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should be preparing for the worst."/><meta property="krux:title" content="The Government Isn’t Ready for the Violence Trump Might Unleash - The Atlantic"/><meta property="krux:description" content="The Biden administration should be preparing for the worst."/><link rel="canonical" href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2024/04/biden-trump-january-6-preparedness/677995/"/><link rel="image_src" href="https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/oFRYZ8-aF__DlSKmziUVUz6OPpQ=/6x54:4798x2550/1200x625/media/img/mt/2024/04/HR_1230622386/original.jpg"/><meta name="author" content="Juliette Kayyem"/><link rel="ia:markup_url" href="https://www.theatlantic.com/facebook-instant/article/677995/"/><meta property="article:publisher" content="https://www.facebook.com/TheAtlantic/"/><meta property="article:opinion" content="false"/><meta property="article:content_tier" content="metered"/><meta property="article:tag" content="ideas"/><meta property="article:section" content="Ideas"/><meta 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against violent interference," @juliettekayyem writes."/><meta name="TwitterShareMessage" content=""As the president of the United States, Biden should also be pushing executive-branch agencies to protect the casting and counting of votes against violent interference," @juliettekayyem writes."/><link rel="alternate" type="application/rss+xml" title="The Atlantic" href="/feed/all/"/><link rel="alternate" type="application/rss+xml" title="Best of The Atlantic" href="/feed/best-of/"/><meta name="referrer" content="unsafe-url"/><meta name="apple-mobile-web-app-capable" content="yes"/><meta name="apple-mobile-web-status-bar-style" content="black"/><meta name="apple-mobile-web-app-title" content="The Atlantic"/><meta name="keywords" itemID="#keywords"/><meta name="news_keywords"/><meta name="sailthru.title" content="The Government Isn’t Ready for the Violence Trump Might Unleash"/><meta name="sailthru.description" content="The Biden administration should be preparing for the worst."/><meta 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worst.</p></div><div class="ArticleHero_byline__iFT6A"><div class="ArticleBylines_root__IBR5V"><address id="byline">By <a class="ArticleBylines_link__kNP4C" href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/juliette-kayyem/" data-event-element="author" data-flatplan-author-link="true">Juliette Kayyem</a></address></div></div></div><div class="ArticleLeadArt_root__nRSLU"><figure class="ArticleLeadFigure_root__Bj81R ArticleLeadFigure_standard__20Izv"><div class="ArticleLeadFigure_media__R1npW" data-flatplan-lead_figure_media="true"><picture><img alt="Security personnel near the Capitol dome" class="Image_root__XxsOp ArticleLeadArt_image__HZS4B" sizes="(min-width: 976px) 976px, 100vw" srcSet="https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/aOj-4i8PjGQKAz3b8i5NblYiq7o=/0x0:4800x2700/750x422/media/img/mt/2024/04/HR_1230622386/original.jpg 750w, https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/nhY6taIk-0Z7DNzdKMScIzy-W9k=/0x0:4800x2700/828x466/media/img/mt/2024/04/HR_1230622386/original.jpg 828w, 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Listen to more stories on the Noa app.</p></div><section class="ArticleBody_root__2gF81" data-event-module="article body" data-flatplan-body="true"><div class="ArticleLegacyHtml_root__WFd2I ArticleLegacyHtml_standard__kC_zi"><p data-flatplan-paragraph="true"><small><i>Sign up for </i><a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://www.theatlantic.com/newsletters/sign-up/the-decision-a-2024-newsletter/"><i>The Decision</i></a><i>, a newsletter featuring our 2024 election coverage.</i></small></p></div><p class="ArticleParagraph_root__4mszW" data-flatplan-paragraph="true">No one in law enforcement should be caught off guard if trouble breaks out before, during, or after the November presidential election, because Donald Trump keeps talking as if addressing differences <a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/05/jean-carroll-donald-trump-trial-judge/674011/">through violence</a> is a normal part of the American political process. The presumptive Republican nominee recently promised <a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://www.theatlantic.com/newsletters/archive/2024/03/trumps-dangerous-january-6pardon-promise/677823/">forgiveness</a> for the January 6 insurrectionists, posted a video involving a fake image of <a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/30/us/politics/trump-biden-image.html">President Joe Biden hog-tied</a> in the back of a truck, and riled up his supporters by claiming that “if we don’t win this election, I don’t think you’re going to have another election in this country.”