource holders.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ECoercion-based models of taxation are predicated on the absence of a negotiated exchange between state leaders and social actors: taxpayers lack representation, and there is no guarantee that policy decisions will reflect their preferences. Coercive extraction explicitly allows for a disjuncture between the incidence of taxes and spending – that is, for relatively unfettered redistribution.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-20\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-20\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E20\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Much of the recent work focusing on elite taxation follows a coercion-based logic.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-21\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-21\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E21\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E The canonical median-voter model (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-077\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-077\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Meltzer and Richard\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMeltzer and Richard 1981\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) and its myriad offshoots (e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-015\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-015\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Boix\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBoix 2003\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-001\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-001\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Acemoglu, Naidu, Restrepo and Robinson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EAcemoglu et al. 2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), for example, contend that elites will be taxed more heavily in democratic societies, particularly when inequality is high. More recent scholarship has instead stressed various forms of intra-elite conflict as a potential trigger for progressive direct taxation, in which one elite group successfully shifts the tax burden onto another elite group in an effort to restrict the latter’s de facto political or economic power (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-071\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-071\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mares and Queralt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMares and Queralt\u003C\u002Fa\u003E \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-071\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-071\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mares and Queralt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-072\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-072\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mares and Queralt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EBy contrast, contractual models of taxation posit the existence of a negotiated exchange based on mutual interests of governments and social actors in which taxes are traded for goods and services. According to these models, people will engage in what \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-066\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-066\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Levi\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELevi (1988)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E called \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Equasi-voluntary compliance\u003C\u002Fem\u003E when public spending reflects their preferences. Spending that deviates from taxpayer desires, by contrast, engenders resistance to taxes and the political arrangement that generated them.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-22\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-22\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E22\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Mechanisms of voice and accountability solve commitment problems between rulers and taxpayers, facilitating tax increases and investments in fiscal capacity (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-010\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-010\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Bates and Lien\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBates and Lien 1985\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-081\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-081\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference North and Weingast\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ENorth and Weingast 1989\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-23\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-23\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E23\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Because tax collection costs are endogenous to how governments raise revenue and how they spend it, high levels of cross-group redistribution (e.g., from rich to poor and vice versa) is difficult to sustain, barring some type of compensation along the lines identified by \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-067\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-067\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Lieberman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELieberman (2003)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E and \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-096\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-096\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Scheve and Stasavage\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EScheve and Stasavage (2016)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E. These authors show that redistribution can emerge in equilibrium as a side payment for ethnic solidarity (e.g., in Lieberman, a cross-class alliance among Whites to repress Blacks in South Africa), or for the differential costs of war (e.g., in Scheve and Stasavage, the wealthy disproportionately fund warfare while the masses bear the brunt of the fighting). In both cases, taxes on the rich represent a form of compensatory redistribution tied together by shared identities and\u002For sacrifices.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EEven though trading services for revenue is a more efficient and sustainable means of raising revenue than coercive extraction, a fiscal contract between elites and rulers may not always emerge. Negotiated exchanges are more attractive in the presence of specific conditions: namely, when members of (potential) taxpaying groups have similar material interests and policy preferences;\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-24\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-24\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E24\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E the public sector has a comparative advantage in the production of the desired collective good or service (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-066\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-066\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Levi\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELevi 1988\u003C\u002Fa\u003E); and there are commitment mechanisms ensuring taxpayers that their money will be well spent (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-010\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-010\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Bates and Lien\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBates and Lien 1985\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-066\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-066\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Levi\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELevi 1988\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-024\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-024\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Dincecco\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EDincecco 2011\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-042\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-042\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Garfias\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGarfias 2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-034\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-034\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Flores-Macías\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFlores-Macías 2022\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Commitment mechanisms include assemblies (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-081\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-081\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference North and Weingast\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ENorth and Weingast 1989\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-053\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-053\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hoffman and Norberg\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHoffman and Norberg 1994\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) that guarantee at least a voice, if not an explicit veto, over fiscal decisions, and political parties (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-100\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-100\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Stasavage\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EStasavage 2007\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-108\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-108\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Timmons\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ETimmons 2010\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), who act as agents for groups of taxpayers. Beyond the factors affecting the likelihood of emergence of fiscal contracts, there are also contextual elements that can influence the parameters of these bargains, some of which we develop in what follows.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EChanges in the economy, notably industrialization, have been associated with increased prospects for progressive taxation. One reoccurring claim is that urban elites benefit more from public expenditures than rural elites (e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-068\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-068\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Lizzeri and Persico\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELizzeri and Persico 2004\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-011\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-011\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBeramendi et al. 2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-054\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-054\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hollenbach\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHollenbach 2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E): spending on education, sanitation, and infrastructure raises returns to industrial capital and draws labor to cities, potentially harming agrarian interests (e.g., \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-009\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-009\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Baten and Hippe\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBaten and Hippe 2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-040\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-040\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Galor, Moav and Vollrath\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGalor et al. 2009\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Hence, rising urban elites may be willing to shoulder a higher tax burden through progressive direct taxation in order to fund public goods that increase industrial output (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-006\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-006\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ansell and Samuels\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EAnsell and Samuels 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-011\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-011\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBeramendi et al. 2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-054\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-054\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hollenbach\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHollenbach 2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). However, the spending pressures caused by industrialization do not always result in the expansion of taxation. Rather, an increase in tax revenue is possible only where new capitalist elites can translate their economic power into political influence (e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-032\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-032\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Emmenegger, Leemann and Walter\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EEmmenegger, Leemann, and Walter 2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-25\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-25\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E25\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ELikewise, the nature of the tax base may influence the incentives for both rulers and taxpayers to bargain around exchanging representation for resources. Actors with more mobile assets, for example, are more likely to be granted government benefits and a voice in government decisions in exchange for revenue (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-010\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-010\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Bates and Lien\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBates and Lien 1985\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), while actors with less mobile assets, notably agriculture and mining, may find themselves held hostage: the fixed nature of their assets means they cannot withdraw if the exchange with the state becomes unfavorable (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-121\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-121\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Zolberg\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EZolberg 1980\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Historically, in fact, rural elites have been rather successful at blocking unilateral extraction on the part of the state – a capability attributed to both de jure political institutions that overweight their preferences and de facto forms of power that impede meaningful political change (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-002\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-002\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Acemoglu and Robinson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EAcemoglu and Robinson 2006\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-005\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-005\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Alston and Ferrie\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EAlston and Ferrie 2007\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-120\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-120\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ziblatt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EZiblatt 2009\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-004\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-004\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Albertus and Menaldo\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EAlbertus and Menaldo 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe emergence of fiscal bargains also depends, in part, on the availability of alternative sources of revenue. Rulers enjoying large nontax incomes from natural resource rents, access to loans, large inflows of aid, or the exploitation of state property – such as railways, post offices, or mines – may be less compelled to exchange representation for resources (as summarized in \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-093\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-093\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ross\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ERoss\u003C\u002Fa\u003E [\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-093\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-093\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ross\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E]).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EFinally, another relevant strand in the literature explains the rise and fall of progressive taxation as a function of ethnic solidarity in a context of salient class and racial cleavages – conditions that clearly characterized the American South. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-067\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-067\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Lieberman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELieberman (2003)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, for example, argues that the political exclusion of Blacks in apartheid South Africa prompted the emergence of a cross-class coalition among Whites in which progressive taxes and spending went hand \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ein hand. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-102\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-102\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Suryanarayan and White\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESuryanarayan and White (2021)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, by contrast, set forth the conditions that generate intra-ethnic solidarity with the aim of undermining taxation and bureaucratic capacity. Specifically, they contend that the expansion of the franchise to African Americans in the United States threatened the prevailing vertical racial order and gave rise to a cross-class coalition among Whites that weakened taxation and state capacity where the legacy of slavery was strongest. In particular, the authors claim that intra-White inequality was a key determinant of tax patterns following the Civil War. Our empirical analysis will engage with Lieberman’s alternative explanation and address the threat to inference posed by the potential omitted variable highlighted by \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-102\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-102\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Suryanarayan and White\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESuryanarayan and White\u003C\u002Fa\u003E.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EMissing in this rich literature, however, is an explanation for (and examples of) rural elites’ support for (self-)taxation in contexts where they already have representation, and indeed may be the uncontested incumbent power holders with no challengers on the horizon, something our analysis provides.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"B-sec-4\" data-magellan-destination=\"B-sec-4\"\u003E\u003Ch4 class=\"B title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E2.2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The Argument \u003C\u002Fh4\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe argue that three conditions are pivotal to determining rural elites’ preferences over public finance and, in particular, their willingness to tax themselves when they are in power. First, rural elites must value some “public good” that the state can produce at a lower cost than they can provide privately.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-26\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-26\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E26\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E While obtaining benefits from spending is a necessary condition for self-taxation, as others have highlighted (e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-107\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-107\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Timmons\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ETimmons 2005\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-011\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-011\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBeramendi et al. 2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-054\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-054\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hollenbach\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHollenbach 2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), we claim it is not sufficient.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ESecond, unlike other groups, rural elites must have relatively exclusive control over, if not an outright monopoly on, political power, rather than just representation. Their reluctance to accept taxes amidst shared governance stems from several factors. Their assets are highly specific, visible, not particularly mobile, and disproportionately valuable. They thus have fewer exit options and are more exposed to taxation and expropriation. Furthermore, their preferences over spending are often vastly different from that of other groups in society. Specific goods, such as public education, sanitation, or urban infrastructure, could undermine the economic system that undergirds their rent generation. Finally, because they are a numerically small group, many sets of voting rights can prove unfavorable. Given these characteristics, governing \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ecoalitions may find it challenging to credibly commit to not expropriating rural elites, especially in the event of an exogenous shift in power.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThird, besides exclusive political control in the present, elites must believe that their power will remain unchallenged: assured future political dominance minimizes the chances that the enhanced extractive tools of the state will be used to expropriate their wealth later. Our logic is similar to that of \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-014\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-014\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Besley and Persson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBesley and Persson (2011)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, in that political stability lengthens rulers’ time horizon. However, where their model predicts that stability leads to investments via taxation on non-ruling groups (“redistributive state”), our argument posits that when political elites are asset owners with strong demands for public goods, stability eliminates the commitment problem, paving the way to increase self-taxation.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EIn other words, rural elites may be less likely to rely on the state for collective goods and, as economic actors that derive power from the control of valuable economic resources that are especially vulnerable to taxation, they may be more attuned to time-consistency problems. However, if they desire public goods in which the state has a comparative advantage, and they feel secure about their monopoly on power, they have incentives to tax themselves.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-27\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-27\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E27\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E These empirical conditions mean that rural elites’ threshold for agreeing to voluntary taxation will be relatively high.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EA corollary of our argument is that elites have self-enforcing incentives to refrain from imposing hefty taxes on other social groups, so long as such taxes could generate counter-reactions that might threaten their monopoly on power.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-28\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-28\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E28\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E We contend that Southern elites did, in fact, face formidable technical and political barriers to shifting an increased burden onto other groups. First, the urban\u002Fmanufacturing sector was small, even by the end of the period. At the same time, netting tax revenue from yeoman farmers and peasants is notoriously daunting (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-079\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-079\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Moore, Deborah Braütigam, Fjeldstad and Moore\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMoore 2008\u003C\u002Fa\u003E): the lack of formal records of economic transactions, the seasonality and instability of farm production, the generally low levels of cash income, and the paucity of wealth outside of the plantation economy meant, in all likelihood, that a considerable amount of revenue would have been absorbed by the collection costs.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ESecond, coercive taxation, especially if arbitrary and capricious, should stimulate tax resistance, migration toward less extortionate jurisdictions, demands \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Efor representation, and pressure to change the institutions that determine fiscal policies. Thanks to the work of historians (e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-037\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-037\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Foner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFoner 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), and social scientists (e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-018\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-018\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chacón and Jensen\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EChacón and Jensen 2020b\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-070\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-070\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Logan\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELogan 2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-102\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-102\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Suryanarayan and White\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESuryanarayan and White 2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), we know that redistributive taxes and spending during Reconstruction generated a violent elite-led backlash that undermined the tax system by targeting the electoral and bureaucratic institutions from which it emerged.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ECoercive taxation on non-elite groups in the South presented its own complications. First, non-elite Southern Whites were sufficiently mobile and numerous to pose problems if angered. Indeed, the threat of migration was not just hypothetical. According to the 1860 Census, approximately 25 percent of the Whites born in the original Southern states, as well as those born in later-admitted slave states, such as Alabama, Kentucky, and Tennessee, had migrated out of these states. Furthermore, outside of large cities, such as Baltimore, New Orleans, and St. Louis, Southern states received few European immigrants during the various waves of immigration. Out-migration of both Blacks and Whites accelerated after the Civil War, with White migration especially intense in the first two decades following the conflict. Second, anti-elite political movements were a recurring phenomenon (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-061\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-061\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Kousser\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EKousser 1974\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-055\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-055\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hyman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHyman 1989\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-051\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-051\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hahn\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHahn 2006\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-038\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-038\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Gailmard and Jenkins\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGailmard and Jenkins 2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), which culminated in the 1880s and 1890s when populists threatened Democratic Party rule in many Southern states (e.g., Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia). Excessive taxes on lower-income Whites or urban areas could have enhanced prospects of a class-based Black-White alliance after the Civil War, which would have eroded uncontested planter political control. In fact, these are not mere conjectures: working-class Black-White coalitions did win control of state governments in Virginia (early 1880s) and North Carolina (mid-1890s) and fell just short in several other states (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-082\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-082\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Perman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EPerman 2003\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). In sum, in certain places and time periods, Southern rural elites had the capacity and motivation to embrace self-taxation; in other places and time periods, they had the incentive and power to fight redistributive taxes.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"A-sec-5\" data-magellan-destination=\"A-sec-5\"\u003E\u003Ch3 class=\"A title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E3\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Data and Empirical Strategy \u003C\u002Fh3\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe created an original annual data set of state-level taxation between 1820 and 1910 across fourteen Southern states to assess our hypothesis about the relationship between rural elite power and fiscal outcomes.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-29\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-29\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E29\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E We located auditor, comptroller, and US Treasury reports for as many years as possible from each state. We intentionally excluded the Civil War and pre-Congressional \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EReconstruction years from 1861 to 1867.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-30\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-30\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E30\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E With these years omitted and accounting for the three states that entered after 1820, our sample comprises 1,146 possible state-years. From these reports, we extracted the total tax revenues collected into the state treasury, as well as tax revenues by type. These include property taxes, poll taxes, occupation and licensing fees, business taxes (e.g., on banks and insurance companies), and miscellaneous taxes, such as those on the sale of liquor and fertilizer.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"B-sec-5\" data-magellan-destination=\"B-sec-5\"\u003E\u003Ch4 class=\"B title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E3.1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property Taxes between 1820 and 1910 \u003C\u002Fh4\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EOur primary variable of interest is the annual amount of property taxes levied and collected. We focus on this particular tax for two reasons. First, property taxes accounted for the majority of tax revenues for most state-years in our data set, especially after 1840. In a sample of approximately 800 state-years in which we have both property taxes and total tax revenues, property taxes accounted for roughly 74 percent of total state tax revenues.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-31\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-31\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E31\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Second, unlike regressive taxation such as liquor taxes, poll (capitation) taxes, and occupational licenses, these taxes fell most heavily on the same small, rural, planter elite that dominated Southern politics (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-118\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-118\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wright\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWright 1978\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-104\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-104\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Thornton, J. Morgan Kousser and James\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EThornton 1982\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-090\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-090\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ransom and Sutch\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ERansom and Sutch 2001\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). We provide additional support for this claim, as well as a short overview of property tax liabilities, assessment, and collection.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EProperty tax systems evolved considerably during the period under study. The systems that emerged during the colonial and early postindependence periods were rudimentary (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-031\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-031\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Einhorn\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EEinhorn 2006\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-087\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-087\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Rabushka\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ERabushka 2010\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). While property taxes were a sizeable portion of tax revenues, they rarely entailed an attempt to assess systematically each individual household’s value of real estate and personal property. Instead, certain taxable property (e.g., farm animals and equipment, slaves, etc.) was assessed on a fixed per-item basis, meaning that items with very different economic values could face similar liabilities. Land was typically assigned to a few categories based primarily on its geographic location (i.e., soil, access to navigable water, etc.) and then charged a differential per-acre rate.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EFollowing developments that began in Missouri in the 1820s, Southern states began adopting property tax systems in which the same ad valorem rate (uniformity) was applied to all private property (universality). This entailed the creation of a much more sophisticated tax collection infrastructure that could \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eassess the value of all taxable property. As \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-031\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-031\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Einhorn\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EEinhorn (2006\u003C\u002Fa\u003E): p. 242 details, the transition to uniform property tax systems was politically contested, as rural elites (successfully) fought “to limit the taxes that majorities could impose on them.”\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-32\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-32\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E32\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E By 1860, all fourteen states had adopted an ad valorem property tax system for land and other non-enslaved personal property and only five continued to use capitation taxes for slaves. The new state governments created by the Reconstruction Acts each adopted a uniform property tax system for all taxable property, and this system remained in place throughout the remainder of the period of our study.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EAs property tax systems became more sophisticated, and the structure of the economy developed, more classes of assets were included in assessed wealth. By the 1840s, most states included the value of money (deposits in banks), bonds (and to a lesser extent stocks), the value of commercial merchandise, and household items, such as jewelry, gold and silver watches, and furniture. In the postwar period, the property tax system enlarged to include the value of capital in banks, the assessed value of railroads, and manufacturing; there were even attempts to include intangible assets, such as patents and copyrights. Small exemptions (e.g., church property, the first $200–500, or 100 head of cattle) were common throughout the period.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe assessment of the value of taxable property was in the hands of local officials, and these valuations were used for property taxes at all levels (state, county, municipality, and special-purpose, such as school and levee districts). While local officials had the incentive to undervalue the assessments compared to true market values, the strategic under-assessment of property values was not a South-specific problem; it was endemic across the entire United States (e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-098\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-098\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Seligman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESeligman 1969\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-111\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-111\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Vollrath\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EVollrath 2013\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-1\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-1\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E3.1.1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Empirical Measures of Property Taxes \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EOur main measure of property taxes uses a combination of property taxes levied and collected. For the prewar period, the reports were much less detailed and few provided the amount of property taxes levied. Given the paucity of data on prewar property taxes levied (not to mention assessments of the value of taxable property), our prewar property taxes are primarily those collected into the treasury each year. For the postwar years, we generally use the amount of property taxes levied. This information is commonly provided in each report, and tables of annual property taxes levied for long periods (which increase our \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ecoverage) are often included. More importantly, it became typical that some state property taxes, especially those levied specifically for common schools (as pre-high school public schools were then called), were not received by the state treasury and therefore not recorded in our measure of property taxes collected. We think it is important to include all property taxes levied by the state government. We believe our measure of property taxes is comparable across states and periods, since we know of no instances in the prewar period in which state-levied property taxes did not go into the state treasury.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EIn general, we have excellent coverage across states and time in annual property taxes. For the 1,146 possible state-years in our sample, we have collected property taxes for 919 of them. For the eleven states that existed in 1820, there are 87 possible state-years each. We have at least 54 observations for each of them.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-33\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-33\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E33\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Unsurprisingly, the completeness of data improves over time. In the 1820s, we have property taxes for 45 of 110 possible state-years.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-34\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-34\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E34\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E We have 64 of the possible 114 state-years in the 1830s. For the 1850s, we have 117 of 140 possible data points. We have 133 of 140 possible state-years in the last decade of our sample.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe period of our study, especially after the Panic of 1873, was characterized by substantial deflation. As a result, our measure of property taxes (as well as all \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Evariables collected in nominal dollars) is reported in deflated values.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-35\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-35\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E35\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-3\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-3\"\u003EFigure 3\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows the total property taxes in each state between 1820 and 1910. We smooth it using a three-year rolling average.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-3\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-3\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig3.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-87510-optimisedImage-png-45405fig3.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-62645-smallThumb-png-45405fig3.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-32117-largeThumb-png-45405fig3.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-94894-mediumThumb-png-45405fig3.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 3\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Total property taxes by state (million, real $), 1820–1910 three-year moving average\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe normalize this measure of property taxes in two ways. First, we divide it by each state’s White population. We use White population rather than total population because even in the post-emancipation period, Whites owned almost all of the taxable property in Southern states.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-36\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-36\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E36\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E The denominator is created using census data for each decade from 1820 to 1910 and performing linear interpolation for the intervening years.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-4\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-4\"\u003EFigure 4\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows the average across these fourteen states for property taxes per White capita (PWC) from 1820 to 1910. Initially, property taxes PWC were low, especially in the 1830s. They rose rapidly between the early 1840s and the onset of the Civil War in 1861. We see that they continued to rise during Reconstruction only to decline significantly once Reconstruction ends. The post–Black disenfranchisement or Jim Crow period saw the resumption \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eof rapidly rising property taxes PWC. \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-5\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-5\"\u003EFigure 5\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows the amount of property taxes PWC by state from 1820 and 1910.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-4\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-4\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig4.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-10251-largeThumb-png-45405fig4.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-84605-smallThumb-png-45405fig4.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-41680-mediumThumb-png-45405fig4.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-16701-optimisedImage-png-45405fig4.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 4\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property taxes per White capita (real $), 1820–1910 three-year moving average\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-5\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-5\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig5.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-80335-mediumThumb-png-45405fig5.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-47619-largeThumb-png-45405fig5.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-97990-smallThumb-png-45405fig5.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-71152-optimisedImage-png-45405fig5.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 5\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property taxes per White capita by state (real $), 1820–1910\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EOur second measure normalizes property taxes by the value of total agricultural and manufacturing output, as collected by each census between 1840 and 1910.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-37\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-37\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E37\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E This attempts to measure taxes as a share of economic output.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-38\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-38\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E38\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E As with the White population, we perform linear interpolation for the values between each census observation.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-6\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-6\"\u003EFigure 6\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows the average across these fourteen states for this measure. The primary difference is that rising taxation at the end of our period only keeps pace with rising economic output. \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-7\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-7\"\u003EFigure 7\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows property taxes as a share of output in each state.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-6\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-6\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig6.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-36471-smallThumb-png-45405fig6.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-42145-largeThumb-png-45405fig6.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-17775-mediumThumb-png-45405fig6.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-00972-optimisedImage-png-45405fig6.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 6\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property taxes\u002Fagricultural and manufacturing output, 1840–1910 three-year moving average\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-7\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-7\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig7.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-40050-largeThumb-png-45405fig7.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-80227-optimisedImage-png-45405fig7.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-77447-smallThumb-png-45405fig7.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-99849-mediumThumb-png-45405fig7.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 7\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property taxes\u002Fagricultural and manufacturing output by state, 1840–1910\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-2\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-2\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E3.1.2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Ad Valorem Property Tax Rates \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe complement our main measure of property taxes levied or collected with the ad valorem rates applied each year to taxable property. In the postwar period, this measure is straightforward. The Reconstruction conventions of 1867\u002F8 established equal and uniform property tax systems in each Southern state. The ad valorem rate, therefore, is just the annual ad valorem rate as determined by \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ethe state government.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-39\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-39\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E39\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E We use this annual rate for each year in the postwar period.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EIt is more difficult to report a consistent measure of property tax rates across each Southern state between 1820 and 1860. As mentioned, most states began \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ethe period setting fixed amounts to taxable property (e.g., land taxed by category, capitation taxes on slaves based on gender and age, fixed amounts for farm animals). By 1860, nine of the fourteen states had adopted systems that closely resembled the uniform property tax systems implemented during Reconstruction. We exclude states prior to their establishing uniform and universal property tax systems, so some states are not included in this measure during the prewar period. Furthermore, some changes over time in the average property tax rate during this period reflect composition effects, as states enter the data set only when they established a uniform property tax system.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-8\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-8\"\u003EFigure 8\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows the average ad valorem property tax rates across states between 1840 and 1910.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-40\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-40\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E40\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E The pattern is strongly consistent with property taxes PWC and as a share of output as shown in Figures \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-4\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-4\"\u003E4\u003C\u002Fa\u003E and \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-6\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-6\"\u003E6\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, respectively. It suggests that the increases in property taxes observed in the immediate prewar, Reconstruction, and Jim Crow periods, respectively, were due to the choice to increase property taxes; this is similarly true for the periods of declining property taxes.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-8\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-8\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig8.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-44743-largeThumb-png-45405fig8.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-16285-smallThumb-png-45405fig8.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-46353-optimisedImage-png-45405fig8.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-60918-mediumThumb-png-45405fig8.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 8\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Ad valorem property rate, 1840–1910 three-year moving average\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-3\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-3\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E3.1.3\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property Tax Incidence \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe extreme wealth inequality of the South, combined with exemptions and the fact that most wealth was tied to slaves (pre-1860) and land meant that \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eproperty taxes were probably mildly to extremely progressive, with much of the burden falling on planters (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-118\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-118\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wright\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWright 1978\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-104\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-104\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Thornton, J. Morgan Kousser and James\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EThornton 1982\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-089\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-089\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ransom\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ERansom 2001\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Although we lack the individual-level data necessary to confirm this supposition, we were able to decompose the property tax burden by economic sectors and by geographic regions within states to get a sense of whether the tax burden was shifted to urban areas or to rural areas disproportionately inhabited by poor Whites.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-9\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-9\"\u003EFigure 9\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows the proportion of total property taxes paid by the rural sector between the mid-1840s and 1910 for the eight states (Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Tennessee) where we can decompose tax burdens by sector – urban, rural, or undefined – across time.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-41\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-41\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E41\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E The figure includes the rural tax share and a second line for the agricultural share of total output (comprising agricultural and manufacturing activities). Several things are worth noting. First, taxes on rural land and slaves alone exceeded 75 percent of the prewar property tax take on average across \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ethe eight states. Second, while the average share of agricultural output in these eight states falls from almost 90 percent in 1850 to less than 50 percent by 1910, the share of property taxes paid by the rural sector in these states closely mirrors its share of output throughout the entire period. Third, the rural share of property taxes diverges the most from the output share line when the planters are at their least powerful politically (during Reconstruction).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-9\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-9\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig9.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-17379-largeThumb-png-45405fig9.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-49920-optimisedImage-png-45405fig9.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-45971-smallThumb-png-45405fig9.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-25006-mediumThumb-png-45405fig9.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 9\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Agricultural output and exclusively rural share of property taxes (%) eight-state average 1846–1910\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-10\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-10\"\u003EFigure 10\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows the share of total property taxes falling explicitly on urban\u002Findustrialist assets together with the manufacturing share of total output. While the share of property taxes borne by this emerging sector rises over time, it clearly does not keep pace with the industrial share of output, particularly after rural elites regain uncontested control in the late nineteenth century. Furthermore, the urban sector pays its highest share (and the rural sector its lowest share) relative to the trends in output shares during Reconstruction, precisely the period in which rural elites’ control was weakest. Combined, these two figures give no indication that changes in the levels of property taxes can be attributed to the ability of rural elites to disproportionately pass the burden onto the emerging industrial sector.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-10\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-10\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig10.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-89363-mediumThumb-png-45405fig10.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-19340-optimisedImage-png-45405fig10.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-31204-largeThumb-png-45405fig10.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-43714-smallThumb-png-45405fig10.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 10\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Manufacturing output and exclusively urban share of property taxes (%) eight-state average, 1846–1910\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EIn a separate test, we examine the distribution of state property taxes levied in each county. We find that the association between Black population share and these taxes is not only consistently positive and statistically significant in each decade between 1860 and 1910, but also remarkably stable over time. The fact that the coefficients are strongly positive (and not negative or indistinguishable from zero) indicates that the spatial distribution of the tax burden remained \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eskewed toward areas with a higher Black population share, which were also the areas inhabited by relatively wealthier rural Whites.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EFinally, one concern may be that enslavers used the adoption of a uniform tax system to pass the incidence of taxation onto the assets of non-rural elites. We have the property tax by sector for three states before and after they switched to a full ad valorem uniform\u002Funiversal property tax system (Florida, Georgia, and Louisiana). The rural sector’s share of property taxes increased from 82 percent to 92 percent in Florida, and from 69 percent to 77 percent in Georgia; in Louisiana, the share remained unchanged at exactly 79 percent.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-42\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-42\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E42\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"B-sec-6\" data-magellan-destination=\"B-sec-6\"\u003E\u003Ch4 class=\"B title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E3.2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Other Measures of Taxation \u003C\u002Fh4\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EAs mentioned, we also collected several other measures of taxation. Specifically, we include the total amount of tax revenues collected annually into the state treasury (1820–1910), poll tax rates levied (1820–1910), and total state and local property taxes levied between 1860 and 1910. These data show us the importance of focusing on property taxes to understand the incidence of taxation in the South between 1820 and 1910. We describe each of these measures in this section.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-4\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-4\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E3.2.1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Total State Tax Revenues Collected \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe first measure is the total amount of tax revenues collected each year into each state treasury. In addition to property taxes, this measure often includes poll taxes, occupation and licensing taxes (i.e., a license to operate a billiards hall or sell pianos), liquor taxes, and bank, insurance, and business taxes, among others. As stated, we prefer to focus on property taxes for two interdependent reasons. For one, we are interested in the incidence of direct taxation borne primarily by the rich, which included the relatively small planter elite that dominated Southern politics. Focusing on property taxes is also appropriate because they comprised most of total state taxes in this period (roughly 74 percent of total tax revenues).\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-43\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-43\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E43\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-5\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-5\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E3.2.2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Total State and Local Property Taxes Levied \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe are, however, interested in the amount of property taxes levied by substate governments as well (i.e., counties, municipalities, and school districts). Unlike \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ENorthern states, where local taxation was much higher than state taxes (and was rising throughout the period of our study), taxation was much more centralized in Southern states, presumably reflecting the influence the small planter elite had not only over Southern politics but also over state constitutional design (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-073\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-073\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Margo\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMargo 2007\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-043\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-043\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Sun and Lindert\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGo and Lindert 2010\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-017\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-017\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chacón and Jensen\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EChacón and Jensen 2020a\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). The amount of local taxation was strictly limited, and in many cases prohibited (e.g., for school purposes).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ENonetheless, the levying of local property taxes occurred in each state. Unfortunately, no Southern state provided the amount of local taxation levied, especially not in a consistent, complete, or systematic way. We therefore rely on US Census \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EWealth, Debt, and Taxation\u003C\u002Fem\u003E reports from 1860 to 1912 for the amount of property taxes levied at the substate level approximately once every ten years. While much less complete than our state-level data, these data can tell us whether substitution effects contribute to the observed patterns in our state-level property tax data, rather than the factors emphasized by our argument. In general, during this period, local taxes rose rapidly in the rest of the United States while state taxation either stagnated or even declined (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-112\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-112\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wallis\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWallis 2000\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Thus, it is plausible that our argument for why state-level property taxes declined in some periods may be capturing national trends.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EAs before, we normalize this measure of total property taxes levied by the White population and by agricultural and manufacturing output. The figures for each measure between 1860 and 1910 are shown in \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-11\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-11\"\u003EFigures 11\u003C\u002Fa\u003E and \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-12\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-12\"\u003E12\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Erespectively. While we are unable to assess the prewar trends, postwar total state and local property taxes levied PWC and as a share of output, strongly resemble the patterns witnessed in state property taxes. Thus, despite growing urbanization and industrialization – especially in a few states with rapidly growing urban areas, such as Louisiana (New Orleans), Maryland (Baltimore), and Missouri (St. Louis, Kansas City) – it appears that the factors influencing state taxation were likely similar to those determining local property taxation.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-11\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-11\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig11.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-64707-optimisedImage-png-45405fig11.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-42472-smallThumb-png-45405fig11.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-88651-largeThumb-png-45405fig11.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-53238-mediumThumb-png-45405fig11.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 11\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Local and state taxes\u002FWhite population (real $, fourteen-state average), 1860–1910\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-12\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-12\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig12.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-21471-optimisedImage-png-45405fig12.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-49320-mediumThumb-png-45405fig12.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-09965-largeThumb-png-45405fig12.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-52091-smallThumb-png-45405fig12.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 12\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Local and state taxes as a share of agricultural and manufacturing output (fourteen-state average), 1860–1910\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-6\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-6\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E3.2.3\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Poll Tax Rates \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ELast, we collected the poll tax rate levied on eligible adult males in each state between 1820 and 1910, which we use as a generic proxy for taxes on lower-income groups. Poll or capitation taxes are highly regressive (as an equal tax is levied on each eligible resident regardless of means), and a few states (e.g., Maryland) constitutionally forbid them.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-44\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-44\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E44\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E During the period under consideration, most states constitutionally required that poll tax revenues be used only on common schools in the county in which they were collected (except \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ETexas, which allowed one-third of poll tax revenues to be used for general revenue). In most states, state treasurers did not collect the tax, and in no case did we include them with property or state tax totals. In the 1890s (Jim Crow), Southern states began instituting specific links between poll tax payments and voting rights, disenfranchising thousands of potential voters, notably Blacks.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-45\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-45\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E45\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EImportantly, the types of tax-vote links that emerged in the South during Jim Crow are fundamentally different from those observed in other settings, such as the Prussian case studied by \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-071\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-071\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mares and Queralt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMares and Queralt (2015)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, as are their implications for elite incentives. During the period of our study (1820–1910), most Southern states did not have electoral rules that conditioned voting rights on tax payments and, when they did, the right to vote was tied to the payment of the poll tax – which is not a property tax, and therefore not part of our dependent variable.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-46\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-46\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E46\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E According to Mares and Queralt, the presence of a vote-tax link increases the incentives of elites to raise those taxes that condition political participation in order to disenfranchise the poor. In the US South, rural elites restricted political participation of low-income groups, targeting Blacks in particular, through a variety of mechanisms unrelated to the property tax. Furthermore, the poll tax was a trivial source of revenue.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-47\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-47\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E47\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E In other words, our argument and evidence elucidate why agrarian elites increased taxation on themselves even when these taxes could not be used as barriers to political participation.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThis measure of poll tax rates attempts to capture whether rises or declines in property taxes, which are borne primarily by a small elite, accompany changes in poll taxes, which fall most heavily on the electorate more broadly. Since the rate reflects a monetary value, we deflate this measure. States that did not levy a poll tax are coded as zero.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-13\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-13\"\u003EFigure 13\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows the average poll tax across these states from 1820 to 1910. Poll taxes on Whites are significantly lower in the prewar period. In the postwar period, when these taxes were primarily allocated to common schools, they are \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ehigher but unchanging.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-48\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-48\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E48\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E It is evident that changes in poll tax rates do not follow the patterns exhibited by property taxes, ad valorem property tax rates, or total tax revenues.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-13\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-13\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig13.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-59366-largeThumb-png-45405fig13.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-43516-mediumThumb-png-45405fig13.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-50892-optimisedImage-png-45405fig13.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-55868-smallThumb-png-45405fig13.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 13\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Poll tax rate (fourteen-state average), 1820–1910 three-year moving average\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"B-sec-7\" data-magellan-destination=\"B-sec-7\"\u003E\u003Ch4 class=\"B title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E3.3\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Other Data \u003C\u002Fh4\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe briefly describe other data used to assess our argument.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-7\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-7\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E3.3.1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Public Spending and Collective Goods \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EOur argument states that elites will support increasing property taxation if they have political control \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Eand\u003C\u002Fem\u003E valuable collective goods exist that can further their economic interests. Thus, any test of our argument must include evidence on the \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Etypes\u003C\u002Fem\u003E of spending in which the state was engaged. While not as complete as our taxation data, we include two measures of collective goods that elites clearly valued in particular periods of our study. For the prewar period, we examine public spending on railroads. In the post-Reconstruction period, we use an original data set of state public spending on colleges and universities between 1880 and 1910. We contrast this with public spending on a redistributive good that should be more coveted by poorer residents: state spending on common schools. We describe each of these measures in more detail in what follows.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-8\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-8\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E3.3.2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Demographic, Economic, and Political Variables \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe use several additional demographic, economic, and political variables primarily as controls. Most controls come from the various decennial censuses between 1820 and 1910. These include once-a-decade values for population (White, Black, and enslaved until 1860), the urbanization rate (share of a state’s residents living in cities of 2,500 or more people), and economic output (agriculture and manufacturing). For each measure, we use linear interpolation for the non-decennial years. From \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-028\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-028\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Dubin\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EDubin (2007)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, we created several measures of partisan competition and composition of each state’s legislature over time. Appendix B details each variable (i.e., sources and operationalization).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"A-sec-6\" data-magellan-destination=\"A-sec-6\"\u003E\u003Ch3 class=\"A title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E4\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property Taxes before the Civil War \u003C\u002Fh3\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe first test our argument about the importance of political control for elites and their demand for collective goods in the prewar period. We exploit the presence of a lasting international commodity price shock, which increased the value of production and therefore the demand for capital-intensive infrastructure by slaveholding elites. The key to increasing production was constructing a railroad network that would allow for the cultivation of lands that were too far from navigable water to profitably use enslaved labor. This would require extensive increases in public revenues to finance such a network in the vast and sparsely populated South. We contend that elites will support increasing taxation only if they control spending \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Eand\u003C\u002Fem\u003E this control of political power is likely to persist. We argue that variation across states in state legislative apportionment rules – which gave disproportionate influence to large slaveholders in the legislatures of some states but not others – meant that elites in the malapportioned states enjoyed greater political control and would therefore have stronger incentives to support increasing taxation.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EIndeed, we show that: 1) the rise in property tax revenues PWC and as a share of output, respectively, were substantially higher in states where legislative malapportionment provided the plantation class with a firmer grip on enduring political power; 2) property tax rates in the malapportioned states (MS) rose faster than those in the non-malapportioned states (NMS); 3) regressive poll taxes, which were levied more broadly across the White population, did not increase faster in the MS; and 4) increased revenue was allocated toward collective goods that furthered the economic interests of slaveholders (railroads) and not toward goods (public education) that would benefit the White population more generally.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-49\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-49\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E49\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"B-sec-8\" data-magellan-destination=\"B-sec-8\"\u003E\u003Ch4 class=\"B title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E4.1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property Taxes between 1820 and 1860 \u003C\u002Fh4\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EOur period begins in the 1820s, at which point there were eleven Southern states. As chattel slavery moved westward into the Southwest Territory (area won in the 1783 Treaty of Paris from the UK) and the newly acquired Louisiana Purchase (area acquired from France in 1803), the original five coastal British colonies were joined as states by Kentucky (1792), Tennessee (1796), Louisiana (1812), Mississippi (1816), Alabama (1819), and Missouri (1821). As shown in \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-4\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-4\"\u003EFigure 4\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, property taxes PWC collected in the 1820s were low compared to any time after 1845. Beyond some critical functions, such as courts and the enforcement of enslaved property rights (i.e., regulation of slave patrols and the state militia), the infrastructural capacity of these states was minimal and the governments did relatively little. There was very little systematic funding for public education or infrastructure such as canals and turnpikes.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-50\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-50\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E50\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EYet, even at this low level of public spending, property taxes on average would decline even further in the 1830s. In an economic boom spurred on by substantial land speculation and a commodity bubble, state governments found alternative nontax sources of revenue. In particular, states successfully used their monopoly power on the incorporation of banks to generate rent profits that poured into the state treasury as dividends (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-113\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-113\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wallis\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWallis 2005\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). In addition to revenues gained from taxes on and dividends from state banks, substantial additional revenues came from land sales, loans, and even briefly the surplus revenue paid out by the federal government in 1836. These temporary windfalls even led some states, such as Alabama, Georgia, and Maryland, to eliminate property taxes altogether. The loans taken on by Southern states in particular financed so-called land banks, used primarily by enslavers to finance the speculative boom in land and slaves of this period (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-113\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-113\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wallis\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWallis 2005\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe Panic of 1837 ushered in roughly seven years of deflationary and economically depressed conditions. The long-lasting downturn caused debt defaults across the economy, including on the state debt of four Southern states (Arkansas, Louisiana, Maryland, and Mississippi), as well as the territory of Florida. Sources of nontax revenue evaporated and states needed to raise tax revenues to finance their debts and fund government operations.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWhile the increase in property taxes between the mid-1840s and the onset of the Civil War that is apparent in Figures \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-4\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-4\"\u003E4\u003C\u002Fa\u003E and \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-6\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-6\"\u003E6\u003C\u002Fa\u003E may capture some of the need to finance debts, this period also coincided with a substantial increase \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eacross Southern states in public spending on railroads (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-052\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-052\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Heath\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHeath 1950\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-033\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-033\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Fishlow\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFishlow 1965\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-047\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-047\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Goodrich\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGoodrich 1974\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). In turn, this period witnessed a sustained boom in the international demand for Southern cash crops that relied on enslaved labor, notably cotton. In both New Orleans and Liverpool, the primary international market for cotton, the price of “Middling American cotton” and sugar more than doubled between the mid-1840s and late 1850s. Tobacco prices in Liverpool rose more than threefold between 1843 and 1857 (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-048\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-048\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Gray and Thompson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGray and Thompson 1933\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 492, 1026, 1033–1038). \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-14\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-14\"\u003EFigure 14\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows how the rising demand for Southern export crops affected commodity prices between 1840 and 1860. Specifically, \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-14\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-14\"\u003EFigure 14\u003C\u002Fa\u003E (a) shows the five-year moving average of cotton prices in New Orleans from 1840 and 1860; \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-14\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-14\"\u003EFigure 14\u003C\u002Fa\u003E (b) shows the five-year moving average of a commodity index reflecting variation in cotton, sugar, and tobacco prices over the same period.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-14\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-14\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig14.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-85810-mediumThumb-png-45405fig14.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-36056-smallThumb-png-45405fig14.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-03803-largeThumb-png-45405fig14.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-04892-optimisedImage-png-45405fig14.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 14\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Cotton prices ($) and Commodity Price Index, 1840–1860 (five-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThese price increases coincided with a production boom in these crops. Southern cotton production exceeded 2.2 billion pounds in 1860, up from less than 800 million in 1840. Sugar production also nearly tripled over this period (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-048\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-048\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Gray and Thompson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGray and Thompson 1933\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 1033), while tobacco exports rose almost fivefold (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-048\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-048\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Gray and Thompson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGray and Thompson 1933\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, pp. 1033–1036).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ESurging international prices and rapidly rising production enriched the relatively small group of Southern enslavers. For instance, the value of cotton exports rose from approximately $50,000,000 in 1846 to nearly $200,000,000 by 1860 (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-080\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-080\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference North\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ENorth 1960\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 233).\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-51\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-51\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E51\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E As stated by \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-089\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-089\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ransom\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ERansom (2001)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, “There could \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ebe little doubt that the prosperity of the slave economy rested on its ability to produce cotton more efficiently than any other region of the world.” In turn, international demand for cash crops and the increased ability of Southern enslavers to meet this demand strongly influenced the value of their enslaved property. To wit, the late 1830s and 1840s depression in cotton prices was followed by declines in the average value of slaves, as captured by prices of major Southern slave auctions. As shown in \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-15\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-15\"\u003EFigure 15\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, the surge in international prices for cash crops was similarly followed by rapid increases in the value of slaves.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-15\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-15\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig15.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-95230-mediumThumb-png-45405fig15.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-52170-smallThumb-png-45405fig15.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-15689-largeThumb-png-45405fig15.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-70031-optimisedImage-png-45405fig15.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 15\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Average prices of enslaved persons\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWhile the desire to meet rising international demand for these cash crops was clearly in enslavers’ economic interest, the limitations of the existing infrastructure network severely constrained their ability to do so. Millions of acres of otherwise fertile land went uncultivated due to their distance from navigable waters, rendering the use of expensive enslaved labor unprofitable. As was the case for non-slaveholders across the United States, substantial investments in infrastructure, such as canals and railroads, were necessary to connect \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Evast amounts of potential farmland to markets. Furthermore, the lack of investment in infrastructure was an important source for Southern underdevelopment compared to the North (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-119\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-119\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wright\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWright 2022\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EOne option for enslavers would be to finance the construction of railroads privately, as was the case in the UK and many of the Northern states. As we argued earlier, increasing the fiscal capacity of the states, as would be required to finance large-scale railroad construction, would be risky if the state government came to be controlled by the non-slaveholding majority. Yet privately financing the construction of railroad network on the scale required to unlock millions of remote and uncultivated potential farmland was completely infeasible: the costs and risks to private capital were far too high, and expectations of satisfactory returns were unlikely to be fulfilled in the sparsely populated and capital-poor South (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-052\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-052\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Heath\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHeath 1950\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-033\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-033\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Fishlow\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFishlow 1965\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-047\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-047\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Goodrich\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGoodrich 1974\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-062\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-062\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Larson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELarson 2002\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-52\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-52\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E52\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E According to \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-091\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-091\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Reed\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EReed (1962\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 184), for example, “seventy-five per cent of the railroads chartered in the 1830s [in Louisiana] failed to materialize [due to constraints on capital].” More broadly, \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-062\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-062\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Larson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELarson (2002\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 239) claimed that the South was too “underdeveloped and incapable of supporting large-scale internal improvements on the strength of private fortunes alone.” The federal government was also not a viable solution; instead, public financing of infrastructure would need to come from Southern state and local governments (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-114\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-114\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wallis and Weingast\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWallis and Weingast 2018\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Unlike in the North, the South’s lack of large urban areas also meant that Southern state governments would need to be the primary source for public funding (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-033\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-033\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Fishlow\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFishlow 1965\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 397). As \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-074\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-074\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Marrs\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMarrs (2009\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 24) argues: “States proved to be a critical solution to the problem of railroad financing in the South.” Changes in infrastructure technology and international commodity markets meant that the economic interests of enslavers would be furthered by raising taxation on themselves to finance railroad construction. These large investments in public infrastructure financed by self-taxation would not only open up more land for cultivation but would also increase the demand for and the value of slaves, the primary asset of enslavers.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"B-sec-9\" data-magellan-destination=\"B-sec-9\"\u003E\u003Ch4 class=\"B title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E4.2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Variation in De Jure Political Control \u003C\u002Fh4\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe argue that Southern states in which enslavers had greater political control were more likely to respond to this rising demand for these crops by increasing property taxes on themselves in order to fund railroad construction that would further their economic interests. We exploit the fact that in seven of the fourteen \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Estates, representation in both chambers of the state legislature was systematically malapportioned in favor of higher slave-share districts (e.g., counties); representation in both chambers of the other seven Southern states was based on the principle of “one [adult White] man, one vote.” In the seven MS, the bias was due to: 1) representation based on total population including the enslaved, or capped representation that limited urban areas (e.g., Baltimore, New Orleans), 2) using the amount of taxes paid as the basis (which favored highly enslaved areas), or 3) the use of a fixed basis of representation, regardless of differences and changes in population. In the NMS, legislative representation was determined by each county’s White or eligible voter population, and required frequent reapportionment to capture spatial shifts in population.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-53\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-53\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E53\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E The states that comprise the MS and the NMS are reported in \u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#TBLm-tblw-2\" data-sectionId=\"#TBLm-tblw-2\"\u003ETable 2\u003C\u002Fa\u003E. For each state, the table also shows the basis of representation in the legislature.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap\" id=\"TBLm-tblw-2\" data-magellan-destination=\"TBLm-tblw-2\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Ch2 class=\"title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003ETable 2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Slave states and state legislative representation \u003C\u002Fh2\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Ctable style=\"width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;\"\u003E\u003Ccolgroup\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:33.3%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:33.3%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:33.3%;\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fcolgroup\u003E\u003Cthead\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"2\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"2\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;\"\u003EBasis of representation\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003EUpper house (Senate) (1)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003ELower house (H. of Rep.) (2)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Fthead\u003E\u003Ctbody\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"3\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003Cstrong class=\"bold\"\u003EMalapportioned States (MS)\u003C\u002Fstrong\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EFlorida\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Efederal pop.\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Efederal pop.\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EGeorgia\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Efixed (1)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Efederal pop.*\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ELouisiana\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Etotal pop.*\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Etotal pop.*\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EMaryland\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Efixed (1)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Etotal pop.*\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENorth Carolina\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Etaxation\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Efederal pop.\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ESouth Carolina\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Efixed (1)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Etaxation\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EVirginia\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Efixed\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Efixed\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"3\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003Cstrong class=\"bold\"\u003ENon-malapportioned States (NMS)\u003C\u002Fstrong\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EAlabama\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EWhite pop.\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EWhite pop.\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EArkansas\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EWhite males\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EWhite males\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EKentucky\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Equalified voters\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Equalified voters\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EMississippi\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EWhite pop.\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EWhite pop.\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EMissouri\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EWhite pop.\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EWhite pop.\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ETennessee\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Equalified voters\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Equalified voters\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ETexas\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Efree pop.\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Efree pop.\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Ftbody\u003E\u003C\u002Ftable\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap-foot\" id=\"TFN-tblwf-12\" data-magellan-destination=\"TFN-tblwf-12\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ENote: Federal population refers to the formula by which enslaved persons were counted as three-fifths of a person for the purposes of apportionment (as was the case with the US Constitution until the Fourteenth Amendment [1868]). An asterisk indicates states in which a maximum number of representatives\u002Fsenators could be apportioned to any individual district. The number in parentheses denotes states in which each administrative district received an equal number of representatives\u002Fsenators.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ELegislative malapportionment provided a source of political power to enslavers. The economic geography of slavery meant that enslavers were typically spatially concentrated within each state.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-54\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-54\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E54\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Thus, systems of apportionment that overrepresented highly slave-dependent areas – whether by including slaves in the population count, basing representation on taxes paid, or using a fixed basis that overrepresented less populated rural areas\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-55\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-55\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E55\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E – could, despite their minority status, manufacture majorities for enslavers in the state legislatures.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe political power malapportionment provided was also enduring. This de jure electoral rule was “self-enforcing.” Because apportionment rules were enshrined in each state’s constitutions, the slaveholding elite need not expend resources to maintain them.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-56\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-56\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E56\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Furthermore, legislative majorities conferred by malapportionment allowed enslavers to block any equalizing reforms they opposed. Given this effective veto, it is unsurprising that none of the seven MS reformed their apportionment rules to a White-population basis. Legislative dominance was also critical in this period, as the other branches (the executive, the judiciary) were weak. Simply put, control of the state legislature meant control of the state government (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-049\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-049\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Green\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGreen 1966\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-105\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-105\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Thornton\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EThornton 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). In sum, malapportionment increased both the current power of enslavers and their expectation of future control.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EUsing malapportionment status to test our argument may lead to omitted variable bias if its adoption is not exogenous to the factors influencing taxation and spending on railroads. In each of the seven MS, this bias to legislative representation can be traced to the colonial era. Higher enslaved-share areas were overrepresented in colonial legislatures (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-012\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-012\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Pablo and Jensen\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBeramendi and Jensen 2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), which was carried over into the initial postindependence constitutions (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-049\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-049\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Green\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGreen 1966\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, pp. 97–98).\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-57\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-57\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E57\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Simply put, disproportionate enslaver power was locked in \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Elong before the advent of railroads, as well as before the invention of the cotton gin and commercialization of cotton – Florida (1846) being the one exception. In the seven NMS, a population basis of apportionment was adopted in their initial constitutions and persisted throughout the antebellum period. The critical factor determining whether a new state adopted a biased basis of apportionment was whether the slaveholding elite was well established before statehood and able to implement this bias in the pre-statehood legislature (whether colonial or territorial).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThis is not to say that enslavers in the NMS did not also possess disproportionate political power (e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-116\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-116\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wooster\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWooster 1969\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-105\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-105\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Thornton\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EThornton 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Rather, the consequence for enslavers in the NMS was that power was always more contestable. These elites had to consider whether the upside of more collective goods in the present period was worth the potential costs of political power in their now fiscally enhanced state being in the hands of the non-slaveholding majority.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-16\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-16\"\u003EFigure 16\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows the fourteen states by their malapportionment status and the share of their total population who were enslaved in 1860. While the average enslaved share in the MS (38 percent) exceeded that of the NMS (30 percent), there was great variation across both institutional groupings. Of the six states \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ein which the enslaved share was greater than 40 percent – the so-called cotton states – two, Alabama and Mississippi, were non-malapportioned. In the five states whose enslaved share ranged between 20 percent and 40 percent of the total population, three were non-malapportioned. Of the three remaining “border” states – those with less than 20 percent enslaved share and who did not secede during the Civil War – one was malapportioned. Thus, the states are mostly balanced across this institutional feature at three very different levels of slave dependency.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-16\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-16\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig16.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-99271-smallThumb-png-45405fig16.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-10780-largeThumb-png-45405fig16.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-95285-mediumThumb-png-45405fig16.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-44872-optimisedImage-png-45405fig16.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 16\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Apportionment status and enslaved share (% of pop.), 1860\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ETo further mitigate concerns about malapportionment status being correlated with other factors that could influence the association between commodity prices and taxation outcomes, in \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-17\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-17\"\u003EFigure 17\u003C\u002Fa\u003E we conduct a balance test over a number of state-level characteristics that could predict the divergent fiscal trajectories we observe. The variables included in the balance test are: total population, enslaved population share, urban population share, state output, number of state officials PWC, and density of navigable rivers, as well as measures of agricultural suitability and production of cotton, sugar, and tobacco.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-58\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-58\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E58\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E A statistically significant correlation between apportionment status and one of these covariates would suggest the presence of a potential alternative explanation for the decision of states to increase taxation. Different levels of cotton suitability between the MS and NMS, for example, would indicate that one \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Egroup had more to gain from increasing taxation and investing in railroads than the other. Similarly, divergent cotton production levels in 1840 would suggest that some states benefited from greater productive capabilities when commodity prices began to rise. Differences in the initial stock of bureaucratic capacity may have allowed some states to raise taxes more rapidly than others, or created uneven incentives to invest in fiscal capacity (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-064\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-064\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Lee and Paine\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELee and Paine 2022\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Finally, the density of navigable rivers also matters in that it may have made the need for railroads more pressing in some areas than in others. We find no statistically significant differences in any of these covariates across MS and NMS.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-17\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-17\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig17.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-69373-optimisedImage-png-45405fig17.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-32500-largeThumb-png-45405fig17.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-32634-smallThumb-png-45405fig17.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54827-mediumThumb-png-45405fig17.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 17\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Balance test for pretreatment covariates, 1840\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ENote: Differences between (MS) and (NMS). Cotton, sugar, and tobacco suitability indices reflect the maximum potential yield based on climate, soil, and growing conditions as estimated by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). Shares of urban and enslaved population; cotton, sugar, and tobacco production; and state output are measured in 1840. Density of navigable rivers (representing the total length of rivers over the surface area of each state) is obtained from \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-007\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-007\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Atack\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EAtack (2015)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; and the share of public officials PWC is measured in 1850 (no prior census provides this information). See Table B4 for more details on sources.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EIn short, circa 1840, our comparison states had roughly similar endowments. They differed primarily on the supply side: in half of the states, the slaveholding elite’s power to control taxes and public spending was substantially less contested in both the present period and for the foreseeable future; in the other half, their control was less certain. Whereas the commodity boom increased the value of land and slaves, and infrastructure bottlenecks constrained those assets from reaching their full potential across both the MS and NMS, only the elite in the MS had the power and incentive to use their secure hold on power to tax themselves to finance collective goods that would leverage the boom for their benefit. We thus expect tax and spending differentials to emerge across the two types of states, with the MS increasing the incidence of taxation on their elites and public spending on railroads at a faster clip than their NMS counterparts.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"B-sec-10\" data-magellan-destination=\"B-sec-10\"\u003E\u003Ch4 class=\"B title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E4.3\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Results \u003C\u002Fh4\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe begin with visual evidence that rising commodity prices translated into a greater rise in property taxes in the MS compared to the NMS. \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-18\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-18\"\u003EFigures 18\u003C\u002Fa\u003E and \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-19\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-19\"\u003E19\u003C\u002Fa\u003E show the trend in the average property taxes PWC (1820–60) and as a share of output (1840–60), respectively. Although both follow largely similar trajectories until the early 1840s, they quickly and noticeably diverge when commodity prices begin to increase, as predicted. Since these differences could, in theory, be driven by distinct levels of state capacity or uneven patterns of economic growth, in \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-20\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-20\"\u003EFigure 20\u003C\u002Fa\u003E we examine the trends in ad valorem property tax rates over the same period.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-59\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-59\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E59\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-18\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-18\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig18.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-56664-optimisedImage-png-45405fig18.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-52882-smallThumb-png-45405fig18.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-77484-mediumThumb-png-45405fig18.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-21509-largeThumb-png-45405fig18.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 18\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property taxes\u002FWhite population (real $), 1820–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-19\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-19\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig19.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-01239-optimisedImage-png-45405fig19.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-95746-smallThumb-png-45405fig19.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-60665-largeThumb-png-45405fig19.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-40592-mediumThumb-png-45405fig19.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 19\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property taxes\u002Fagricultural and manufacturing output, 1840–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-20\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-20\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig20.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-71141-largeThumb-png-45405fig20.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-91541-mediumThumb-png-45405fig20.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-83197-smallThumb-png-45405fig20.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-03141-optimisedImage-png-45405fig20.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 20\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property tax rates, 1840–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E To evaluate whether changes in commodity prices disproportionately affect property taxes in the MS during this period, our empirical strategy adopts the following difference-in-differences approach:\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-60\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-60\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E60\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cdiv data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"disp-formula\" id=\"EQN-df-1\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQN-df-1\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ey\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E=\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eβ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmn\u003E0\u003C\u002Fmn\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E \u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003El\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003En\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003EC\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E+\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eβ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmn\u003E1\u003C\u002Fmn\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E \u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003El\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003En\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003EC\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E×\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003EM\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E+\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eβ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmn\u003E2\u003C\u002Fmn\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmtext\u003EX\u003C\u002Fmtext\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E+\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eλ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E+\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eγ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E+\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eϵ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E,\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405eqn1.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E(1)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p continuation\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ewhere \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-1\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-1\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ey\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_1.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"18\" height=\"13\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_1.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E is a state-level measure of property tax revenues or ad valorem rates, for state \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-2\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-2\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_2.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"5\" height=\"13\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_2.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E at time \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-3\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-3\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_3.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"6\" height=\"12\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_3.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-4\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-4\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003EM\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_4.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"24\" height=\"17\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_4.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E is an indicator variable that takes the value 1 if the state legislature of state \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-5\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-5\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_5.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"5\" height=\"13\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_5.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E is malapportioned in year \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-6\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-6\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_6.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"6\" height=\"12\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_6.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, and 0 otherwise. Our main variable of interest \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-7\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-7\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003EC\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_7.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"15\" height=\"17\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_7.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E reflects cotton prices (logged) in year \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-8\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-8\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_8.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"6\" height=\"12\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_8.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. The parameter \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-9\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-9\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eβ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmn\u003E1\u003C\u002Fmn\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_9.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"18\" height=\"17\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_9.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E captures the differential effect of commodity prices on property taxes in \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ethe MS. Both dependent and independent variables are measured as three-year moving averages to reduce small fluctuations. \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-10\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-10\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmtext\u003EX\u003C\u002Fmtext\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_10.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"21\" height=\"17\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_10.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E represents a vector of time-varying covariates; \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-11\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-11\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eλ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_11.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"13\" height=\"17\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_11.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E and \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-12\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-12\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eγ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_12.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"14\" height=\"13\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_12.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E are respectively state and year fixed effects, and \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-13\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-13\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eϵ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_13.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"14\" height=\"13\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_13.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E is an error term.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#TBLm-tblw-3\" data-sectionId=\"#TBLm-tblw-3\"\u003ETable 3\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows our benchmark models investigating the effect of apportionment status and commodity prices on total state property taxation PWC without any additional covariates. The second column includes time-varying controls, namely total population (log), urban population (log), and total output (log). The third column includes the same covariates, but measured in 1840, to minimize potential concerns about posttreatment bias, and interacted with year indicators. The estimates are substantively similar across specifications. The positive and significant interaction term between apportionment status and cotton prices captures the predicted moderation effect. As expected, an increase in international commodity prices differentially affects tax revenues in the MS, where elites have full control of the state apparatus.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-61\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-61\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E61\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E To address the concern that cotton prices might be endogenous, in Appendix Table A1, we adopt an \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ealternative measure for our independent variable, a commodity price index weighted by the relative suitability of each state to the cultivation of three main crops: cotton, sugar, and tobacco. This measure reflects the exposure of states to fluctuations in international commodity prices at any given point in time based on their suitability to the cultivation of each crop relative to the Southern average. We also evaluate the possibility that coastal status and access to the Mississippi River might correlate with malapportionment and explain our results (see Table A2). Our substantive results remain unchanged.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap\" id=\"TBLm-tblw-3\" data-magellan-destination=\"TBLm-tblw-3\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Ch2 class=\"title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003ETable 3\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Antebellum period: Property taxes, cotton prices, and malapportionment status \u003C\u002Fh2\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Ctable style=\"width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;\"\u003E\u003Ccolgroup\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fcolgroup\u003E\u003Cthead\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"3\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"3\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;\"\u003E\u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EDependent variable\u003C\u002Fem\u003E\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"3\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;\"\u003EProperty taxes per White capita (real $)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003E(1)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003E(2)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003E(3)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Fthead\u003E\u003Ctbody\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ECotton prices \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-14\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-14\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E×\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_14.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_14.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E2.057 \u003Ca class=\"xref p\" href=\"#P-para-2\" data-sectionId=\"#P-para-2\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E***\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1.959 \u003Ca class=\"xref p\" href=\"#P-para-2\" data-sectionId=\"#P-para-2\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E***\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E2.087 \u003Ca class=\"xref p\" href=\"#P-para-2\" data-sectionId=\"#P-para-2\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E***\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EMalapportionment\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E(0.631)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E(0.565)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E(0.605)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EState fixed effects\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYear fixed effects\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EGeographic controls\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ETime-varying covariates\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ETime-invariant covariates\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EObservations\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E268\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E268\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E259\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ER \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-15\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-15\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsup\u003E\u003Cmi\u003E \u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmn\u003E2\u003C\u002Fmn\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_18.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"7\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_18.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.429\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.476\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.623\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Ftbody\u003E\u003C\u002Ftable\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap-foot\" id=\"TFN-tblwf-13\" data-magellan-destination=\"TFN-tblwf-13\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\" id=\"P-para-2\" data-magellan-destination=\"P-para-2\"\u003ENote: Main variables measured as three-year moving averages. Geographic controls are: state area, cotton suitability, and river density. These covariates are interacted with year indicators. Time-varying covariates are: state population (log), urban population share, and log of total output (agriculture and manufacturing). Column 1 includes geographic controls only; column 2 includes geographic controls and time-varying covariates. Column 3 includes the same covariates measured in 1840 (pretreatment) interacted with year indicators. * p \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-16\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-16\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E<\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_20.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_20.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 0.1; ** p \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-17\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-17\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E<\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_22.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_22.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 0.05; *** p \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-18\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-18\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E<\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_24.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_24.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 0.01.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-21\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-21\"\u003EFigure 21\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows that poll tax rates do not follow the same pattern: there is no difference in either levels or trends across the two groups of states. In fact, this figure indicates that unlike property taxes, regressive poll taxes did not rise in the MS. Consistent with \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-104\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-104\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Thornton, J. Morgan Kousser and James\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EThornton\u003C\u002Fa\u003E’s (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-104\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-104\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Thornton, J. Morgan Kousser and James\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E1982\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) assessment that the wealthiest third of the citizenry paid at least two-thirds of all taxes during the antebellum period, these results suggest that elites in the MS financed state-level fiscal expansion by taxing themselves, eschewing taxes that fell more heavily on the non-slaveholding White majority.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-21\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-21\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig21.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-60871-smallThumb-png-45405fig21.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-75012-largeThumb-png-45405fig21.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-80321-mediumThumb-png-45405fig21.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67274-optimisedImage-png-45405fig21.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 21\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Poll tax rates, 1840–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"B-sec-11\" data-magellan-destination=\"B-sec-11\"\u003E\u003Ch4 class=\"B title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E4.4\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Collective Goods for Elites: Railroads versus Education \u003C\u002Fh4\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EA critical aspect of our argument is that economic elites will support increasing taxation on themselves if this revenue funds collective goods that enhance their interests. We now turn to railroad construction and trends in public education; the former disproportionately favored elites, while the latter, presumably, disproportionately benefited the average White citizen.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-62\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-62\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E62\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ETo measure public support for railroads, we rely on data presented by \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-052\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-052\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Heath\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHeath (1950)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, who collected all public (federal, state, and local) spending on railroads in the South prior to 1861. In total, at least $144 million of public funds were spent constructing railroads in these states prior to 1861 (out of $252 million total [public and private] spending on railroads in the South [\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-033\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-033\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Fishlow\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFishlow\u003C\u002Fa\u003E \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-033\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-033\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Fishlow\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E1965\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 397]).\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-63\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-63\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E63\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Of the public total, 57 percent of this came from state governments.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-64\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-64\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E64\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWe create three measures of state public spending on railroads, presented in \u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#TBLm-tblw-4\" data-sectionId=\"#TBLm-tblw-4\"\u003ETable 4\u003C\u002Fa\u003E. Column 1 shows total spending on railroads by state governments in this period as a proportion of each state’s White population in 1860. On average, state government spending on railroads is approximately six times higher PWC in the MS. Column 2 normalizes state spending on railroads by state \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eincome in 1860. Even when normalized by income, MS governments spent three times more. Column 3 reports the share of public spending on railroads that comes from state sources. In the states in which enslavers had much greater control of state governments we see a much higher proportion of public spending occurring at the state level. Columns 4 and 5 provide railroad mileage data from \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-007\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-007\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Atack\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EAtack\u003C\u002Fa\u003E (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-007\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-007\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Atack\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), allowing us to assess the possibility that public spending on railroads merely cloaks rent-seeking corruption by elites in the MS. Whether normalizing total railroad mileage by White population (column 4) or state income (column 5), the MS created significantly more railway mileage on average, indicating that public funds translated into output and did not solely line the pockets of governing elites.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap\" id=\"TBLm-tblw-4\" data-magellan-destination=\"TBLm-tblw-4\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Ch2 class=\"title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003ETable 4\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Collective goods: State support for railroads, 1860 \u003C\u002Fh2\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Ctable style=\"width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;\"\u003E\u003Ccolgroup\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:16.7%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:16.7%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:16.7%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:16.7%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:16.7%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:16.7%;\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fcolgroup\u003E\u003Cthead\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"2\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"5\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003EState Government Railroad Spending Railway Mileage\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003ERailroad spending PWC ($) (1)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003ERailroad spending sh. income (%) (2)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003EState sh. public RR spending (%) (3)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003ERailway mileage PWC (4)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003ERailway mileage sh. income (%) (5)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Fthead\u003E\u003Ctbody\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"6\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"underline\"\u003E\u003Cstrong class=\"bold\"\u003EMalapportioned\u003C\u002Fstrong\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EFlorida\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E62.7\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E39.0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E89.4\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.52\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.003\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EGeorgia\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E11.7\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E7.8\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E53.9\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.24\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.002\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ELouisiana\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E9.5\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E3.7\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E38.7\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.09\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.004\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EMaryland\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.07\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.006\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENorth Carolina\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E16.9\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E13.6\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E89.3\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.14\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.001\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ESouth Carolina\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E33.2\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E17.2\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E70.6\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.34\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.002\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EVirginia\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E22.7\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E18.6\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E75.0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.17\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.002\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003Cstrong class=\"bold\"\u003EAVERAGE\u003C\u002Fstrong\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E30.6\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E16.7\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E72.0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.22\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.003\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"6\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"underline\"\u003E\u003Cstrong class=\"bold\"\u003ENon-malapportioned\u003C\u002Fstrong\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EAlabama\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E4.1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E3.0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E36.6\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.14\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.001\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EArkansas\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.6\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.4\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E47.4\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.02\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.000\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EKentucky\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.8\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.8\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E4.5\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.06\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.001\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EMississippi\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E6.0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E2.1\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E50.8\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.25\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.001\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EMissouri\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E6.6\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E6.6\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.08\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.001\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ETennessee\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E20.9\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E20.7\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E66.9\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.14\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.001\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ETexas\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.07\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.001\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003Cstrong class=\"bold\"\u003EAVERAGE\u003C\u002Fstrong\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E5.9\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E5.0\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E34.3\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.11\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.001\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Ftbody\u003E\u003C\u002Ftable\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap-foot\" id=\"TFN-tblwf-14\" data-magellan-destination=\"TFN-tblwf-14\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ENote: Railroad spending comes from \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-052\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-052\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Heath\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHeath (1950)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E. Railway mileage was obtained from \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-007\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-007\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Atack\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EAtack (2015)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E. PWC indicates per White capita.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EOne concern is that we might be simply capturing demand side variation (e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-064\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-064\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Lee and Paine\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELee and Paine 2022\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) – rather than, as we argue, political supply. Our evidence suggests this is unlikely. First, as our balance and robustness tests illustrate, we fail to confirm that the geography of the NMS meant they needed fewer railroads. Second, a large historical literature has shown that strong demand for railroads existed across the South (e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-052\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-052\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Heath\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHeath 1950\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-047\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-047\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Goodrich\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGoodrich 1974\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-062\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-062\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Larson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELarson 2002\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). The problem of political supply rather than demand is demonstrated, for example, by \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-105\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-105\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Thornton\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EThornton (2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 107), who notes the difficulty of receiving public financing in highly enslaved, but not malapportioned, Alabama: “Time and again, when a small loan or expenditure could have added millions of dollars to the commerce of the state by facilitating trade, the legislature refused to act.” Third, we look at railroad miles by state in 1880, roughly ten years after Congress completely altered the political system of Southern states with Reconstruction. As evidence that state-specific demand-side factors cannot explain the large differences in prewar railroad supply, we observe no meaningful difference on average across MS and NMS in railroad mileage as a share of income (0.0029 vs. 0.0025, \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-19\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-19\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ep\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E=\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmn\u003E0.58\u003C\u002Fmn\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_25.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"67\" height=\"17\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_25.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E) and mileage PWC (0.23 vs 0.19, \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-20\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-20\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ep\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E=\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmn\u003E0.36\u003C\u002Fmn\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_26.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"66\" height=\"17\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_26.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E) in 1880.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-9\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-9\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E Public Education Spending \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe now turn to public education, a redistributive good that would have been much more favored by the wider electorate. The 1860 Census provides several measures of state-level support for public education, such as the sources of public financing for public \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Eand\u003C\u002Fem\u003E private schools, and White school attendance in public and private schools. We normalize this information with the White school-aged population (ages five to fourteen) and state income to create measures of enrollment rates and expenditures. \u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#TBLm-tblw-5\" data-sectionId=\"#TBLm-tblw-5\"\u003ETable 5\u003C\u002Fa\u003E reports average spending and enrollment figures for MS (column 1) and NMS (column 2).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap\" id=\"TBLm-tblw-5\" data-magellan-destination=\"TBLm-tblw-5\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Ch2 class=\"title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003ETable 5\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E State support for redistribution: Public education, 1860 \u003C\u002Fh2\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Ctable style=\"width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;\"\u003E\u003Ccolgroup\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:33.3%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:33.3%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:33.3%;\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fcolgroup\u003E\u003Cthead\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003EMalapportioned States (average) (1)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003ENon-malapportioned States (average) (2)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Fthead\u003E\u003Ctbody\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"3\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"underline\"\u003E\u003Cstrong class=\"bold\"\u003EPanel A: School Attendance\u003C\u002Fstrong\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EWhites attending school \u002F\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E56.4\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E63.4\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EWhites, 5–14 (%)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EWhite public school pupils \u002F\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E32.4\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E43.6\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EWhites, 5–14 (%)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EWhite public school pupils \u002F\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E74.8\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E85.8\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ETotal pupils (%)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"3\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"underline\"\u003E\u003Cstrong class=\"bold\"\u003EPanel B: State Government Spending\u003C\u002Fstrong\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EState public school spending \u002F\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.72\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.89\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EWhites, 5–14 ($)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EState public school spending \u002F\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E2.12\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E2.06\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Epublic school pupils ($)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EState total educ. spending \u002F\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E3.39\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E2.4\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003Epublic school and private pupils ($)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Ftbody\u003E\u003C\u002Ftable\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap-foot\" id=\"TFN-tblwf-15\" data-magellan-destination=\"TFN-tblwf-15\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ENote: All variables were constructed from the 1860 US Census. Each value is the average across the states in the MS (column 1) and NMS (column 2).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EPanel A focuses on white school attendance, especially in public schools. As is evident, a greater share of White school-aged children attended school in the NMS (63 percent) than in the MS (56 percent). The census also asked state superintendents to report the number of pupils in public and private schools, respectively.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-65\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-65\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E65\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E We thus construct two measures of state reliance on public schools: White public school pupils as a share of each state’s White school-aged population and the share of total pupils (private and public school) in public schools. With both measures, the average is higher in the NMS.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EPanel B focuses on state government education spending for both public and private schools. First, we compare state government spending on public schools as a share of the state’s White population, ages five to fourteen. On average, it is slightly higher in the NMS (eighty-nine cents per school-aged White person versus seventy-two cents). Next, we calculate state government support as a \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eproportion of public school pupils. Although the MS had a greater share of students in private schools, state government spending per public school pupil was almost identical ($2.12 in the average MS versus $2.06 in NMS). The census data also allow us to construct measures of total public spending per public and private school pupil. Despite private school enrollment comprising only roughly 25 percent of total pupils in the MS, private schools received on average roughly 40 percent of state education funding. In other words, despite significantly higher taxes, the average MS did not provide more support for public education; instead, they funneled more public money toward private education. In sum, none of these measures show differences across the MS and NMS in public education supply that are remotely comparable to the gaps observed in public support for railroads.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"B-sec-12\" data-magellan-destination=\"B-sec-12\"\u003E\u003Ch4 class=\"B title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E4.5\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Robustness \u003C\u002Fh4\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EIn the Appendix, we evaluate the robustness of our results. To minimize concerns that property taxes may be rising mechanically due to differential changes in the intensity of slavery across states, Appendix Table A3 includes the size of the enslaved population as an additional covariate in our baseline specifications. Our coefficients of interest remain largely unchanged while the size of the enslaved population has a negative (albeit not always significant) association with property taxes.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-66\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-66\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E66\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E In Appendix C, we discuss endogeneity concerns with malapportionment, and we consider whether omitted factors may explain both malapportionment and the observed increase in property taxes in the late antebellum period. Similarly, in Appendix D, we address concerns that initial differences in state capacity may have been responsible for the uneven increase in taxation across states. We also use county-level collection of state taxes to demonstrate that greater taxes did indeed fall on the counties with higher shares of enslaved population.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"A-sec-7\" data-magellan-destination=\"A-sec-7\"\u003E\u003Ch3 class=\"A title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E5\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Postwar Taxation \u003C\u002Fh3\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"B-sec-13\" data-magellan-destination=\"B-sec-13\"\u003E\u003Ch4 class=\"B title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E5.1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Reconstruction and Its Aftermath \u003C\u002Fh4\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-10\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-10\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E5.1.1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Context \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EIn the aftermath of the North’s victory in the American Civil War and the Thirteenth Amendment’s emancipation of nearly 4 million enslaved Americans, congressional Republicans sought to permanently weaken Southern rural \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eelites’ stranglehold on political power with the passage of the Military Reconstruction Acts of 1867 and 1868 (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-037\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-037\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Foner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFoner 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-67\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-67\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E67\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E These acts, as a condition for regaining their seats in Congress, required ten former Confederate states to create new state constitutions granting universal adult male suffrage and to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment, which enshrined the principle of civil rights and equal protection under the law for all citizens.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-68\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-68\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E68\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Perhaps just as important, these acts also required the army to register adult Black males to vote and to protect their ability to exercise the franchise and run for office.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThese reforms resulted in a temporary transformation of the party system, and the distribution of political power more broadly, in these ten Southern states. Immediately following the adoption of new state constitutions, which extended the franchise to all adult males, the Republican Party, which was nonexistent in the prewar South, won nine gubernatorial elections and majorities in seventeen legislative chambers (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-028\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-028\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Dubin\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EDubin\u003C\u002Fa\u003E \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-028\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-028\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Dubin\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2007\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-029\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-029\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Dubin\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2010\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). The Republican Party’s initial success was driven by Black voters, who formed the backbone of the party in the South. The effectiveness of these reforms was demonstrated by the election of thousands of Black politicians and officials to local, state, and federal office throughout the South in the decade following passage of the Military Reconstruction Acts (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-036\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-036\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Foner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFoner 1993\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThis political revolution resulted in a substantially expanded role for the Southern states in providing redistributive public goods. According to \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-037\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-037\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Foner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFoner (2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 364), “Serving an expanded citizenry and embracing a new definition of public responsibility, Republican government affected virtually every facet of Southern life … Public schools, hospitals, penitentiaries, and asylums for orphans and the insane were established for the first time or received increased funding.” Most dramatically, Republicans fundamentally altered the role of the state with regards to providing a public education for all children (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-037\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-037\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Foner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFoner 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 366). This new redistributive spending was financed primarily by increasing property taxes on the landed elite (see Figures \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-4\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-4\"\u003E4\u003C\u002Fa\u003E and \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-6\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-6\"\u003E6\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-69\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-69\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E69\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ERising property taxes thus became an effective rallying cry for opponents of Reconstruction. Democratic leaders in many states soon organized taxpayers’ conventions, where participants expressed their objection not only to the \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eclaimed profligacy of Reconstruction government but to the new purposes of public spending, such as the financing of common schools. Convinced that the increasing tax burden resulted from the fact that “nine-tenths of the members of the Legislature own no property and pay no taxes” (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-037\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-037\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Foner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFoner 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 416), Democrats called for a return to rule by property holders, which entailed denying Blacks, as well as many Whites, any role in government.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe powerful backlash in response to radical changes in government was not confined to taxpayers’ conventions. It also took the form of political violence, the intensity of which can scarcely be dissociated from fiscal policy: as shown by \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-069\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-069\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Logan\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELogan (2019)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, Black officeholders in locations with higher taxes were more likely to be victims of attacks. In addition to the use of the US Army to suppress this violent counterrevolutionary reaction, Congress responded by passing the three Enforcement Acts empowering the newly created Department of Justice to regulate state and local elections, enforce political and civil rights, and prosecute those who impeded political participation. Through its expanded authority, the federal government was able to successfully prosecute more than 1,000 violations between 1871 and 1874, and to temporarily constrain non-state violent groups such as the Ku Klux Klan (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-115\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-115\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Walton, Puckett and Deskins\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWalton et al. 2012\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWhile Radical Reconstruction was briefly successful at overturning the existing political structure in these states, little was done to remedy the vastly unequal ownership of economic assets, in particular land. Despite much debate, no program of land redistribution was adopted. As a result, landownership remained highly concentrated, especially in the former plantation counties where most of the Black population lived. We argue that the persistence of this massive inequality in economic resources meant that the ability of Blacks to successfully use their newly granted political rights to influence social and economic policies required constant federal intervention on their behalf. But the federal intervention, especially in terms of the military occupation, was spatially uneven and declining in scope over time.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-70\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-70\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E70\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThere was also significant spatial and temporal variation in the extent to which Reconstruction was successful, as measured by the victories of the Republican Party. This variation leads to our main prediction regarding the incidence of property taxes during Reconstruction and its immediate aftermath. In five Reconstruction states – Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina – the Republican Party was able to win unified control \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eof the state government (legislature and governor’s office) for multiple electoral cycles in a row. South Carolina, for instance, even had a majority-Black state legislature from 1868 until 1876. We call these five Reconstruction states \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ERepublican Control\u003C\u002Fem\u003E states. We argue that this control demonstrates that federal intervention, even if only briefly, limited the ability of Southern elites to use their de facto power to overcome majoritarian preferences when de jure political rights are effectively enforced. Despite considerable resistance, with the federal government subsidizing the cost of enforcement, we expect property taxes on elites to rise and remain high as long as this “democracy by the gun” persists.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe federal government’s ability to protect Black voters across the entire South was never fully realized. In the other five Reconstruction states – Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, Texas, and Virginia – the Republican Party never gained a stronghold. Following the first set of Reconstruction elections, the Democratic Party always held at least one chamber of the legislature or the governor’s office until the Democratic Party regained complete control. We call these five states the \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EMixed Control\u003C\u002Fem\u003E Reconstruction states. In these states, where the Democratic Party always retained enough power to protect planters, we do not expect taxation to rise much at all, and certainly to be significantly lower than in the five \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ERepublican Control\u003C\u002Fem\u003E Reconstruction states.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ELast, we call the four Southern states that were not subject to the Reconstruction Acts (i.e., were not placed under military rule, were not required to write new state constitutions, retained federal representation) the \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Enon-Reconstruction\u003C\u002Fem\u003E states. As with the \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EMixed Control\u003C\u002Fem\u003E states, we do not expect property taxes to increase in \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Enon-Reconstruction\u003C\u002Fem\u003E states during the Reconstruction period.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe federal government’s ability to enforce Black political rights in the South fell precipitously following the congressional elections of 1874, as Democrats won a majority in the federal House of Representatives for the first time since the onset of the Civil War. Democrats used this majority to block further military appropriations for Reconstruction.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-71\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-71\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E71\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E The Compromise of 1877, which gave the Republicans the presidency in exchange for, among other promises, a commitment to remove troops engaged in enforcing Reconstruction, ended the remaining federal efforts to protect Black voters (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-037\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-037\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Foner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFoner 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). The end of any federal commitment to enforce Black political rights coincided with the loss of political control by Republicans in the last few Reconstruction states \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E(e.g., Florida, South Carolina) and with the slow convergence of property taxation across all three sets of states.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EOur argument predicts that under the conditions observed in the post-Reconstruction period, we should no longer see increases in property taxes. While Southern elites, through the Democratic Party, regained power, especially relative to Reconstruction, their hold on power remained contested and future political control was uncertain. Although substantially weakened by the increasingly unfettered ability of Southern Democrats to use violence and electoral fraud, Blacks formally retained the franchise and in practice remained politically active (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-061\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-061\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Kousser\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EKousser 1974\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-109\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-109\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Tolnay and Beck\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ETolnay and Beck 1995\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Non-Democratic candidates and parties still contested and occasionally even won elections in some states in the immediate post-Reconstruction period (1877–90). Furthermore, federal politics could shift in a way that supported interventions to enforce Black political rights. In this setting of contested and uncertain control on power, we expect that elites will not have incentives to support increases in property taxation.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EAt the same time, the coercive taxation framework predicts that in the absence of external enforcement, not only are tax increases unlikely, but we should actually see a collapse in the ability of the state to extract. This is precisely what we observe with the end of federal intervention, when property tax rates in occupied states reverted to pre-Reconstruction levels.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-72\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-72\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E72\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-11\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-11\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E5.1.2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Analysis \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe again start with graphical evidence of our claim that on average the military occupation of the ten Reconstruction states (RS) led to higher progressive property taxation than what was observed in the four non-Reconstruction states (NRS). We then distinguish between states where the Republican Party gained unified political control and those where party control was mixed, in order to evaluate whether these groups displayed differential trajectories.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe first examine whether the presence of federal troops affected property tax trends. \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-22\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-22\"\u003EFigures 22\u003C\u002Fa\u003E and \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-23\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-23\"\u003E23\u003C\u002Fa\u003E respectively present property taxes PWC and as a share of output, and \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-24\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-24\"\u003EFigure 24\u003C\u002Fa\u003E presents ad valorem rates across the ten RS and four NRS. The vertical lines show the year in which the Democratic Party \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eregained unified control in each state (i.e., “Redemption” in the language of Southern Democrats). As these figures illustrate, although both groups started off with similar levels of taxation in the immediate aftermath of the war, property taxes rose substantially more among the Reconstruction states, while trends remained relatively stable over time in comparison states.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-22\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-22\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig22.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-28951-mediumThumb-png-45405fig22.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-51437-optimisedImage-png-45405fig22.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-31906-largeThumb-png-45405fig22.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-01553-smallThumb-png-45405fig22.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 22\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property taxes per White capita (real $), 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-23\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-23\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig23.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-43007-largeThumb-png-45405fig23.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-04220-mediumThumb-png-45405fig23.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-86730-optimisedImage-png-45405fig23.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-02940-smallThumb-png-45405fig23.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 23\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property taxes\u002Ftotal output (agriculture and manufacturing), 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-24\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-24\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig24.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-77073-largeThumb-png-45405fig24.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-50112-smallThumb-png-45405fig24.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-23879-optimisedImage-png-45405fig24.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-45352-mediumThumb-png-45405fig24.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 24\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property tax rate, 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWe now separate states into three groups: the five \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ERepublican Control\u003C\u002Fem\u003E Reconstruction states, five \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EMixed Control\u003C\u002Fem\u003E Reconstruction states, and four \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Enon-Reconstruction\u003C\u002Fem\u003E states. Their trajectories are shown in \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-25\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-25\"\u003EFigures 25\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-26\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-26\"\u003E26\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, and \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-27\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-27\"\u003E27\u003C\u002Fa\u003E. In accordance with our theoretical expectations, almost all of the increase in property taxes observed among Reconstruction states in the previous figures can be attributed to the five states in which Republicans were able to achieve unified political control for multiple consecutive electoral cycles.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-25\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-25\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig25.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-64365-mediumThumb-png-45405fig25.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67929-largeThumb-png-45405fig25.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-95576-smallThumb-png-45405fig25.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54212-optimisedImage-png-45405fig25.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 25\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property taxes per White capita (real $), 1868–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-26\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-26\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig26.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-09009-mediumThumb-png-45405fig26.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-35041-optimisedImage-png-45405fig26.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-99618-smallThumb-png-45405fig26.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-92292-largeThumb-png-45405fig26.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 26\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property taxes\u002Ftotal output (agricultural and manufacturing), 1868–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-27\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-27\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig27.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-82180-mediumThumb-png-45405fig27.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-38281-smallThumb-png-45405fig27.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-14214-optimisedImage-png-45405fig27.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-89700-largeThumb-png-45405fig27.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 27\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property tax rate, 1868–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ETo further investigate the association between Reconstruction status and property taxation between 1868 and 1880, we adopt the following two-way fixed-effects model:\n\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cdiv data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"disp-formula\" id=\"EQN-df-2\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQN-df-2\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ey\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E=\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eβ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmn\u003E1\u003C\u002Fmn\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003ER\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E+\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eβ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmn\u003E2\u003C\u002Fmn\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmtext\u003EX\u003C\u002Fmtext\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E+\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eλ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E+\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eγ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E+\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eϵ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E,\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405eqn2.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E(2)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p continuation\"\u003Ewhere \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-21\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-21\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ey\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_27.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"18\" height=\"13\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_27.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E is a state-level measure of property tax revenues or ad valorem rates, for state \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-22\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-22\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_28.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"5\" height=\"13\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_28.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E at time \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-23\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-23\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_29.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"6\" height=\"12\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_29.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-24\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-24\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003ER\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_30.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"20\" height=\"17\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_30.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E is an indicator variable that takes the value 1 if state \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-25\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-25\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_31.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"5\" height=\"13\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_31.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E is \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eoccupied by federal military forces in year \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-26\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-26\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_32.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"6\" height=\"12\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_32.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, and 0 otherwise. Both dependent and independent variables are measured as three-year moving averages. \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-27\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-27\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmtext\u003EX\u003C\u002Fmtext\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_33.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"21\" height=\"17\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_33.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E represents a vector of time-varying covariates, while \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-28\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-28\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eλ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_34.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"13\" height=\"17\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_34.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E and \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-29\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-29\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eγ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_35.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"14\" height=\"13\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_35.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E represent state and year fixed effects.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#TBLm-tblw-6\" data-sectionId=\"#TBLm-tblw-6\"\u003ETable 6\u003C\u002Fa\u003E presents our baseline results for this period. As our theory predicts, federal intervention is associated with a significant increase in property taxes PWC. \u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#TBLm-tblw-7\" data-sectionId=\"#TBLm-tblw-7\"\u003ETable 7\u003C\u002Fa\u003E further breaks down this result by differentiating between the five \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ERepublican Control\u003C\u002Fem\u003E states (i.e, where Republicans had unified control [governor plus both chambers of the legislature] for several consecutive electoral cycles), and the five \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EMixed Control\u003C\u002Fem\u003E Reconstruction states (i.e., those where the Republican Party lacked unified control for consecutive cycles).\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-73\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-73\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E73\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ETo assuage concerns that the Reconstruction variable may simply be picking up variation in the proportion of the newly enfranchised electorate across states, all specifications account for the share of the enslaved population in 1860. As the results show, the effect of Reconstruction on property taxes is much greater in states where the elite-dominated Democratic Party was fully removed from power than in those states where Democrats were still able to formally influence policymaking.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap\" id=\"TBLm-tblw-6\" data-magellan-destination=\"TBLm-tblw-6\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Ch2 class=\"title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003ETable 6\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Postwar period: Property taxes and Reconstruction status \u003C\u002Fh2\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Ctable style=\"width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;\"\u003E\u003Ccolgroup\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fcolgroup\u003E\u003Cthead\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"3\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"3\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;\"\u003E\u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EDependent variable\u003C\u002Fem\u003E\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"3\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;\"\u003EProperty taxes per White capita (real $)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003E(1)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003E(2)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003E(3)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Fthead\u003E\u003Ctbody\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EReconstruction Status\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.385 \u003Ca class=\"xref p\" href=\"#P-para-3\" data-sectionId=\"#P-para-3\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E*\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.407 \u003Ca class=\"xref p\" href=\"#P-para-3\" data-sectionId=\"#P-para-3\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E***\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.421 \u003Ca class=\"xref p\" href=\"#P-para-3\" data-sectionId=\"#P-para-3\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E**\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E(0.204)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E(0.155)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E(0.209)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EState fixed effects\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYear fixed effects\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EGeographic covariate\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ETime-varying covariates\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ETime-invariant covariates\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EObservations\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E306\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E306\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E306\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ER \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-30\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-30\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsup\u003E\u003Cmi\u003E \u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmn\u003E2\u003C\u002Fmn\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_39.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"7\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_39.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.332\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.474\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.521\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Ftbody\u003E\u003C\u002Ftable\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap-foot\" id=\"TFN-tblwf-16\" data-magellan-destination=\"TFN-tblwf-16\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\" id=\"P-para-3\" data-magellan-destination=\"P-para-3\"\u003ENote: Dependent variable measured as three-year moving average. All specifications account for share of enslaved population, state area, and population size (log) in 1860. Time-varying covariates included in column 2 are: state population (log), urban population (log), and agricultural and manufacturing output (log). Column 3 includes the same covariates measured in 1860 (pretreatment) interacted with year indicators. We test for the potential influence of negative weights, as proposed by \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-022\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-022\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference de Chaisemartin and D’Haultfoeuille\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ede Chaisemartin and D’Haultfoeuille (2020)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, and find that all of our ATT receive a positive weight. * p \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-31\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-31\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E<\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_41.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_41.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 0.1; ** p \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-32\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-32\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E<\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_43.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_43.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 0.05; *** p \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-33\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-33\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E<\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_45.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_45.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 0.01.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap\" id=\"TBLm-tblw-7\" data-magellan-destination=\"TBLm-tblw-7\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Ch2 class=\"title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003ETable 7\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Post Civil War period: Property taxes, Reconstruction status, and party control \u003C\u002Fh2\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Ctable style=\"width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;\"\u003E\u003Ccolgroup\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fcolgroup\u003E\u003Cthead\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"3\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"3\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;\"\u003E\u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EDependent variable\u003C\u002Fem\u003E\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"3\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;\"\u003EProperty taxes per White capita (real $)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;\"\u003E(1)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;\"\u003E(2)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;\"\u003E(3)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Fthead\u003E\u003Ctbody\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EReconstruction and\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-34\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-34\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E−\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_46.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"2\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_46.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 0.164\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.111\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-35\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-35\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E−\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_47.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"2\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_47.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 0.027\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EMixed Party\u003C\u002Fem\u003E Control\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E(0.265)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E(0.139)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E(0.171)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EReconstruction and\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1.054 \u003Ca class=\"xref p\" href=\"#P-para-4\" data-sectionId=\"#P-para-4\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E***\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.802 \u003Ca class=\"xref p\" href=\"#P-para-4\" data-sectionId=\"#P-para-4\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E***\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E1.236 \u003Ca class=\"xref p\" href=\"#P-para-4\" data-sectionId=\"#P-para-4\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E***\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EFull Republican\u003C\u002Fem\u003E Control\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E(0.359)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E(0.296)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E(0.291)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EState fixed effects\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYear fixed effects\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EGeographic covariate\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ETime-varying covariates\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ETime-invariant covariates\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EObservations\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E306\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E306\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E306\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ER \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-36\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-36\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsup\u003E\u003Cmi\u003E \u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmn\u003E2\u003C\u002Fmn\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_51.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"7\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_51.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.422\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.495\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.596\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Ftbody\u003E\u003C\u002Ftable\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap-foot\" id=\"TFN-tblwf-17\" data-magellan-destination=\"TFN-tblwf-17\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\" id=\"P-para-4\" data-magellan-destination=\"P-para-4\"\u003ENote: Dependent variable measured as three-year moving average. All specifications account for share of enslaved population, state area, and population size (log) in 1860. Time-varying covariates included in column 2 are: state population (log), urban population (log), and agricultural and manufacturing output (log). Column 3 includes the same covariates measured in 1860 (pretreatment) interacted with year indicators. The omitted category is \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ENon-Reconstruction\u003C\u002Fem\u003E. Wald tests reveal that we can reject the null hypothesis that the coefficients for \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EMixed\u003C\u002Fem\u003E and \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EFull Republican\u003C\u002Fem\u003E control are equal. * p \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-37\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-37\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E<\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_53.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_53.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 0.1; ** p \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-38\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-38\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E<\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_55.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_55.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 0.05; *** p \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-39\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-39\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E<\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_57.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_57.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 0.01.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EOne obvious question regards what drove Republican control across states. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-020\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-020\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chacón, Jensen and Yntiso\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EChacón et al. (2021)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E show, using a county-level panel, that for a given set of structural characteristics that shaped demands for redistribution (including the size of the formerly enslaved population), the local proximity of federal troops increased the electoral success of Republican state legislators. In Appendix Table A4, we show that this pattern also holds at the state level.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EA related concern is that our analysis may suffer from omitted variable bias. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-102\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-102\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Suryanarayan and White\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESuryanarayan and White (2021)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, for example, have shown that within Confederate states, the hollowing out of the state’s administrative apparatus in the post-Reconstruction period was stronger in formerly high-slavery counties where intra-White inequality was higher. To account for the possibility that these two factors varied systematically with Republican Party control within the Confederate sample, we include both the share of the enslaved population in 1860 and intra-White inequality in 1850 as covariates, which we interact with year indicators to capture differences in trajectories across states (Table A5). Our results remain unchanged, suggesting that slavery, intra-white inequality, and Republican control influenced taxation outcomes through independent channels.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EA final concern might be that the observed patterns reflect different trends in overall revenues across states, rather than an expansion in elite taxation. Using the same approach we used to investigate this possibility during the antebellum period, we look at the trajectories of poll taxes across RS and NRS. As \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-28\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-28\"\u003EFigure 28\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows, there is no evidence of significant changes in non-property taxation across both groups of states during this period.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-28\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-28\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig28.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-55957-optimisedImage-png-45405fig28.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-75875-mediumThumb-png-45405fig28.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-88916-largeThumb-png-45405fig28.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-68317-smallThumb-png-45405fig28.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 28\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Poll tax rate, 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-reconstruction states\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-12\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-12\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E5.1.3\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E State Spending on Common Schools \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ELast, we provide evidence that RS and, in particular, states with full Republican control, not only levied significantly higher property taxes during the \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eoccupation period, but they also spent significantly more on redistributive public goods preferred by Blacks and poorer Whites. As with property taxes, we expect spending in these states to decline with the end of Reconstruction. Given the absence of significant political changes in the NRS, and the contested nature of political power in the \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EMixed Control\u003C\u002Fem\u003E states, we should observe less variation in education spending during or after the end of Reconstruction across these two groups.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ETo test this argument, we collect the amount of either state taxes devoted to common schools or state spending from general revenues allocated toward public schools annually between 1870 and 1910, taken from state reports of the superintendent of public education (see Appendix B for sources).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-29\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-29\"\u003EFigure 29\u003C\u002Fa\u003E illustrates the trends in state taxes allocated to common schools across RS and NRS. State revenues devoted to common schools as a share of output expanded markedly throughout the first half of the 1870s among the states that underwent Reconstruction, only to fall abruptly following removal of federal troops.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-74\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-74\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E74\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-29\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-29\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig29.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-14954-optimisedImage-png-45405fig29.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-45140-largeThumb-png-45405fig29.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-92497-smallThumb-png-45405fig29.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-06707-mediumThumb-png-45405fig29.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 29\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E State taxation for common schools\u002Ftotal output, 1870–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EIn \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-30\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-30\"\u003EFigure 30\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, we distinguish between states where the Republican Party had unified control of state government for consecutive terms and those where the Democratic Party retained some representation. The evidence is consistent with \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ethe theoretical expectation that fiscal resources devoted to common schools as a share of output saw a substantial increase in states dominated by the Republican Party, while remaining largely unchanged in the other two groups of states. With the end of federal Reconstruction, however, this exceptional bout of growth was replaced by a period of steep decline in state school revenues among RS, which again contrasts with the trends observed in the NRS and \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EMixed Control\u003C\u002Fem\u003E states, where school taxes as a share of output remained generally stable during the same period.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-30\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-30\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig30.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67483-optimisedImage-png-45405fig30.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54451-mediumThumb-png-45405fig30.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-42234-smallThumb-png-45405fig30.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-81264-largeThumb-png-45405fig30.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 30\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E State taxation for common schools\u002Ftotal output, 1870–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"B-sec-14\" data-magellan-destination=\"B-sec-14\"\u003E\u003Ch4 class=\"B title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E5.2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Jim Crow: Formal Black Disenfranchisement (1880–1910) \u003C\u002Fh4\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-13\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-13\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E5.2.1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Context \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWhile the redistributive threat posed by the Republican Reconstruction governments had been eliminated by 1877, adult Black males formally retained the right to vote. In the years after Reconstruction, non-Democratic Party candidates for governor and the state legislature continued to receive substantial shares of the vote in many Southern states.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-75\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-75\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E75\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Of particular concern to Southern \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eelites, cross-racial class-based (“fusion”) coalitions had successfully formed to win control of state governments in Virginia (early 1880s) and North Carolina (mid-1890s), and had nearly won in several other states (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-082\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-082\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Perman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EPerman 2003\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWhile the durability of such coalitions was never demonstrated during this period, the mere possibility posed a particular threat to Southern elites. Like many rural societies based on coerced labor, the US South during the 1880s was characterized by high land inequality, fiscal retrenchment, and low spending on broad public goods, especially public education (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-005\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-005\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Alston and Ferrie\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EAlston and Ferrie 2007\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-073\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-073\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Margo\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMargo 2007\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-040\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-040\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Galor, Moav and Vollrath\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGalor et al. 2009\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-111\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-111\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Vollrath\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EVollrath 2013\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-102\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-102\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Suryanarayan and White\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESuryanarayan and White 2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). The increase in regressive taxation and retrenchment in public spending that emerged in the post-Reconstruction period engendered significant resentment among poorer Whites and fueled the populist and cross-racial fusion movements that threatened Southern Democratic Party dominance (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-061\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-061\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Kousser\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EKousser 1974\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-055\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-055\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hyman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHyman 1989\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-051\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-051\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hahn\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHahn 2006\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThese electoral threats to Democratic Party rule ended with the adoption by eleven states of various suffrage restrictions, such as poll taxes and literacy tests, between 1889 and 1906 (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-082\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-082\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Perman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EPerman 2003\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-110\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-110\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Valelly\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EValelly 2009\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-76\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-76\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E76\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E While not explicitly racial in nature, these restrictions removed the formal voting eligibility of substantial portions of the Black electorate.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-77\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-77\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E77\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E The historical record is clear that elites saw White supremacy as crucial for maintaining Democratic Party hegemony. To take just one example, a delegate to the 1898 Louisiana constitutional convention, which adopted poll taxes and a literacy test, said: “What is the state? It is the Democratic Party … We meet here to establish the supremacy of the white race, and the white race constitutes the Democratic Party of this state.” The effects of these restrictions on lower-income Whites is less known. While ‘Grandfather’ clauses and other similar mechanisms were adopted to maintain White voter suffrage, turnout and likely voter eligibility of lower-income Whites declined (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-061\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-061\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Kousser\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EKousser 1974\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EOur argument suggests that in the post-Reconstruction period, during which political contestation to Democratic Party elite rule remained and future control was uncertain, we should expect declining and\u002For low levels of progressive property taxation. If franchise restrictions led to tighter elite control \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Eand\u003C\u002Fem\u003E elites demanded some collective goods, we should see that Black disenfranchisement resulted in higher property taxes. If, however, elite control was not coupled \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ewith demands for greater collective goods, then taxation should not rise much. As shown in what follows, states in which elite control was strongest – as measured separately by either the implementation of a literacy test (which disenfranchised most Black voters) or the Democratic Party seat share in the state legislature – had higher property taxes PWC. Spending, however, does not increase to the same extent as in the prewar period. We believe there were fewer collective goods desired by elites at this time, something that would not change appreciably until the automobile age. The key point in terms of our argument is that property taxes and spending on elite goods, such as colleges and universities, increased more in states in which the Democratic Party had greater control.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-14\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-14\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E5.2.2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Analysis \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe begin by visually showing the change in property taxes between 1880 and 1910 across states that adopted some type of suffrage restriction (poll tax or literacy test) versus those that did not enact any of these measures. This allows us to assess if the patterns observed among disenfranchising states diverge from the secular trends affecting all states irrespective of their voting laws.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EEach category separates the states into the likely effects of Black disenfranchisement on elite political control. Literacy tests and poll taxes drastically reduced the political participation of Black voters and therefore should have provided elites with a higher degree of political control both in the present and into the future. By contrast, the absence of suffrage restrictions clearly did little to institutionally buffer elite dominance. Holding elite demand for collective goods constant, we expect property taxes in the states with poll taxes or literacy tests to increase faster (or fall less) than in the states without voting restrictions.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-78\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-78\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E78\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGGm-figg-1\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGGm-figg-1\"\u003EFigure 31\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows the average property taxes PWC and as a share of output, along with ad valorem rates, for each set of states between 1880 and 1910. The dashed vertical lines in these figures denote the year in which each state adopted voting restrictions (either a poll tax or a literacy test). As the first figure shows, property taxes PWC increased rapidly, on average, among states that implemented suffrage restrictions and remained largely unchanged in comparison states. As a share of output (\u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGGm-figg-1\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGGm-figg-1\"\u003EFigure 31b\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), property taxes fell markedly and continuously among non-Restriction states while showing a less pronounced decrease among disenfranchising states. In particular, the acceleration observed \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ein the years after the last state (Georgia) implemented restrictive measures does not appear to be driven by common shocks affecting all states: there is no increase in states that did not adopt voting restrictions.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig-group\" id=\"FIGGm-figg-1\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGGm-figg-1\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig31a.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig31b.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig31c.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-75572-smallThumb-png-45405fig31c.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-39025-optimisedImage-png-45405fig31c.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-87434-mediumThumb-png-45405fig31c.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-19422-largeThumb-png-45405fig31c.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 31\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property tax outcomes by restriction status, 1880–1910\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWhile the amount of property taxes levied constitutes a common measure of direct taxation on the wealthy, it may reflect both a political decision and underlying differences in states’ fiscal capabilities. Because our theory seeks \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eto explain supply-side decisions, changes in ad valorem property tax rates provide a strong complementary test. We present these results in \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGGm-figg-1\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGGm-figg-1\"\u003EFigure 31\u003C\u002Fa\u003Ec. The striking divergence is consistent with our previous findings and strengthens the credibility of our other taxation measures.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EAnother way of evaluating the existence of differential trends across groups of states is to look at taxation patterns based on the number of years from the implementation of suffrage restrictions. Given the staggered adoption of disenfranchising measures across states, such figures may provide a clearer depiction of the incremental divergence between Restriction and non-Restriction states. Figure \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGGm-figg-2\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGGm-figg-2\"\u003E32\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows, in Black, average property taxes among states that implemented voting restrictions in the ten years before disenfranchisement and the twenty years after. The grey lines show property taxes in states that did not adopt restrictive measures. Once again, the figures show a marked divergence in property taxes between states that adopted franchise restrictions and the comparison group.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-79\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-79\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E79\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig-group\" id=\"FIGGm-figg-2\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGGm-figg-2\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig32a.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig32b.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig32c.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-27743-largeThumb-png-45405fig32c.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-62236-smallThumb-png-45405fig32c.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-72925-mediumThumb-png-45405fig32c.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-57195-optimisedImage-png-45405fig32c.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 32\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property tax outcomes by disenfranchisement status ten years before and twenty years after suffrage restrictions\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ENote: The black lines show average (a) property taxes PWC, (b) as a share of output, and (c) ad valorem rates across states that adopted suffrage restrictions. For each state where voting restrictions were implemented in a given year, we calculate the average property taxes of a control group that is composed of all states that did not have restrictive measures in that year or before – i.e., the control group includes both never-treated and not-yet-treated units. The grey line reflects the average trend across all control groups.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ETo further assess our hypothesis that variation in elite control is the relevant mechanism through which poll taxes and literacy tests may influence\u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eproperty taxation, we investigate the heterogeneous effects of suffrage restrictions with respect to the level of political dominance that the Democratic Party achieved across states. Specifically, we differentiate between states where the Democratic Party had a high (i.e., above average) share of seats in the state legislature following the adoption of restrictions and those where the party’s dominance was less pronounced – Arkansas, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia – despite having adopted the same measures as their counterparts.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EWe present property taxes PWC across time by level of Democratic control in \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-31\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-31\"\u003EFigure 33\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, property taxes over output in \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-32\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-32\"\u003EFigure 34\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, and ad valorem tax rates in \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-33\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-33\"\u003EFigure 35\u003C\u002Fa\u003E. The diverging lines suggest a significant gap in taxation between the disenfranchising states where the Democratic Party dominated the legislature and both states without restrictions and those with voting restrictions but weaker Democratic control. Although the three groups display largely parallel trends before 1890, their taxation patterns begin to diverge after the first states (Florida, Mississippi, and Tennessee) adopt franchise restrictions. Overall, the figures show that Democratic-leaning states appear to experience a larger increase in property taxes PWC – and a smaller decrease in property taxes over output – than their counterparts, which we attribute to elites’ increased political control and reduced uncertainty over their future ability to shape fiscal policy in these states.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-31\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-31\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig33.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-37418-smallThumb-png-45405fig33.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-25730-optimisedImage-png-45405fig33.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-62685-largeThumb-png-45405fig33.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-94749-mediumThumb-png-45405fig33.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 33\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property taxes per White capita (real $), 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic seat share (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-32\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-32\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig34.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-36597-mediumThumb-png-45405fig34.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-85266-optimisedImage-png-45405fig34.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-37141-smallThumb-png-45405fig34.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-06889-largeThumb-png-45405fig34.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 34\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property taxes\u002Foutput, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic seat share (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-33\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-33\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig35.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-29698-optimisedImage-png-45405fig35.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-61324-largeThumb-png-45405fig35.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-76375-smallThumb-png-45405fig35.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-70854-mediumThumb-png-45405fig35.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 35\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Property tax rate, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic seat share (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-15\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-15\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E5.2.3\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Event Study \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E To further investigate whether the adoption of suffrage restrictions significantly altered the levels of progressive taxation across states, we estimate an event study model that relies on information from states without suffrage restrictions to estimate the counterfactual trend of disenfranchising states. Specifically, we rely on the estimation technique proposed by \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-101\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-101\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Sun and Abraham\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESun and Abraham (2021)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ewhich is robust to treatment effect heterogeneity. This method uses a linear two-way fixed-effects specification that interacts cohort indicators with relative period indicators to estimate a weighted average of the cohort-specific average treatment effects on the treated (\u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-40\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-40\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003EC\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003EA\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003ET\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003ET\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ee\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E,\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmi\u003El\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_58.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"58\" height=\"18\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_58.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E) as follows:\n\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cdiv data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"disp-formula\" id=\"EQN-df-3\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQN-df-3\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ey\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E=\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eα\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E+\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eλ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E+\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmunder\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E∑\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ee\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmunder\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmunder\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E∑\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003El\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E≠\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E−\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmn\u003E1\u003C\u002Fmn\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmunder\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eδ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ee\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E,\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmi\u003El\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E(\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmtext\u003E1\u003C\u002Fmtext\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E{\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003EE\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E=\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ee\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E}\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E⋅\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsubsup\u003E\u003Cmi\u003ED\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003El\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsubsup\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E)\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E+\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eϵ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E,\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405eqnu1_1.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p continuation\"\u003Ewhere \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-41\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-41\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ey\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_59.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"18\" height=\"13\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_59.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E is the outcome of interest for unit \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-42\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-42\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_60.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"5\" height=\"13\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_60.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E at time \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-43\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-43\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_61.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"6\" height=\"12\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_61.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-44\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-44\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003EE\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_62.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"16\" height=\"17\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_62.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E is the time at which unit \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-45\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-45\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_63.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"5\" height=\"13\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_63.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E first receives the binary treatment, and \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-46\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-46\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsubsup\u003E\u003Cmi\u003ED\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003El\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsubsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_64.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"22\" height=\"24\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_64.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E is an indicator for unit \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-47\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-47\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_65.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"5\" height=\"13\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_65.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E that is \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-48\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-48\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003El\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_66.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"6\" height=\"14\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_66.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E periods away from the adoption of suffrage restrictions at calendar time \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-49\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-49\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_67.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"6\" height=\"12\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_67.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-80\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-80\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E80\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E Additionally, \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-50\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-50\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eα\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ei\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_68.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"14\" height=\"13\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_68.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E accounts for fixed-state characteristics that influence taxation levels and the probability of suffrage restrictions being adopted, while \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-51\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-51\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eλ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Et\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_69.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"13\" height=\"17\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_69.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E accounts for any common temporal shocks affecting all states. Under the identifying assumptions of no anticipation and parallel trends, the coefficient estimator \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-52\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-52\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmover\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Eδ\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmo\u003Eˆ\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmover\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ee\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E,\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmi\u003El\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_70.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"23\" height=\"22\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_70.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E is a DID estimator for \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-53\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-53\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003EC\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003EA\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmi\u003ET\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmsub\u003E\u003Cmi\u003ET\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmi\u003Ee\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E,\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmi\u003El\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsub\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_71.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"58\" height=\"18\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_71.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-81\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-81\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E81\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe results shown in \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGGm-figg-34\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGGm-figg-34\"\u003EFigure 36\u003C\u002Fa\u003E are consistent with our theory: suffrage restrictions were followed by an expansion of property taxes that exceeded what is observed in states that did not adopt restrictive measures. \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGGm-figg-34\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGGm-figg-34\"\u003EFigure 36a\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows the average estimated effect on property taxes of voting restrictions for\u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eall disenfranchising states (regardless of party dominance), and 95 percent confidence intervals from standard errors clustered at the state level. \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGGm-figg-34\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGGm-figg-34\"\u003EFigure 36b\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows the average estimated effect of voting restrictions for the eleven states with above-average Democratic Party seat share in the legislature.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig-group\" id=\"FIGGm-figg-34\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGGm-figg-34\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig36a.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E(a)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E All Restriction states\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig36b.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E(b)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E States with high Democratic seat share\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 36\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Event study estimate of the effect of suffrage restrictions on property taxes per White capita, ten years before and and twenty years after disenfranchisement\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ENote: Point estimates and 95 percent confidence intervals for the effect of suffrage restrictions on property taxes PWC, based on an event study model estimated for the ten years preceding and the twenty years following the adoption of voting restrictions. Standard errors are clustered at the state level. Figure (a) comprises all states. Figure (b) shows the effect of suffrage restrictions among states where the Democratic Party had an above-average seat share in the legislature. Estimates ten years or more after treatment should be interpreted cautiously, as the sample size decreases over time.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThese figures highlight three central findings. First, the estimated coefficients for \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-54\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-54\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmi\u003El\u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E>\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003Cmn\u003E0\u003C\u002Fmn\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_72.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"37\" height=\"14\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_72.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E suggest that following the adoption of suffrage restrictions, disenfranchising states experienced a progressive increase in property taxes PWC that surpassed the trajectory of states without restrictive measures. Second, the estimated coefficients for the pretreatment period are statistically indistinguishable from zero, adding credibility to the identifying assumptions. Third, the estimated long-term effect of disenfranchisement on property taxation is substantively large: restrictions increased property taxes by $0.55 PWC within ten years of disenfranchisement, which represents a 33 percent increase from the pre-restriction average of 1.65. Among the sample of states dominated by the Democratic Party, the expansion in property taxes is even larger, reaching a 39 percent increase from the pre-restriction average over the same period. Appendix Figure A7 shows the same analysis using property taxes as a share of output as the dependent variable. The substantive results remain unchanged.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ETaken together, these results provide support for the argument that suffrage restrictions were a critical determinant of the expansion of property taxation among Southern states in the early twentieth century. Nonetheless, a few limitations are worth highlighting. First, it is difficult to ascertain if these estimates reflect a causal effect of suffrage restrictions. Important correlates of taxation, such as those highlighted by \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-102\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-102\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Suryanarayan and White\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESuryanarayan and White (2021)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E – namely, the level of intra-White inequality or administrative capacity – might be systematically associated with disenfranchisement and thus account for our results. We investigate this possibility and find no significant pretreatment differences across disenfranchising and non-disenfranchising states (Figure A8a). Similarly, we find the level of legislative control exerted by the Democratic Party across disenfranchising states to be unrelated to pre–Jim Crow levels of intra-White inequality and state capacity (Figure A8b). To further assuage concerns that \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ERestriction\u003C\u002Fem\u003E and \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Enon-Restriction\u003C\u002Fem\u003E states are fundamentally different, we carry out additional analyses implementing the \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-016\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-016\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Brantly and Sant’Anna\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ECallaway and Sant’Anna (2021)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E estimator, which uses future-treated states as control units in their pretreatment years. The results, presented in Appendix Figure A9, again show a positive impact of suffrage restrictions on property taxes PWC, taxes as a share of output, and ad valorem rates. Appendix Figure A10, in turn, shows that our findings are robust to the DIDm estimator proposed by \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-022\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-022\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference de Chaisemartin and D’Haultfoeuille\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ede Chaisemartin and D’Haultfoeuille (2020)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E. The DIDm estimator allows us to \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Econtrol for state-specific linear time trends and for intra-White inequality (and bureaucratic capacity) interacted with time-fixed effects.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EA second potential concern is that the differential trends we observe in property taxes over time may simply reflect a larger effort of \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ERestriction\u003C\u002Fem\u003E states to increase total revenues (i.e., through all types of tax instruments), rather than a phenomenon restricted to progressive taxes. If this is the case, we would expect to see the same pattern of divergence in more regressive forms of taxation, such as poll taxes. This is not what the evidence shows: states that adopted voting restrictions levy higher property taxes than their counterparts, while maintaining their poll tax rates largely unchanged – their trend is parallel to that observed in \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Enon-Restriction states\u003C\u002Fem\u003E throughout the whole period. The trajectories shown in \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-35\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-35\"\u003EFigure 37\u003C\u002Fa\u003E thus provide support for the idea that even though elites favored increasing property taxes in \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ERestriction\u003C\u002Fem\u003E states, they refrained from raising the fiscal burden of other societal groups.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-35\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-35\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig37.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-90148-mediumThumb-png-45405fig37.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67186-optimisedImage-png-45405fig37.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-39857-smallThumb-png-45405fig37.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-44693-largeThumb-png-45405fig37.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 37\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Poll tax rate, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EFinally, readers might also wonder about the plausibility of an alternative interpretation to our results. Specifically, the concomitant growth of urban areas and rates of industrialization during this period raise the question of whether increases in revenue resulted from expanding property values of urban assets, rather than an increased burden on landed elites. This may have been the case if, for instance, landed elites used property value assessments as a means of shifting the tax burden to the manufacturing sector. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-071\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-071\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mares and Queralt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMares and Queralt (2015)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E have found support for this idea in the Prussian setting, where intra-elite conflict \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ewas shown to have prompted the support for and development of increased fiscal extraction. To investigate this possibility, we gathered data on property value assessments across eight states from 1885 to 1910 – seven \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ERestriction\u003C\u002Fem\u003E states and the \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Enon-Restriction\u003C\u002Fem\u003E state of Missouri.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-82\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-82\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E82\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E We then subtract from total assessed property values the amount related to rural land to create a variable that represents the share of non-rural land property values. The idea is that if non-land assets were disproportionately increasing in value over time, then this would suggest that property taxes were increasingly borne by non-rural actors. Using the \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-101\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-101\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Sun and Abraham\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESun and Abraham (2021)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E approach adopted in the foregoing analyses, we investigate whether voting restrictions were associated with a differential increase in urban or industrial taxable property values. We find no evidence in support of this mechanism in our setting: not only do we not see any systematic relationship between disenfranchisement and the share of non-land property value (\u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-36\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-36\"\u003EFigure 38\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), we also fail to find a positive association between this measure and property taxes collected in our two-way fixed-effects specifications – in fact, if anything, this association appears to be negative (see \u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#TBLm-tblw-8\" data-sectionId=\"#TBLm-tblw-8\"\u003ETable 8\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-36\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-36\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig38.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-07918-smallThumb-png-45405fig38.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-74838-optimisedImage-png-45405fig38.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-27792-largeThumb-png-45405fig38.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-86934-mediumThumb-png-45405fig38.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 38\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Event study estimate of the effect of suffrage restrictions on the share of non-land property value\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ENote: Point estimates and 95 percent confidence intervals for the effect of suffrage restrictions on the non-land share of property values, based on an event study model estimated for the ten years before and the twenty years after restrictions are adopted. Standard errors clustered at the state level.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap\" id=\"TBLm-tblw-8\" data-magellan-destination=\"TBLm-tblw-8\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Ch2 class=\"title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003ETable 8\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Non-land share of property value and property taxes collected, 1885–1910 \u003C\u002Fh2\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Ctable style=\"width:100%;border-top:1px black solid;border-bottom:1px black solid;\"\u003E\u003Ccolgroup\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003Ccol style=\"width:25.0%;\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fcolgroup\u003E\u003Cthead\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"3\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"3\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;\"\u003E\u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EDependent variable\u003C\u002Fem\u003E\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"3\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:center;\"\u003ETotal property taxes, real $ (log)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003E(1)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003E(2)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003Cth colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\" style=\"vertical-align:bottom;text-align:left;\"\u003E(3)\u003C\u002Fth\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Fthead\u003E\u003Ctbody\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENon-land property value (%)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.364\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-55\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-55\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E−\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_73.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"2\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_73.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 0.836\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-56\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-56\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E−\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_74.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"2\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_74.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 2.202 \u003Ca class=\"xref p\" href=\"#P-para-5\" data-sectionId=\"#P-para-5\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E**\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E(0.497)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E(0.724)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E(0.961)\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EAdditional covariates\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ETime-varying covariates\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ETime-invariant covariates\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ENo\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EYes\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003EObservations\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E248\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E248\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E248\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003Ctr\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003ER \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-57\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-57\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmsup\u003E\u003Cmi\u003E \u003C\u002Fmi\u003E\u003Cmrow\u003E\u003Cmn\u003E2\u003C\u002Fmn\u003E\u003C\u002Fmrow\u003E\u003C\u002Fmsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_76.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"7\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_76.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.105\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.366\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003Ctd colspan=\"1\" rowspan=\"1\"\u003E0.718\u003C\u002Ftd\u003E\u003C\u002Ftr\u003E\u003C\u002Ftbody\u003E\u003C\u002Ftable\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"table-wrap-foot\" id=\"TFN-tblwf-18\" data-magellan-destination=\"TFN-tblwf-18\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\" id=\"P-para-5\" data-magellan-destination=\"P-para-5\"\u003ENote: Main variables measured as three-year moving averages. Covariates included are: state population (log), urban population (log), and total output (log). All specifications include state area interacted with year indicators. Column 2 includes time-varying covariates, and column 3 includes the same covariates but measured in 1880 (pretreatment) interacted with year indicators. * p \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-58\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-58\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E<\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_78.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_78.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 0.1; ** p \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-59\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-59\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E<\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_80.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_80.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 0.05; *** p \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-60\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-60\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003E\u003Cmath xmlns=\"http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002F1998\u002FMath\u002FMathML\" class=\"math\"\u003E\u003Cmo\u003E<\u003C\u002Fmo\u003E\u003C\u002Fmath\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_82.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"10\" height=\"10\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_82.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E 0.01.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"C-sec-16\" data-magellan-destination=\"C-sec-16\"\u003E\u003Ch5 class=\"C title\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E5.2.4\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E State Spending on Common Schools versus Universities \u003C\u002Fh5\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003ELast, we check for evidence on whether this increase in property taxation was allocated toward redistributive goods or elite collective goods. We choose one good of each type: state spending on common schools represents our measure of redistributive expenditure and state spending on colleges and universities is our measure of a collective good that is preferred by elites.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-83\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-83\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E83\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E We expect states where the Democratic Party has firmer control (which is likely to persist due to the adoption of suffrage restrictions) to increase their spending on universities but not necessarily on common schools. For spending on universities, we located the itemized list of total disbursements from each state’s report of auditor, treasurer, or comptroller. Combined with our previously described measure of state spending on common schools, we have good coverage (each state typically has at least one value every three years between 1880 and 1910).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-37\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-37\"\u003EFigure 39\u003C\u002Fa\u003E illustrates the trends in state taxes devoted to common schools across disenfranchising and non-disenfranchising states. \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-38\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-38\"\u003EFigure 40\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows average school taxes as a share of output among states that adopted voting restrictions in the ten years before their implementation and the twenty years after, \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eand compares them to the trends observed among the control group – that is, all states that did not have voting restrictions in place in any given year.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-84\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-84\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E84\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E The evidence provides support for the expectation that state taxes devoted to schools as a share of output did not differ systematically across the two groups of states, which maintained parallel trajectories throughout the whole period. In contrast to the Reconstruction era, and consistent with our theoretical expectations, these results show that unlike the trends observed in property taxes, expenditure patterns on redistributive goods did not diverge systematically across disenfranchising and comparison states during the Jim Crow period. In other words, the expanded fiscal resources restriction states obtained through property taxation were not proportionally allocated to the provision of broad-access public goods.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-37\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-37\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig39.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-62292-smallThumb-png-45405fig39.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-65752-optimisedImage-png-45405fig39.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-16004-largeThumb-png-45405fig39.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-14588-mediumThumb-png-45405fig39.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 39\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E State spending on common schools\u002Foutput, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-38\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-38\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig40.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-82332-mediumThumb-png-45405fig40.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-02249-largeThumb-png-45405fig40.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67048-smallThumb-png-45405fig40.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-72172-optimisedImage-png-45405fig40.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 40\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E State spending on common schools\u002Foutput by disenfranchisement status ten years before and twenty years after suffrage restrictions\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EIn \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-39\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-39\"\u003EFigure 41\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, we distinguish between restriction states where the Democratic Party had a higher-than-average share of seats in the state legislature versus those where the Democratic Party had a weaker grip on power, and those that never implemented voting restrictions. Again, we see no systematic divergence in allocations for common schools over time across the three groups of states. These figures provide further support for the idea that regardless of the level of Democratic dominance, and despite the increase in taxation that occurred in some states during this period, redistributive spending as a share of output \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eremained relatively stable throughout the whole period across the three groups of states.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-39\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-39\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig41.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-38783-mediumThumb-png-45405fig41.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-14708-largeThumb-png-45405fig41.jpg\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-65834-optimisedImage-png-45405fig41.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-34897-smallThumb-png-45405fig41.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 41\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E State spending on common schools\u002Foutput, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic Party control (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EBy contrast, state spending on selective public goods related to elite education experienced a remarkably different trajectory. Exploring the temporal variation in state spending on colleges and universities, we investigate whether elites in disenfranchising states were willing to progressively increase the amount of public resources allocated to the provision of this type of \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Eselective\u003C\u002Fem\u003E public good.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-85\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-85\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E85\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-40\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-40\"\u003EFigure 42\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows average college spending PWC and as a share of output among states that adopted voting restrictions in the ten years before the implementation and the twenty years after, together with the trends of the comparison group.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-86\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-86\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E86\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E \u003Ca class=\"xref fig\" href=\"#FIGm-fig-41\" data-sectionId=\"#FIGm-fig-41\"\u003EFigure 43\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows divergent trends in college spending across non-restriction states and disenfranchising states – distinguishing between those where the Democratic Party had a higher versus lower share of seats in the legislature. While spending PWC and as a share of output stagnated (or increased only mildly) in non-restriction states, it experienced gradual and sustained increase among restriction states, especially in those controlled by the Democratic Party.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-40\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-40\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig42.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-97437-optimisedImage-png-45405fig42.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-47545-largeThumb-png-45405fig42.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-35404-mediumThumb-png-45405fig42.jpg\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-13947-smallThumb-png-45405fig42.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 42\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E College spending by disenfranchisement status ten years before and twenty years after suffrage restrictions\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"fig\" id=\"FIGm-fig-41\" data-magellan-destination=\"FIGm-fig-41\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"figure-thumb\"\u003E\u003Cimg src=\"data:image\u002Fgif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAMLCwgAAACH5BAAAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==\" data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405fig43.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image graphic\" data-optimised-image=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54082-optimisedImage-png-45405fig43.jpg\" data-zoomable=\"false\" data-small-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-25644-smallThumb-png-45405fig43.jpg\" data-large-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-58396-largeThumb-png-45405fig43.jpg\" data-medium-thumb=\"urn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-88175-mediumThumb-png-45405fig43.jpg\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"caption\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003EFigure 43\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E State spending on colleges, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic Party control (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fp\u003E \u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EOverall, together with the evidence on taxes destined to common schools, these results provide support for the idea that after disenfranchisement, elites raised property taxes in the states where they had greater political control and spent the increased public resources on the provision of selective (rather than redistributive) public goods. Our results stand in contrast to \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-067\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-067\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Lieberman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELieberman (2003)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, who finds that in South Africa “the push from white lower groups” led upper-class groups to accept an increase in progressive taxation and redistributive spending that benefited low-income Whites.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"A-sec-8\" data-magellan-destination=\"A-sec-8\"\u003E\u003Ch3 class=\"A title\"\u003E Conclusion \u003C\u002Fh3\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThis Element explains patterns of fiscal development in the American South from 1820–1910. Our theoretical discussion contrasted exchange and coercion-based models of taxes and spending, and drilled down on the particular challenges of taxing agricultural elites in highly unequal societies. We argued that the willingness of the plantation class to comply with tax demands would in substantial part determine the amount of taxes raised, the costs of enforcement, \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eand the sustainability of the fiscal pathway. We then laid out specific conditions under which agricultural elites would accept (or resist) taxation: landed elites would support taxation if and only if they covet collective goods from the state, have a monopoly on political power in the present, and also believe this monopoly will persist. These conditions allow them to benefit from public spending today, while ensuring that the enhanced extractive powers of the state will not be used against them later.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWe then assessed the explanatory power of these models using original, archival data with relatively comprehensive coverage of state-level taxes and spending from 1820–1910. Our analysis pinned down the incidence of taxation and the distribution of spending, leveraged shocks that changed elite power and preferences at critical moments, and identified the political developments and institutional mechanisms that influenced the trajectory of these fiscal outcomes over time.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EIn brief, we find that both broad models of public finance help us understand the evolution of taxation and spending across Southern states from 1820 to 1910. Consistent with the theoretical conjectures, the quasi-voluntary periods were prevalent, lucrative, and self-sustaining; the coercion model briefly proved capable of raising significant amount of revenue, but it also triggered significant resistance, which probably contributed endogenously to its own demise. Because it relied on third-party enforcement, it proved ephemeral once this external (federal) enforcement was removed. We find strong support for our hypothesis about elite behavior with respect to taxes and spending and the institutions governing these fiscal outcomes across all three periods and across different constellations of spatial variation in planter power.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EAmong the specific findings, we highlight the following: during the antebellum period, half of the Southern states were malapportioned in ways that provided the plantation elites an enduring lock on power; the other half were not malapportioned, meaning that the majority of poor Whites could always pose a redistributive threat. When a common economic shock from roughly 1844 to 1860 raised the value of slaves and cash crops throughout the South, it triggered significantly different fiscal responses. In MS, governments raised taxes on the agricultural elites and plowed it back into railroads, thereby increasing the net wealth of the plantation class. In NMS, by contrast, legislatures were unable to agree to raise taxes or fund railroads. The tax-railroad gap between MS and NMS only changed when existing political institutions were altered by Reconstruction.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe Civil War temporarily diminished the power of the plantation class throughout the South. As in the prewar period, however, there was spatial and temporal variation, determined in this case by the extent of Northern occupation. Places with more Northern troops had more coercive power. They elected more Black officials and Republicans, raised more from property taxes, and spent more progressively.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe presidential election of 1876 heralded the North’s final retreat from Southern politics, though the threat of Northern intervention persisted until the 1890s. While planter elites were able to reassert their power over Southern politics, their ability to secure their hold on power (that is, to create an \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Eenduring lock) was limited until they enacted voting restrictions that reduced Black, and to a lesser extent poor White, electoral participation. In places with more restrictions, the Democratic Party reigned supreme, triggering a rise in progressive taxes and spending on goods that disproportionately favored White elites, notably universities.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EIn short, we find that the plantation class embraced taxes on themselves whenever and wherever they unambiguously called the shots politically, had institutional mechanisms that locked in their power, and desired collective goods. In places where they were neither completely dominant, nor well protected against future reversals in power, elite taxation stalled. In places where their political power was effectively restricted (primarily due to federal enforcement of lower-class political rights), elite taxation surged. As external enforcement dissipated, property taxes collapsed. Our finding about the fragile nature of coercion-induced compliance during Reconstruction echoes arguments found elsewhere. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-102\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-102\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Suryanarayan and White\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESuryanarayan and White (2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 3), for example, note that “Southern white elites were able to weaken taxation and bureaucratic institutions in the Southern states, even before the enactment of institutional mechanisms such as Jim Crow and suffrage restrictions.” Our general conclusion complements their findings by showing that rather than marking the end of elite taxation, the implementation of Jim Crow-era suffrage restrictions constituted the nadir of the downward trend, as elites reimposed taxes on themselves once they had successfully eliminated potential rivals.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EThe fact that the plantation elite increased taxation and fiscal capacity whenever they had uncontested and uncontestable power and resisted it when these conditions were missing is only one facet of our story. Another facet is that taxation of the elite seems to be unassociated with redistribution or development in a broader sense. In other words, there was no benevolence here, as taxation of the elite was essentially for the elite, with the proceeds helping sustain a repressive state and exploitative economy. \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-083\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-083\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Phillips\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EPhillips (1908\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: p. 20), for example, claimed that “The building of railroads led to little else but the extension and intensification of the plantation system and the increase of the staple output.” We believe the post-1890s increase in progressive taxation had a similar pro-wealthy White skew, as suggested by educational expenditures.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EEven more interesting perhaps is the question of why Southern elites did not impose more taxes on poor Southern Whites when their control over government was unassailable. One potential explanation is that relying on other sources of revenue, such as consumption taxes, was not feasible: tax collection in agricultural economies that operate primarily through informal structures – i.e., without broad reliance on banking systems or written records of economic transactions – is costly, as enforcement consumes a large proportion of potential \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Erevenue (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-079\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-079\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Moore, Deborah Braütigam, Fjeldstad and Moore\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMoore 2008\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Large-scale consumption taxes, for example, might have required better technologies, higher levels of development, and\u002For higher levels of urbanization (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-003\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-003\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Aidt and Jensen\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EAidt and Jensen 2009\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-011\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-011\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBeramendi et al. 2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Second, given their lack of influence over spending, lower-income Whites might have rebelled or migrated to other states if their tax burden became too high. With few incoming migrants and considerable outflows of people, particularly following the Civil War, labor scarcity was a chronic threat.\u003Ca class=\"xref footnote\" href=\"#FN-fn-87\" data-sectionId=\"#FN-fn-87\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EFootnote \u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E87\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fa\u003E More importantly, perhaps, more intense taxation on non-elites could have engendered more enduring and broad-based class-based cross-race coalitions that could have upended planter political control. The fact that poll taxes really only rose substantially immediately after the Civil War, when the plantation class was at its weakest, but not when Southern elites dominated comfortably, reveals that the elite were unwilling or unable to shift taxes to groups with mobility options and without a significant voice in government.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EAnother question concerns the generalizability of our explanation for elite behavior and taxation and spending patterns outside of the American South. We think the conditions we have identified for rural elite support for or resistance to taxes may be generalizable. However, the necessary empirical conditions – unchallenged political control by the rural elite, no foreseeable threats to their rule, and the existence of cost-effective collective goods that directly benefit them – may be rare. The existing literature suggests that agricultural elites do not generally want collective goods from the state, an assumption that seems plausible on its face. Likewise, we can also imagine the rural class not pursuing goods that they might benefit from if the provision of such goods could set in motion social or economic changes that might threaten their rent-generation system over the long run. We further speculate that the belief that monopolies on power will persist is not widespread. In Imperial Brazil (1822–89), for example, rural elites clearly had uncontested political control in a variety of places, but whether they could exert full control over the allocation of fiscal resources is an entirely different matter. Throughout most of the nineteenth century, control over public finance was concentrated in the central government and the various regional elites had little assurance that they (rather than other groups) would benefit from the way in which taxes were used. This limited the amount of resources that they were willing to accord to the government (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-065\" data-sectionId=\"#REFe-r-065\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Leff and Stephen Haber\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELeff 1997\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 55). Overall, we suspect that taxation of the rich, by the rich, for the rich might be more likely in hybrid regimes that limit both the political power of the masses and the centralization of power in an unelected ruler. In \u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EApartheid-era South Africa for example, progressive taxation accompanied and undergirded mass repression. Clearly, much more could be done to assess the extent to which our explanation travels to other settings.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003EIn short, this Element has both revealed heretofore unknown fiscal patterns in the American South during the nineteenth century and introduced a novel explanation for the emergence of elite taxation with a specific set of institutions and economic conditions. Our findings suggest an important twist on the fiscal contract adage of “no taxation without representation.” For the rich, “no taxation if others have (or might obtain) representation” may be more appropriate. We think our study’s basic organizing principles – taxes and public spending should go together; they are linked by mechanisms of representation; and deviations from this tripartite structure are likely to generate attempts to change the institutions that govern representation and fiscal policy – should inform the comparative literature on the development of fiscal systems elsewhere.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"book-back\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"book-part series-page\" id=\"EMT-bp-1\" data-magellan-destination=\"EMT-bp-1\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"body\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"sec\" id=\"A-sec-9\" data-magellan-destination=\"A-sec-9\"\u003E\u003Cul class=\"list simple\"\u003E\u003Cli class=\"list-item\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p series-editor\"\u003E David Stasavage\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fli\u003E\u003Cli class=\"list-item\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p aff\"\u003E \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ENew York University\u003C\u002Fem\u003E\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fli\u003E\u003Cli class=\"list-item\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p bio\"\u003E David Stasavage is Julius Silver Professor in the Wilf Family Department of Politics at New York University. He previously held positions at the London School of Economics and at Oxford University. His work has spanned a number of different fields and currently focuses on two areas: development of state institutions over the long run and the politics of inequality. He is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fli\u003E\u003C\u002Ful\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003Cheader\u003E\u003Chgroup\u003E\u003Ch2 class=\"title\"\u003E About the Series \u003C\u002Fh2\u003E\u003C\u002Fhgroup\u003E\u003C\u002Fheader\u003E\u003Cul class=\"list simple\"\u003E\u003Cli class=\"list-item\"\u003E\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E The Element Series Political Economy provides authoritative contributions on important topics in the rapidly growing field of political economy. Elements are designed so as to provide broad and in depth coverage combined with original insights from scholars in political science, economics, and economic history. Contributions are welcome on any topic within this field.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E\u003C\u002Fli\u003E\u003C\u002Ful\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"book-part series-page\" id=\"EMT-bp-2\" data-magellan-destination=\"EMT-bp-2\"\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"back\"\u003E\u003Csection\u003E\u003C\u002Fsection\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E\u003C\u002Farticle\u003E\u003C\u002Fdiv\u003E",tableOfContent:[{level:i,current:d,title:"1 Political and Fiscal Development in the American South",url:"A-sec-3"},{level:i,current:d,title:"1.1 Introduction",url:"B-sec-1"},{level:i,current:d,title:"1.2 Historical Context",url:"B-sec-2"},{level:i,current:d,title:"2 Theoretical Framework",url:"A-sec-4"},{level:i,current:d,title:"2.1 The Existing Literature",url:"B-sec-3"},{level:i,current:d,title:"2.2 The Argument",url:"B-sec-4"},{level:i,current:d,title:"3 Data and Empirical Strategy",url:"A-sec-5"},{level:i,current:d,title:"3.1 Property Taxes between 1820 and 1910",url:"B-sec-5"},{level:i,current:d,title:"3.2 Other Measures of Taxation",url:"B-sec-6"},{level:i,current:d,title:"3.3 Other Data",url:"B-sec-7"},{level:i,current:d,title:"4 Property Taxes before the Civil War",url:"A-sec-6"},{level:i,current:d,title:"4.1 Property Taxes between 1820 and 1860",url:"B-sec-8"},{level:i,current:d,title:"4.2 Variation in De Jure Political Control",url:"B-sec-9"},{level:i,current:d,title:"4.3 Results",url:"B-sec-10"},{level:i,current:d,title:"4.4 Collective Goods for Elites: Railroads versus Education",url:"B-sec-11"},{level:i,current:d,title:"4.5 Robustness",url:"B-sec-12"},{level:i,current:d,title:"5 Postwar Taxation",url:"A-sec-7"},{level:i,current:d,title:"5.1 Reconstruction and Its Aftermath",url:"B-sec-13"},{level:i,current:d,title:"5.2 Jim Crow: Formal Black Disenfranchisement (1880–1910)",url:"B-sec-14"},{level:i,current:d,title:"Conclusion",url:"A-sec-8"},{level:i,current:d,title:bz,url:"EMT-bp-1"},{level:i,current:d,title:bz,url:"EMT-bp-2"}],figures:[{contentId:"TBLm-tblw-1",label:"Table 1",description:"The fourteen Southern states, 1820–1910",thumbnailSrc:bA,enlargedSrc:bA,attrib:["Sources: Kousser (1974), Valelly (2009), Walton et al. (2012: Table 13.9); US Census (1820, 1860, and 1900)."]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-1",label:"Figure 1",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EUrbanization rate across regions, 1820–1910\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-12929-mediumThumb-png-45405fig1.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-63690-optimisedImage-png-45405fig1.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-2",label:"Figure 2",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EAgriculture share of output (agriculture and manufacturing), 1840–1910\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-47189-mediumThumb-png-45405fig2.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-43183-optimisedImage-png-45405fig2.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-3",label:"Figure 3",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003ETotal property taxes by state (million, real $), 1820–1910 three-year moving average\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-94894-mediumThumb-png-45405fig3.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-87510-optimisedImage-png-45405fig3.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-4",label:"Figure 4",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty taxes per White capita (real $), 1820–1910 three-year moving average\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-41680-mediumThumb-png-45405fig4.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-16701-optimisedImage-png-45405fig4.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-5",label:"Figure 5",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty taxes per White capita by state (real $), 1820–1910\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-80335-mediumThumb-png-45405fig5.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-71152-optimisedImage-png-45405fig5.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-6",label:"Figure 6",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty taxes\u002Fagricultural and manufacturing output, 1840–1910 three-year moving average\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-17775-mediumThumb-png-45405fig6.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-00972-optimisedImage-png-45405fig6.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-7",label:"Figure 7",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty taxes\u002Fagricultural and manufacturing output by state, 1840–1910\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-99849-mediumThumb-png-45405fig7.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-80227-optimisedImage-png-45405fig7.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-8",label:"Figure 8",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EAd valorem property rate, 1840–1910 three-year moving average\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-60918-mediumThumb-png-45405fig8.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-46353-optimisedImage-png-45405fig8.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-9",label:"Figure 9",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EAgricultural output and exclusively rural share of property taxes (%) eight-state average 1846–1910\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-25006-mediumThumb-png-45405fig9.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-49920-optimisedImage-png-45405fig9.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-10",label:"Figure 10",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EManufacturing output and exclusively urban share of property taxes (%) eight-state average, 1846–1910\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-89363-mediumThumb-png-45405fig10.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-19340-optimisedImage-png-45405fig10.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-11",label:"Figure 11",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003ELocal and state taxes\u002FWhite population (real $, fourteen-state average), 1860–1910\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-53238-mediumThumb-png-45405fig11.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-64707-optimisedImage-png-45405fig11.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-12",label:"Figure 12",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003ELocal and state taxes as a share of agricultural and manufacturing output (fourteen-state average), 1860–1910\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-49320-mediumThumb-png-45405fig12.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-21471-optimisedImage-png-45405fig12.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-13",label:"Figure 13",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EPoll tax rate (fourteen-state average), 1820–1910 three-year moving average\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-43516-mediumThumb-png-45405fig13.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-50892-optimisedImage-png-45405fig13.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-14",label:"Figure 14",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003ECotton prices ($) and Commodity Price Index, 1840–1860 (five-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-85810-mediumThumb-png-45405fig14.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-04892-optimisedImage-png-45405fig14.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-15",label:"Figure 15",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EAverage prices of enslaved persons\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-95230-mediumThumb-png-45405fig15.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-70031-optimisedImage-png-45405fig15.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"TBLm-tblw-2",label:"Table 2",description:"Slave states and state legislative representation",thumbnailSrc:bB,enlargedSrc:bB,attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-16",label:"Figure 16",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EApportionment status and enslaved share (% of pop.), 1860\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-95285-mediumThumb-png-45405fig16.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-44872-optimisedImage-png-45405fig16.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-17",label:"Figure 17",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EBalance test for pretreatment covariates, 1840\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003ENote: Differences between (MS) and (NMS). Cotton, sugar, and tobacco suitability indices reflect the maximum potential yield based on climate, soil, and growing conditions as estimated by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). Shares of urban and enslaved population; cotton, sugar, and tobacco production; and state output are measured in 1840. Density of navigable rivers (representing the total length of rivers over the surface area of each state) is obtained from Atack (2015); and the share of public officials PWC is measured in 1850 (no prior census provides this information). See Table B4 for more details on sources.\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54827-mediumThumb-png-45405fig17.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-69373-optimisedImage-png-45405fig17.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-18",label:"Figure 18",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty taxes\u002FWhite population (real $), 1820–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-77484-mediumThumb-png-45405fig18.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-56664-optimisedImage-png-45405fig18.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-19",label:"Figure 19",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty taxes\u002Fagricultural and manufacturing output, 1840–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-40592-mediumThumb-png-45405fig19.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-01239-optimisedImage-png-45405fig19.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-20",label:"Figure 20",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty tax rates, 1840–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-91541-mediumThumb-png-45405fig20.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-03141-optimisedImage-png-45405fig20.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"TBLm-tblw-3",label:"Table 3",description:"Antebellum period: Property taxes, cotton prices, and malapportionment status",thumbnailSrc:bC,enlargedSrc:bC,attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-21",label:"Figure 21",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EPoll tax rates, 1840–1860 Malapportioned versus non-malapportioned states\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-80321-mediumThumb-png-45405fig21.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67274-optimisedImage-png-45405fig21.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"TBLm-tblw-4",label:"Table 4",description:"Collective goods: State support for railroads, 1860",thumbnailSrc:bD,enlargedSrc:bD,attrib:[]},{contentId:"TBLm-tblw-5",label:"Table 5",description:"State support for redistribution: Public education, 1860",thumbnailSrc:bE,enlargedSrc:bE,attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-22",label:"Figure 22",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty taxes per White capita (real $), 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-28951-mediumThumb-png-45405fig22.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-51437-optimisedImage-png-45405fig22.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-23",label:"Figure 23",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty taxes\u002Ftotal output (agriculture and manufacturing), 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-04220-mediumThumb-png-45405fig23.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-86730-optimisedImage-png-45405fig23.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-24",label:"Figure 24",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty tax rate, 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-45352-mediumThumb-png-45405fig24.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-23879-optimisedImage-png-45405fig24.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-25",label:"Figure 25",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty taxes per White capita (real $), 1868–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-64365-mediumThumb-png-45405fig25.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54212-optimisedImage-png-45405fig25.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-26",label:"Figure 26",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty taxes\u002Ftotal output (agricultural and manufacturing), 1868–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-09009-mediumThumb-png-45405fig26.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-35041-optimisedImage-png-45405fig26.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-27",label:"Figure 27",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty tax rate, 1868–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-82180-mediumThumb-png-45405fig27.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-14214-optimisedImage-png-45405fig27.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"TBLm-tblw-6",label:"Table 6",description:"Postwar period: Property taxes and Reconstruction status",thumbnailSrc:bF,enlargedSrc:bF,attrib:[]},{contentId:"TBLm-tblw-7",label:"Table 7",description:"Post Civil War period: Property taxes, Reconstruction status, and party control",thumbnailSrc:bG,enlargedSrc:bG,attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-28",label:"Figure 28",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EPoll tax rate, 1868–1880 Reconstruction versus non-reconstruction states\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-75875-mediumThumb-png-45405fig28.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-55957-optimisedImage-png-45405fig28.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-29",label:"Figure 29",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EState taxation for common schools\u002Ftotal output, 1870–1880 Reconstruction versus non-Reconstruction states (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-06707-mediumThumb-png-45405fig29.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-14954-optimisedImage-png-45405fig29.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-30",label:"Figure 30",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EState taxation for common schools\u002Ftotal output, 1870–1880 by Reconstruction status and party control (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54451-mediumThumb-png-45405fig30.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67483-optimisedImage-png-45405fig30.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:b,label:U,description:a,thumbnailSrc:bH,enlargedSrc:bH,attrib:[]},{contentId:b,label:U,description:a,thumbnailSrc:bI,enlargedSrc:bI,attrib:[]},{contentId:b,label:U,description:a,thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-87434-mediumThumb-png-45405fig31c.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-39025-optimisedImage-png-45405fig31c.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:b,label:V,description:a,thumbnailSrc:bJ,enlargedSrc:bJ,attrib:[]},{contentId:b,label:V,description:a,thumbnailSrc:bK,enlargedSrc:bK,attrib:[]},{contentId:b,label:V,description:a,thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-72925-mediumThumb-png-45405fig32c.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-57195-optimisedImage-png-45405fig32c.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-31",label:"Figure 33",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty taxes per White capita (real $), 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic seat share (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-94749-mediumThumb-png-45405fig33.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-25730-optimisedImage-png-45405fig33.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-32",label:"Figure 34",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty taxes\u002Foutput, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic seat share (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-36597-mediumThumb-png-45405fig34.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-85266-optimisedImage-png-45405fig34.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-33",label:"Figure 35",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EProperty tax rate, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic seat share (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-70854-mediumThumb-png-45405fig35.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-29698-optimisedImage-png-45405fig35.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:b,label:"Figure 36(a)",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EAll Restriction states\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:bL,enlargedSrc:bL,attrib:[]},{contentId:b,label:"Figure 36(b)",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EStates with high Democratic seat share\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:bM,enlargedSrc:bM,attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-35",label:"Figure 37",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EPoll tax rate, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-90148-mediumThumb-png-45405fig37.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-67186-optimisedImage-png-45405fig37.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-36",label:"Figure 38",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EEvent study estimate of the effect of suffrage restrictions on the share of non-land property value\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003ENote: Point estimates and 95 percent confidence intervals for the effect of suffrage restrictions on the non-land share of property values, based on an event study model estimated for the ten years before and the twenty years after restrictions are adopted. Standard errors clustered at the state level.\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-86934-mediumThumb-png-45405fig38.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-74838-optimisedImage-png-45405fig38.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"TBLm-tblw-8",label:"Table 8",description:"Non-land share of property value and property taxes collected, 1885–1910",thumbnailSrc:bN,enlargedSrc:bN,attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-37",label:"Figure 39",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EState spending on common schools\u002Foutput, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-14588-mediumThumb-png-45405fig39.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-65752-optimisedImage-png-45405fig39.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-38",label:"Figure 40",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EState spending on common schools\u002Foutput by disenfranchisement status ten years before and twenty years after suffrage restrictions\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-82332-mediumThumb-png-45405fig40.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-72172-optimisedImage-png-45405fig40.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-39",label:"Figure 41",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EState spending on common schools\u002Foutput, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic Party control (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-38783-mediumThumb-png-45405fig41.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-65834-optimisedImage-png-45405fig41.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-40",label:"Figure 42",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003ECollege spending by disenfranchisement status ten years before and twenty years after suffrage restrictions\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-35404-mediumThumb-png-45405fig42.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-97437-optimisedImage-png-45405fig42.jpg",attrib:[]},{contentId:"FIGm-fig-41",label:"Figure 43",description:"\u003Cspan class=\"p\"\u003EState spending on colleges, 1880–1910 by disenfranchisement status and Democratic Party control (three-year moving average)\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E",thumbnailSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-88175-mediumThumb-png-45405fig43.jpg",enlargedSrc:"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary-alt:20231220122437-54082-optimisedImage-png-45405fig43.jpg",attrib:[]}],footnotes:[],fulltextNotes:[{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E See, for instance, among countless others, \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-061\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-061\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Kousser\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EKousser (1974)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-118\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-118\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wright\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWright (1978)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-059\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-059\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Key\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EKey (1984)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-035\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-035\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Fogel\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFogel (1994)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-109\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-109\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Tolnay and Beck\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ETolnay and Beck (1995)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-090\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-090\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ransom and Sutch\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ERansom and Sutch (2001)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-082\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-082\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Perman\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EPerman (2003)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-031\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-031\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Einhorn\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EEinhorn (2006)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-005\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-005\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Alston and Ferrie\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EAlston and Ferrie (2007)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-073\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-073\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Margo\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMargo (2007)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-110\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-110\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Valelly\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EValelly (2009)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-076\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-076\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference McCurry\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMcCurry (2012)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-037\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-037\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Foner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFoner (2014)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-008\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-008\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Bateman, Katznelson and Lapinski\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBateman, Katznelson, and Lapinski (2018)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-1",displayNumber:o},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E2\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E According to \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-079\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-079\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Moore, Deborah Braütigam, Fjeldstad and Moore\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMoore (2008\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 44), for example, coercive extraction of the poor (rather than the wealthy) has been especially likely to emerge historically in agrarian societies where ruling elites “are unrestrained by their subjects (or alternative centres of power) and have no compelling reasons to seek broad support,” features characterizing the US South during much of the period on which we focus. Furthermore, based on the specific conditions highlighted by several extant theories—e.g., the timing of industrialization for \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-011\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-011\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Beramendi, Dincecco and Rogers\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBeramendi et al. (2019\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 50) and the extent of industrial political power for \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-054\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-054\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Hollenbach\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHollenbach (2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, pp. 9–10) – indeed, the American South, which was a late industrializer without a politically powerful industrial class, would constitute an unlikely case of progressive taxation and increased government spending. One case, obviously, does not make or break a theory.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-2",displayNumber:"2"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E3\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The primary existing data set of Southern state-level taxation by \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-103\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-103\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Sylla, Legler and Wallis\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESylla, Legler, and Wallis (1993)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E is appreciably less complete, particularly in the prewar era.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-3",displayNumber:bO},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E4\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Despite federal-level legality until 1808, most slaves brought to the United States arrived prior to the American Revolution.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-4",displayNumber:bP},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E5\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E These five states contained roughly 93 percent of the country’s total enslaved population in 1790.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-5",displayNumber:"5"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E6\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E While many people remained enslaved in Northern states, antislavery and gradual abolition laws were adopted by each of the original Northern states by 1804. The Northwest Ordinance of 1787 prohibited slavery in the Northwest Territory – the area that would become the states of Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Ohio, and Wisconsin. The corresponding Southwest Ordinance of 1790 permitted slavery in the territories south of the Ohio River (Alabama, Kentucky, Mississippi, and Tennessee).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-6",displayNumber:"6"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E7\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E By 1860, the enslaved made up more than half of the Southern agricultural labor force (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-089\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-089\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ransom\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ERansom 2001\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) and accounted for nearly half of all tangible Southern wealth (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-119\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-119\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wright\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWright 2022\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). On the importance of slavery for the prewar Southern economy, see, e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-089\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-089\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Ransom\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ERansom (2001)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-046\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-046\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference González, Marshall and Naidu\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGonzález, Marshall, and Naidu (2017)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, and \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-119\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-119\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wright\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWright (2022)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-7",displayNumber:"7"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E8\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The urbanization rate is the share of total population living in municipalities of at least 2,500 inhabitants in the United States (Census, 1820–1910), and England and Wales (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-063\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-063\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Law\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELaw 1967\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), and 2,000 people in the German Empire (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-092\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-092\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Reulecke\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EReulecke 1977\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Note that the German Empire had a lower urbanization rate than Prussia, while the eleven Confederate states had lower urbanization rates than the fourteen states we classify as Southern.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-8",displayNumber:"8"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E9\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Using the 1860 Census, we estimate that 10 percent of the South’s adult White males owned approximately 90 percent of the slaves. The share of adult White males who owned at least twenty slaves, the traditional definition of a planter, was below 8 percent in every state. If we use adult White males as a rough approximation of the electorate in each state, in no state did more than 40 percent of the voters own at least one slave.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-9",displayNumber:"9"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E10\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-002\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-002\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Acemoglu and Robinson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EAcemoglu and Robinson (2006\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: pp. 325–326) define de jure power “as the political power allocated by political institutions (such as constitutions or electoral systems)” and de facto power as something that “emerges from the ability to engage in collective action, or use brute force or other channels such as lobbying or bribery.” In terms of the South, de facto power refers to what \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-026\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-026\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Donnelly\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EDonnelly (1965)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E called “the traditional powers of their planter oligarchy.”\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-10",displayNumber:bQ},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E11\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The original six Confederate states seceded by January 1861. Texas followed in March. The final four states that would make up the Confederacy joined after the attack on Fort Sumter in April made war an inevitability. The “border” slave states of Kentucky, Maryland, and Missouri ultimately remained in the Union.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-11",displayNumber:bR},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E12\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E This was both because this elite was seen as dominating prewar federal politics – so called Slave Power – and because they hoped to create a competitive Southern Republican Party that could contest for federal office. Congressional Republicans did not want to cede the South to the Democratic Party, especially as the newly passed Fourteenth Amendment increased Southern representation with the removal of the three-fifths clause for federal apportionment.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-12",displayNumber:"12"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E13\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Congressional Reconstruction was the price to be readmitted to federal representation. The three border states never lost representation, and Tennessee had been readmitted in 1866.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-13",displayNumber:"13"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E14\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Black adult males comprised 40 percent or more of registered voters in ten of eleven states (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-115\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-115\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Walton, Puckett and Deskins\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWalton, Puckett, and Deskins 2012\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-14",displayNumber:W},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E15\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E As \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-037\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-037\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Foner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFoner (2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 365) emphasizes, “Not only the scope of its activity, but the interests it aspired to serve distinguished the Reconstruction state from its predecessors and successors. … All these activities inevitably entailed a dramatic growth in the cost of government.”\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-15",displayNumber:"15"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E16\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-020\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-020\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chacón, Jensen and Yntiso\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EChacón, Jensen, and Yntiso (2021)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E demonstrate that Black state legislators were much more likely to be elected in counties occupied by federal troops than otherwise similar unoccupied counties. As the occupation declined, fewer Black politicians were elected and thousands were assassinated (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-030\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-030\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Egerton\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EEgerton 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-16",displayNumber:X},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E17\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E While the full extent of the violence used against Blacks during Reconstruction is unknown, it has been estimated that more than 50,000 were murdered, with possibly a third of these murders being politically motivated (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-030\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-030\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Egerton\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EEgerton 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-17",displayNumber:"17"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E18\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The presidential election of 1876 erupted into a constitutional crisis when the pivotal electoral votes for Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina were claimed by both parties. While the details are still in dispute, the resolution of this crisis possibly involved Southern support for the Republican candidate, Hayes, as a trade for the removal of the few remaining federal troops supporting Reconstruction.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-18",displayNumber:bS},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E19\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Approximately 90 percent of the almost 9 million total Black population in the United States in 1900 still resided in these fourteen states.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-19",displayNumber:bT},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E20\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Notably, here “redistribution” encompasses both those cases in which the rich are taxed more heavily and government revenues are spent on universal public goods or transfers to poorer citizens, as well as those in which elites are the ones benefiting from regressive transfers at the expense of other social groups – much like the “redistributive state” conceived by \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-084\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-084\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Polanyi\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EPolanyi (1944)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E and modeled by \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-014\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-014\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Besley and Persson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBesley and Persson (2011)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-20",displayNumber:bU},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E21\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E See \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-001\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-001\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Acemoglu, Naidu, Restrepo and Robinson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EAcemoglu et al. (2015)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E and \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-097\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-097\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Scheve and Stasavage\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EScheve and Stasavage (2017)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E for recent surveys.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-21",displayNumber:Y},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E22\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The historical record is replete with narratives linking coercive and redistributive taxation with revolt or rebellion. The slogan “no taxation without representation,” for example, animated the American Revolution. David Ramsay, one of the earliest historians of the American Revolution, wrote that the colonists’ uprising against a small tax on tea was motivated by the belief that they “could not be compelled to pay any taxes, nor be bound by any laws, but such as had been granted or enacted by the consent of themselves, or of their representatives” (1789: 20). Similarly, Thomas Millard (1926) commented that Chinese “revolutions start with the tax collector” (in \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-013\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-013\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Bernstein and Lü\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EBernstein and Lü 2003\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 252).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-22",displayNumber:"22"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E23\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Many early modern representative institutions emerged, in fact, as part of an explicit bargain in which the elite agreed to provide tax revenue in return for representation in assemblies, thereby creating an explicit link between taxation and representation (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-024\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-024\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Dincecco\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EDincecco 2011\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-23",displayNumber:bV},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E24\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E One finds quasi-voluntary tax relationships between economic elites and government for a variety of specific goods and services, including security or defense (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-095\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-095\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Scheve and Stasavage\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EScheve and Stasavage 2010\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-024\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-024\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Dincecco\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EDincecco 2011\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-034\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-034\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Flores-Macías\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFlores-Macías 2022\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), property rights (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-107\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-107\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Timmons\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ETimmons 2005\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), and firm\u002Fsector-specific protections (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-086\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-086\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Queralt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EQueralt 2017\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-24",displayNumber:"24"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E25\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Mares and Queralt, by contrast, argue that progressive income taxes were more likely to be adopted where the power of “landowning elites was severely threatened by the rise of a new economic elite linked to the emerging manufacturing sector. Anticipating a future decline in economic power, politicians representing the interests of landowning elites regarded the income tax as a tool that could rebalance some of these economic losses by imposing a higher tax burden on the industrial sector” (2015, p. 1976). While \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-071\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-071\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mares and Queralt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EMares and Queralt\u003C\u002Fa\u003E (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-071\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-071\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mares and Queralt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2015\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-072\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-072\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Mares and Queralt\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2020\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) view elite competition and rural political power as the driving forces behind burden-shifting and coercive taxation, we will argue that more complete and secure rural elite control (in effect, the absence of competition) drives contractual self-taxation.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-25",displayNumber:"25"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E26\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The term “public good” refers to a class of goods that are nonexcludable and nonrivalrous. “Impure” public goods fall somewhere between private goods and pure public goods. They might either be characterized by limited rivalry or feature some type of exclusion mechanism in their consumption. Although impure public goods may disproportionately benefit certain groups in society, they still produce positive externalities and are distinct from private goods.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-26",displayNumber:bW},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E27\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Our argument does not presume that rural elites are homogeneous on all dimensions, but may require a minimal degree of consensus regarding the level and type of state-supplied public goods.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-27",displayNumber:"27"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E28\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The fact that elites eschewed taxation of other groups does not mean that they did not engage in other forms of coercive extraction. In fact, enslaved Blacks were seconded as labor for railroad construction in various places. Nonetheless, the extensive labor coercion Southern elites employed against Blacks was not fully fungible for capital-intensive goods.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-28",displayNumber:bX},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E29\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E As shown in \u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#TBLm-tblw-1\" data-sectionid=\"#TBLm-tblw-1\"\u003ETable 1\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, Arkansas (1836), Florida (1845), and Texas (1845) were admitted as states after 1820.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-29",displayNumber:"29"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E30\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E In addition to the difficulty in locating reports for each state-year during this period, comparability across periods and non-Confederate states is further complicated by the Confederate states’ use of their own (debased) currency.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-30",displayNumber:"30"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E31\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E This is consistent with estimates \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-112\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-112\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wallis\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWallis (2000)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E offers for all US states in this period.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-31",displayNumber:"31"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E32\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E According to \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-031\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-031\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Einhorn\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EEinhorn (2006\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 250), “Slaveholders were not always unwilling to pay taxes. Sometimes, they supported lavish spending for which they paid large parts of the tab. But slaveholders would not allow nonslaveholders to decide how to tax.”\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-32",displayNumber:Z},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E33\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E We were able to locate only two years of property tax data before 1840 for Louisiana and none for Missouri and Tennessee. For states admitted after 1820, we have excellent coverage. We have 64 of 69 possible state-year observations for Arkansas (admitted in 1836), and 54 of 61 possible observations each for Florida and Texas (both admitted in 1845).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-33",displayNumber:bY},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E34\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E We have three or fewer observations in the 1820s for Louisiana (2), Maryland (3), Missouri (0), and Tennessee (0).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-34",displayNumber:A},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E35\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Source: \u003Ca class=\"uri\" href=\"https:\u002F\u002Fwww.minneapolisfed.org\u002Fabout-us\u002Fmonetary-policy\u002Finflation-calculator\u002Fconsumer-price-index-1800-\"\u003Ewww.minneapolisfed.org\u002Fabout-us\u002Fmonetary-policy\u002Finflation-calculator\u002Fconsumer-price-index-1800-\u003C\u002Fa\u003E.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-35",displayNumber:"35"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E36\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E For instance, despite comprising nearly 50 percent of Georgia’s population in 1890, Black Georgians owned less than 3 percent of the state’s assessed taxable property wealth – i.e., paid less than 3 percent of the state’s property taxes (\u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EReport of the Comptroller-General, 1890\u003C\u002Fem\u003E, pp. 4–5). Other states that provided information on taxable property by race (e.g., Arkansas, Louisiana) reported nearly identical proportions.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-36",displayNumber:bZ},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E37\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Unfortunately, this information is unavailable before 1840.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-37",displayNumber:b_},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E38\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The value of agriculture plus manufacturing output does not include the value of services. Therefore, it is not a perfect substitute for income. Unfortunately, state-based measures of nominal income are not available as frequently as agriculture and manufacturing output. We chose to use the consistently available measure.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-38",displayNumber:"38"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E39\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Tax rates were typically established by a statute passed each year by the state legislature. In some instances (e.g., Georgia), the legislature set the amount it wanted to collect for specific spending items (e.g., common schools). They would then empower the governor or comptroller\u002Fauditor to set the ad valorem rate that would likely yield this amount.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-39",displayNumber:"39"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E40\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Due to the paucity of states with a uniform and universal property tax system at the beginning of our period, we begin our sample in 1840.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-40",displayNumber:b$},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E41\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Rural includes all property taxes on rural land and farm structures, farm animals (cattle, horses, pigs), farm equipment, and, in the prewar period, the enslaved – nearly 95 percent of the South’s enslaved population resided in rural areas (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-044\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-044\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Goldin\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGoldin 1976\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Urban includes all taxes on manufacturing assets (factories), all urban land and buildings, mining assets, merchandise, intangible assets, and assets of businesses, such as banks and insurance companies. We omitted from either category all assets that we could not determine as fitting exclusively into either one, including railroads, the value of individually owned money on deposits, bonds, household items, and other forms of personal property. This unspecified category also includes what many states classified in their reports as “other property.”\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-41",displayNumber:"41"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E42\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E In the other six prewar uniform\u002Funiversal ad valorem property tax states, they either switched prior to 1840 or their reports do not provide sufficient information to do this analysis.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-42",displayNumber:_},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E43\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E As Figure A1 shows, in each state, the correlation between total tax revenues and property taxes is extremely high (the average R-squared is 0.96).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-43",displayNumber:"43"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E44\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E In the Southern states between 1820 and 1910, poll taxes were never levied on women or men below the age of twenty-one. Men above some age, often fifty or sixty, were also frequently exempt. While free Blacks in the prewar period often paid a rate that was much higher than the White rate (to incentivize their emigration), we only use the poll tax rate on Whites in the prewar period. In the postwar period, the same poll tax rate was levied equally on all eligible adult males.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-44",displayNumber:$},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E45\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E According to \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-061\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-061\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Kousser\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EKousser (1974)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, one of the designers of Mississippi’s 1890 poll tax suffrage requirement called it the “most effective instrumentality of Negro disfranchisement.”\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-45",displayNumber:"45"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E46\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-085\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-085\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Porter\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EPorter (1918)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E shows that weak tax-vote links (e.g., when\u002Fwhere they existed, the rates were negligible) were somewhat common in Northern colonies\u002Fstates before the Civil War. Among Southern states, antebellum North Carolina required voters to have paid some tax to be eligible to vote, but was not explicit about which tax (p. 106). A Georgia law from 1798 required all prior-year tax assessments to have been paid before voting, though enforcement may have been haphazard (pp. 125, 160).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-46",displayNumber:ca},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E47\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E For example, in 1910, Alabama state-level property tax revenues were twelve times higher than the amount collected from poll taxes statewide.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-47",displayNumber:cb},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E48\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Most of the observed changes reflect the effects of deflating this measure rather than changes in nominal rates.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-48",displayNumber:cc},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E49\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E This evidence builds on previous work, which uses this same international price-shock strategy to show that \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003Etotal\u003C\u002Fem\u003E state tax revenues, rather than property taxes, rose more in the MS between 1844 and 1860 (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-056\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-056\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Jensen, Pardelli and Timmons\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EJensen, Pardelli, and Timmons 2023\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-49",displayNumber:B},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E50\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Southern fiscal inactivity during the 1820s was in stark contrast to the large and expensive publicly financed infrastructure projects undertaken in a number of Northern states, such as New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-062\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-062\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Larson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ELarson 2002\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). Maryland was a clear exception among Southern states, as was Virginia to a much lesser extent.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-50",displayNumber:cd},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E51\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Approximately 75 percent of cotton produced was exported; cotton exports alone comprised more than half of the total value of American exports in this period.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-51",displayNumber:"51"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E52\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E While the Northern states were more capital-poor than the UK, they had much deeper capital markets and were much more densely populated than states in the South.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-52",displayNumber:ce},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E53\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E By the 1850s, almost all adult White males were eligible to vote (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-060\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-060\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Keyssar\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EKeyssar 2001\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-53",displayNumber:aa},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E54\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Figure A2 shows the geographic distribution of slavery across the South.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-54",displayNumber:"54"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E55\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Less than 4 percent of the enslaved resided in the South’s urban counties (1860 Census).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-55",displayNumber:cf},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E56\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E An analogous example is that low-population American states do not need to expend resources to maintain the enormous advantages in the US Senate conferred by the two-senators-per-state mandate of the US Constitution.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-56",displayNumber:"56"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E57\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Appendix C outlines the origins of each state’s system of apportionment. It also provides evidence that differences across states in this legislative feature are unrelated to the factors that caused divergence in prewar property taxes and public support for railroads, and uses original data on representation to demonstrate the persistence and magnitude of this bias in favor of enslavers in the MS, and the lack of bias in favor of enslavers in the NMS.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-57",displayNumber:ab},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E58\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E See Table B4 for sources and additional details on each variable.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-58",displayNumber:"58"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E59\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Unfortunately, the rate measure is not consistently available for all states throughout the period under analysis. As a result, some of the observed variation may reflect missing data.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-59",displayNumber:cg},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E60\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E See, e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-027\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-027\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Dube and Vargas\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EDube and Vargas (2013)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E; \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-041\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-041\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Garfias\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGarfias (2018)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-60",displayNumber:ch},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E61\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E A key assumption required to interpret these results causally is that, in the absence of an increase in commodity prices, taxation outcomes in the MS and NMS would have followed a similar trajectory. Although untestable, this assumption implies that fiscal trends in these two groups of states should be parallel prior to the price shock. Appendix Figures A3 and A4 show that this is the case for both state property taxes as a share of output and PWC. In both figures, the trajectories of property taxes in the MS and NMS are almost identical prior to the rise in commodity prices. Over time, we observe a meaningful divergence between these two groups, with the MS experiencing larger increases in taxation.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-61",displayNumber:ac},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E62\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Public education was the most significant early redistributionist program in the United States and a critical pillar of future American prosperity (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-045\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-045\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Claudia and Katz\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGoldin and Katz 2009\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-62",displayNumber:"62"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E63\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E According to \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-052\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-052\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Heath\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EHeath (1950\u003C\u002Fa\u003E: p. 43), the public total is a lower bound, as it excludes many forms of public sector support (e.g., tax exemptions). At the same time, the private sector fraction is an upper bound, as companies often significantly overstated actual paid-in capital.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-63",displayNumber:ci},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E64\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The rest came from local governments (38 percent) and the federal government (5 percent). While substate spending was important in a few states (notably Kentucky), all states with above-average railroad mileage in 1860 had a majority of public spending on railroads come from state governments; as shown in \u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#TBLm-tblw-4\" data-sectionid=\"#TBLm-tblw-4\"\u003ETable 4\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, the three states most reliant on county and municipal expenditures (Kentucky, Louisiana, and Alabama) all had below-average railroad mileage by 1860. By comparison, in the Northern states, antebellum-era railroad spending was much more likely to come from private and local government sources (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-047\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-047\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Goodrich\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGoodrich 1974\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, pp. 270–271).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-64",displayNumber:ad},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E65\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E In some states, the number of pupils reported by state superintendents was smaller than school attendance rates reported by households.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-65",displayNumber:ae},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E66\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E This result is consistent with \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-119\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-119\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wright\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EWright\u003C\u002Fa\u003E’s (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-119\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-119\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Wright\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E2022\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) argument that because enslaved people are a mobile form of property, their value does not appreciate with local investments the way land does. In this sense, all else equal, the intensity of slavery should decrease local tax revenues and infrastructure spending.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-66",displayNumber:"66"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E67\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Republicans used their enormous congressional majorities to overcome fierce resistance from Southern Whites and Northern Democrats, as well as vetoes of each bill by President Andrew Johnson.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-67",displayNumber:cj},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E68\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E See \u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#TBLm-tblw-1\" data-sectionid=\"#TBLm-tblw-1\"\u003ETable 1\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, column 6 for these states.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-68",displayNumber:"68"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E69\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Levies were so high that, according to \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-037\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-037\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Foner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFoner (2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 376), “immense tracts fell into the hands of state governments for nonpayment of taxes – in Mississippi alone over 6 million acres, one fifth of the entire area of the state, was forfeited in this way. Stephen Duncan, the antebellum South’s largest cotton producer, saw seven of his Louisiana plantations seized and sold for back taxes in 1874.”\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-69",displayNumber:"69"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E70\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E While the presence of troops has been shown to positively affect the election of Black politicians (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-020\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-020\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chacón, Jensen and Yntiso\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EChacón et al. 2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E) and the amount of property taxes levied (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-018\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-018\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Chacón and Jensen\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EChacón and Jensen 2020b\u003C\u002Fa\u003E), the size of the occupation was simply too small, not to mention declining throughout Reconstruction, to protect Black voters and politicians across the vast rural South.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-70",displayNumber:C},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E71\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The Supreme Court dealt additional blows to Congressional Reconstruction through several rulings that limited the federal government’s ability to prosecute violations of the Fourteenth Amendment (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-037\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-037\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Foner\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EFoner 2014\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). See, for instance, \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EUnited States\u003C\u002Fem\u003E v. \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ECruikshank\u003C\u002Fem\u003E (1876).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-71",displayNumber:"71"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E72\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-102\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-102\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Suryanarayan and White\u003C\u002Fspan\u003ESuryanarayan and White (2021)\u003C\u002Fa\u003E provide an alternative explanation to the coercive taxation model for the observed decline in fiscal revenue following Reconstruction. The authors argue that in societies with high status inequality, high-rank groups may not only change fiscal policy but also seek to undermine the state’s bureaucratic capacity as a means of blocking future redistribution. Rather than emphasizing the consequences of the removal of federal enforcement, their argument highlights status and economic inequality as the key factors explaining the uneven decline in taxation across Confederate counties in the aftermath of Reconstruction.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-72",displayNumber:ck},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E73\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E To address concerns about \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003EReconstruction Status\u003C\u002Fem\u003E or \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ERepublican Control\u003C\u002Fem\u003E being correlated with other factors that could influence taxation trajectories, in Appendix Figure A5 we conduct balance tests over a number of state-level characteristics relevant to this period. Predictably, the only significant difference relates to the share of enslaved population in RS versus NRS.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-73",displayNumber:cl},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E74\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Due to the admittance of Black children to public schools, we no longer normalize public education revenues by White population in the postwar period.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-74",displayNumber:"74"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E75\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Far from the ‘One-Party South’ it would become in the twentieth century, the period between 1880 and 1900 saw opposition parties routinely win more than a third of the state legislative seats. Prior to adoption of suffrage restrictions on Blacks, non-Democratic Party candidates routinely won more than 40 percent of the popular vote for governor: Alabama (three out of ten elections), Arkansas (five\u002Fseven), Florida (three\u002Fthree), Georgia (two\u002Ften), Louisiana (two\u002Ffour), Mississippi (one\u002Fthree), North Carolina (six\u002Fsix), South Carolina (zero\u002Feight), Tennessee (ten\u002Ften), Texas (four\u002Ften), Virginia (four\u002Ffive) (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-029\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-029\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Dubin\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EDubin 2010\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-75",displayNumber:"75"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E76\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E See \u003Ca class=\"xref table\" href=\"#TBLm-tblw-1\" data-sectionid=\"#TBLm-tblw-1\"\u003ETable 1\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, columns 7 and 8, for the timing and types of suffrage restrictions adopted in each state.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-76",displayNumber:af},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E77\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E In states that adopted literacy tests, it has been shown that Black disenfranchisement was nearly 100 percent (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-058\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-058\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Keele, Cubbison and White\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EKeele, Cubbison, and White 2021\u003C\u002Fa\u003E). In states requiring the payment of the poll tax to be eligible to vote, it has been estimated that approximately half of Black voters lost their eligibility (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-061\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-061\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Kousser\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EKousser 1974\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-77",displayNumber:ag},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E78\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E While \u003Cem class=\"italic\"\u003ENo Restriction\u003C\u002Fem\u003E states are clearly different in important ways (i.e., Blacks comprised a much smaller share of these states’ populations), they do provide evidence that we are not simply capturing some period-specific trend.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-78",displayNumber:"78"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E79\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Appendix Figure A6 shows the Nadaraya-Watson nonparametric regressions with Epanechnikov kernel (bandwidths chosen by rule-of-thumb estimator) of property taxes (a) PWC, (b) as a share of output, and (c) ad valorem rates with 95 percent confidence intervals.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-79",displayNumber:cm},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E80\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E For never-treated units \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-61\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-61\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003EEi=∞\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_83.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"54\" height=\"17\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_83.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\" \u002F\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, and \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-62\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-62\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003EDitl=0\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_84.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"54\" height=\"24\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_84.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\" \u002F\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, for all \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-63\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-63\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003El\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_85.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"6\" height=\"14\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_85.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\" \u002F\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E and all \u003Cspan data-mathjax-status=\"texmath alt-graphic\" class=\"inline-formula\" id=\"EQNt-inf-64\" data-magellan-destination=\"EQNt-inf-64\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan class=\"alternatives\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"mathjax-tex-wrapper\" data-mathjax-type=\"texmath\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"tex-math mathjax-tex-math mathjax-on\"\u003Et\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Cimg data-src=\"https:\u002F\u002Fstatic.cambridge.org\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_86.png?pub-status=live\" class=\"aop-lazy-load-image mathjax-alternative mathjax-alt-graphic mathjax-off\" width=\"6\" height=\"12\" data-original-image=\"\u002Fbinary\u002Fversion\u002Fid\u002Furn:cambridge.org:id:binary:20231220122246411-0293:9781009122825:45405inline1_86.png\" data-zoomable=\"false\" \u002F\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\n\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-80",displayNumber:D},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E81\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E In settings with treatment effect heterogeneity and variation in treatment timing, two-way fixed-effects models can yield estimates that do not capture the dynamic treatment effect and may reflect spurious terms comprising treatment effects from other periods (see, e.g., \u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-023\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-023\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference de Chaisemartin and D’Haultfoeuille\u003C\u002Fspan\u003Ede Chaisemartin and D’Haultfoeuille 2022\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-81",displayNumber:ah},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E82\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Unfortunately, this information was only available for this restricted sample of states.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-82",displayNumber:cn},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E83\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E We do not focus on railroads after the Civil War because we do not have the same clean breakdown of expenditures. It is also worth noting that the nature of railroad financing changed after the Civil War, with direct state support becoming much less relevant vis-à-vis the federal government and private inflows (notably from the North) (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-047\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-047\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Goodrich\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGoodrich 1974\u003C\u002Fa\u003E).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-83",displayNumber:co},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E84\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Figure A11 in the Appendix shows the Nadaraya-Watson regressions.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-84",displayNumber:cp},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E85\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Spending on White universities and colleges includes spending on medical schools and technical, engineering schools, but excludes teaching colleges – then called normal schools or industrial schools; it also excludes all federal spending on schools, as well as state spending on Black colleges and universities.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-85",displayNumber:ai},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E86\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Figure A12 in the Appendix shows the Nadaraya-Watson regressions.\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-86",displayNumber:"86"},{content:"\u003Cp class=\"p\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"label\"\u003E\u003Csup class=\"sup\"\u003E87\u003C\u002Fsup\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E The 1900 Census counted more than 1 million Southern-born Whites and 335,000 Blacks living outside the South; both figures would roughly double by 1920 (\u003Ca class=\"xref bibr\" href=\"#REFe-r-050\" data-sectionid=\"#REFe-r-050\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"show-for-sr\"\u003EReference Gregory\u003C\u002Fspan\u003EGregory 2006\u003C\u002Fa\u003E, p. 15).\u003C\u002Fp\u003E",targetId:"FN-fn-87",displayNumber:"87"}],references:[{id:"REFe-r-001",displayNumber:a,existInContent:c,content:"\u003Cspan class=\"string-name\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"surname\"\u003EAcemoglu\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"given-names\"\u003EDaron\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"string-name\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"surname\"\u003ENaidu\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"given-names\"\u003ESuresh\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"string-name\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"surname\"\u003ERestrepo\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"given-names\"\u003EPascual\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, and \u003Cspan class=\"string-name\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"surname\"\u003ERobinson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"given-names\"\u003EJames\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. \u003Cspan class=\"year\"\u003E2015\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. “\u003Cspan class=\"chapter-title\"\u003EDemocracy, redistribution, and inequality\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E.” In \u003Cspan class=\"source\"\u003EHandbook of income distribution.\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E Vol. \u003Cspan class=\"volume\"\u003E2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. \u003Cspan class=\"publisher-name\"\u003EElsevier\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, pp. \u003Cspan class=\"fpage\"\u003E1885\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E–\u003Cspan class=\"lpage\"\u003E1966\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E.\u003Ca class='ref-link' target='_blank' aria-label='Google Scholar link for Handbook of income distribution.' href=https:\u002F\u002Fscholar.google.com\u002Fscholar_lookup?title=Handbook+of+income+distribution.&author=Acemoglu+Daron&author=Naidu+Suresh&author=Restrepo+Pascual&author=Robinson+James&publication+year=2015&pages=1885-1966\u003EGoogle Scholar\u003C\u002Fa\u003E",item:[{googleScholarLink:"https:\u002F\u002Fscholar.google.com\u002Fscholar_lookup?title=Handbook+of+income+distribution.&author=Acemoglu+Daron&author=Naidu+Suresh&author=Restrepo+Pascual&author=Robinson+James&publication+year=2015&pages=1885-1966",openUrlParams:{genre:p,btitle:aj,title:aj,atitle:"Democracy, redistribution, and inequality",aulast:a,aufirst:a,au:a,pub:"Elsevier",date:E,spage:"1885",epage:cq,doi:b,sid:e},innerRefId:"manual_ref-1",title:aj,doi:b,crossRefLink:a,pubMedLink:a}]},{id:"REFe-r-002",displayNumber:a,existInContent:c,content:"\u003Cspan class=\"string-name\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"surname\"\u003EAcemoglu\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"given-names\"\u003EDaron\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, and \u003Cspan class=\"string-name\"\u003E\u003Cspan class=\"surname\"\u003ERobinson\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"given-names\"\u003EJames\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. \u003Cspan class=\"year\"\u003E2006\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. “\u003Cspan class=\"article-title\"\u003EDe facto political power and institutional persistence\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E.” \u003Cspan class=\"source\"\u003EAmerican Economic Review\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E \u003Cspan class=\"volume\"\u003E96\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E(\u003Cspan class=\"issue\"\u003E2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E): \u003Cspan class=\"fpage\"\u003E325\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E–\u003Cspan class=\"lpage\"\u003E330\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E.\u003Ca class='ref-link' target='_blank' aria-label='CrossRef link for De facto political power and institutional persistence' href=https:\u002F\u002Fdx.doi.org\u002F10.1257\u002F000282806777212549\u003ECrossRef\u003C\u002Fa\u003E\u003Ca class='ref-link' target='_blank' aria-label='Google Scholar link for De facto political power and institutional persistence' 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class=\"surname\"\u003EAbraham\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"given-names\"\u003ESarah\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. \u003Cspan class=\"year\"\u003E2021\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. “\u003Cspan class=\"article-title\"\u003EEstimating dynamic treatment effects in event studies with heterogeneous treatment effect\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E.” \u003Cspan class=\"source\"\u003EJournal of Econometrics\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E \u003Cspan class=\"volume\"\u003E225\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E(\u003Cspan class=\"issue\"\u003E2\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E): \u003Cspan class=\"fpage\"\u003E175\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E–\u003Cspan class=\"lpage\"\u003E199\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E.\u003Ca class='ref-link' target='_blank' aria-label='Google Scholar link for Estimating dynamic treatment effects in event studies with heterogeneous treatment effect' 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class=\"given-names\"\u003EDaniel\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. \u003Cspan class=\"year\"\u003E2009\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. “\u003Cspan class=\"article-title\"\u003EShaping democratic practice and the causes of electoral fraud: The case of nineteenth-century Germany\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E.” \u003Cspan class=\"source\"\u003EAmerican Political Science Review\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E \u003Cspan class=\"volume\"\u003E103\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E(\u003Cspan class=\"issue\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E): \u003Cspan class=\"fpage\"\u003E1\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E–\u003Cspan class=\"lpage\"\u003E21\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E.\u003Ca class='ref-link' target='_blank' aria-label='Google Scholar link for Shaping democratic practice and the causes of electoral fraud: The case of nineteenth-century Germany' 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class=\"surname\"\u003EZolberg\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E, \u003Cspan class=\"given-names\"\u003EAristide\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. \u003Cspan class=\"year\"\u003E1980\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E. “\u003Cspan class=\"article-title\"\u003EStrategic interactions and the formation of modern states: france and England\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E.” \u003Cspan class=\"source\"\u003EInternational Social Science Journal\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E \u003Cspan class=\"volume\"\u003E32\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E(\u003Cspan class=\"issue\"\u003E4\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E): \u003Cspan class=\"fpage\"\u003E687\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E–\u003Cspan class=\"lpage\"\u003E716\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E.\u003Cspan class=\"page-marker\"\u003E\u003C\u002Fspan\u003E\u003Ca class='ref-link' target='_blank' aria-label='Google Scholar link for Strategic interactions and the formation of modern states: france and England' href=https:\u002F\u002Fscholar.google.com\u002Fscholar_lookup?title=Strategic+interactions+and+the+formation+of+modern+states%3A+france+and+England&author=Zolberg+Aristide&publication+year=1980&journal=International+Social+Science+Journal&volume=32&pages=687-716\u003EGoogle Scholar\u003C\u002Fa\u003E",item:[{googleScholarLink:"https:\u002F\u002Fscholar.google.com\u002Fscholar_lookup?title=Strategic+interactions+and+the+formation+of+modern+states%3A+france+and+England&author=Zolberg+Aristide&publication+year=1980&journal=International+Social+Science+Journal&volume=32&pages=687-716",openUrlParams:{genre:g,atitle:eE,jtitle:eF,title:eF,volume:Z,artnum:"65dc4eb7d1d4160001554721",spage:"687",epage:"716",date:"1980",sid:e,aulast:a,aufirst:a,doi:b,au:a},innerRefId:"manual_ref-121",title:eE,doi:b,crossRefLink:a,pubMedLink:a}]}],hasBibliography:d},pdf:{standardResolution:{fileUrl:"\u002Fcore\u002Fservices\u002Faop-cambridge-core\u002Fcontent\u002Fview\u002F1B32EABA137128C2E9C15F2480196470\u002F9781009454056AR.pdf\u002Frepresentation-and-taxation-in-the-american-south-1820-1910.pdf",fileSizeInMb:5,articleTitle:by,slugTitle:"representation-and-taxation-in-the-american-south-1820-1910"},highResolution:b,media:b},summary:"We explain and document state-level fiscal developments in American Southern states from 1820–1910, focusing on their main source of revenue, progressive property taxes borne primarily by economic elites. The fourteen states in our analysis were characterized by severe economic exploitation of the enslaved and later politically repressed African-descended population by a small rural elite, who dominated the region both politically and economically. While rural elites are thought to be especially resistant to taxation, we offer a set of conditions that explains the emergence of progressive taxation and provides a coherent account of the fiscal development of these states over this period. Using an original, archival data set of annual tax revenues and select expenditure items, we show that the economic interests of these rural elites and the extent of their formal (over)representation played a critical role in shaping the observed fiscal patterns within and across these states over this period. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.",settings:{hasAccess:c,isOpenAccess:c,isAnnotationsEnabled:d,isMathjaxEnabled:c},ecommerceProducts:{digitalSku:"2800487827",paperBackSku:"2700224392",hardBackSku:"2700241492"},isPublished:c,series:{title:eG,link:eH},citationCount:2,openUrlParams:"?genre=unknown&date=2023-12-21T00%3A05%3A12.802Z&sid=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.cambridge.org&title=Representation%20and%20Taxation%20in%20the%20American%20South%2C%201820%E2%80%931910"},breadcrumbs:[{name:"Home",url:"\u002Fcore"},{name:"Cambridge Elements",url:"\u002Fcore\u002Fpublications\u002Felements"},{name:eG,url:eH},{name:"Representation and Taxation in the American 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of Economic History","Cambridge University Press","American Political Science Review","2009","2021","1","chapter","2006","2014","Princeton University Press","2018","Journal of Politics","2020","2017","Review of Economic Studies","2010","University of Chicago Press","34","49","70","80","2015","American Economic Review","2007","2019","Comparative Political Studies","2003","Journal of Econometrics","World Politics","European Journal of Political Research","2022","Oxford University Press","Journal of Southern History","Explorations in Economic History","Annual Review of Political Science","Journal of Economic Perspectives","NYU Abu Dhabi","Figure 31","Figure 32","14","16","21","32","42","44","53","57","61","64","65","76","77","81","85","Handbook of income distribution.","Southern paternalism and the American welfare state: Economics, politics, and institutions in the South, 1865–1965.","Inequality and democratization: An elite-competition approach.","unknown","Southern nation: Congress and White supremacy after reconstruction.","Taxation without representation in contemporary rural China.","Pillars of prosperity: The political economics of development clusters.","Democracy and redistribution.","Political transformations and public finances: Europe, 1650–1913.","State capacity and economic development: Present and past.","Party affiliations in the state legislatures: A year by year summary, 1796–2006.","United States gubernatorial elections, 1861–1911: The official results by state and county.","The wars of reconstruction: The brief, violent history of America’s most progressive era.","American taxation, American slavery.","American railroads and the transformation of the ante-bellum economy.","Harvard University Press","Contemporary state building.","Without consent or contract: The rise and fall of American slavery.","W. W. Norton","Freedom’s lawmakers: A directory of Black officeholders during Reconstruction.","Reconstruction: America’s unfinished revolution, 1863–1877.","Urban slavery in the American South, 1820–1860: A quantitative history.","The race between education and technology.","Government promotion of American canals and railroads, 1800–1890.","1974","History of agriculture in the Southern United States to 1860.","Constitutional development in the South Atlantic states, 1776–1860: A study in the evolution of democracy.","The Southern diaspora: How the great migrations of Black and White Southerners transformed America.","University of North Carolina Press","The roots of Southern populism: Yeoman farmers and the transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850–1890.","Fiscal crises, liberty, and representative government, 1450–1789.","Toward a patriarchal republic: The secession of Georgia.","Southern politics in state and nation.","University of Tennessee Press","The right to vote: The contested history of democracy in the United States.","2001","The shaping of Southern politics: Suffrage restriction and the establishment of the one-party South, 1880–1910.","Internal improvement: National public works and the promise of popular government in the early United States.","How Latin America fell behind","Of rule and revenue.","Race and regionalism in the politics of taxation in Brazil and South Africa.","Technical report","Race and Schooling in the South, 1880–1950.","Railroads in the Old South: Pursuing progress in a slave society.","Confederate reckoning: Power and politics in the Civil War South.","Masterless men: Poor Whites and slavery in the antebellum South.","Taxation and state-building in developing countries","The economic growth of the U.S., 1790–1860.","Struggle for mastery: Disfranchisement in the South, 1888–1908.","A history of transportation in the eastern Cotton Belt to 1860.","The great transformation.","A history of suffrage in the United States.","Taxation in colonial America.","The history of the American Revolution.","The economics of the Civil War","One kind of freedom: The economic consequences of emancipation.","State building in boom times.","Taxing the rich: A history of fiscal fairness in the United States and Europe.","Essays in taxation.","Sources and uses of funds in state and local governments, 1790–1915.","Region, Race, and Reconstruction","Politics and power in a slave society: Alabama, 1800–1860.","The formation of national states in Western Europe","A festival of violence: An analysis of Southern lynchings, 1882–1930.","The two Reconstructions: The struggle for Black enfranchisement.","The African American electorate: A statistical history.","The people in power: Courthouse and statehouse in the lower South, 1850–1860.","Politicians, planters, and plain folk: Courthouse and statehouse in the upper South, 1850–1860.","The political economy of the cotton South: Households, markets, and wealth in the nineteenth century.","Representation and Taxation in the American South, 1820–1910","Political 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