</p><p id="injected-recirculation-link-0" class="ArticleRelatedContentLink_root__VYc9V" data-view-action="view link - injected link - item 1" data-event-element="injected link" data-event-position="1"><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/newsletters/archive/2024/04/supporting-trump-means-supporting-a-culture-of-violence/677941/">Tom Nichols: Supporting Trump means supporting a culture of violence</a></p><p class="ArticleParagraph_root__4mszW" data-flatplan-paragraph="true">Trump could well prevail, polls suggest, but the former president is already making plans to undermine the result should he lose. In 2021, his refusal to admit defeat led to a bloody riot at the Capitol. As a candidate for reelection, Biden has every reason to warn voters about his Republican opponent’s dangerous assault on democratic norms. But as the president of the United States, Biden should also be pushing executive-branch agencies to protect the casting and counting of votes against violent interference and to ward off attempts to interfere with the certification of November’s outcome. He is obliged, in other words, to make sure that, regardless of whether he or Trump wins, the victor will be able to take office peacefully.</p><p class="ArticleParagraph_root__4mszW" data-flatplan-paragraph="true">The <a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://www.govinfo.gov/collection/january-6th-committee-final-report">January 6th Committee</a> is best remembered for its damning account of what happened that day, and of the forces that led up to those events. But the committee’s report points to some of the preparations that urgently need to be made. The panel highlighted gaps among federal agencies in their protocols for sharing intelligence about extremism and other domestic threats to our democracy. The report recommended prioritizing election-related intelligence-sharing efforts so that public-safety officials are ready. It also recommended paying greater attention to getting the District of Columbia ready for the certification of electoral votes, and urged the president to designate the joint session of Congress during which the election will be certified as a “National Special Security Event.” This designation, which is also applied to the inauguration and the State of the Union address, requires elaborate planning and expanded security measures to protect an event of national significance. Biden should take the committee’s advice.</p><p class="ArticleParagraph_root__4mszW" data-flatplan-paragraph="true">The executive branch alone can’t enact every proposal recommended by the January 6 committee. The panel called for enhanced penalties in criminal statutes prohibiting threats to election workers and attempts to overthrow elections. This would require congressional approval, which the Department of Justice can still seek.</p><p id="injected-recirculation-link-1" class="ArticleRelatedContentLink_root__VYc9V" data-view-action="view link - injected link - item 2" data-event-element="injected link" data-event-position="2"><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2024/03/election-violence-social-media/677691/">Read: I asked 13 tech companies about their plans for election violence</a></p><p class="ArticleParagraph_root__4mszW" data-flatplan-paragraph="true">At least until the next inauguration, the federal apparatus will be governed by Biden. It needs to be unified and focused on a singular threat to a peaceful election and transition to a new presidential term: The FBI is responsible for sharing intelligence with state and local authorities; the U.S. Marshals Service, part of the Department of Justice, protects judges; the Department of Homeland Security secures federal buildings and supports local and state public-safety agencies. In the report’s extensive appendixes, the January 6 Committee described how confusion resulting from D.C.’s unique political status hampered deployment of the National Guard on the day of the riot; the report also chronicled disarray among federal agencies about which one would lead the response to any turmoil. Those issues need to be addressed now.</p><p class="ArticleParagraph_root__4mszW" data-flatplan-paragraph="true">Earlier this year, as the third anniversary of the Capitol riot approached, Biden <a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://apnews.com/article/jan-6-biden-capitol-riot-trump-b3706850266109be341a2cce783931e6">described January 6</a> as “the day we almost lost America.” Biden should take his own rhetoric seriously by establishing task forces to get the government ready for what lies ahead. Little has been disclosed about how the <a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://www.cnn.com/2024/02/09/politics/biden-officials-exercise-2024-election-chaos/index.html">White House is preparing</a>. Perhaps he could draw upon the expertise of Trump-administration officials such as former White House Chief of Staff and Secretary of Homeland Security John Kelly, who <a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/10/02/politics/john-kelly-donald-trump-us-service-members-veterans/index.html">has been vocal</a> about Trump’s threat to democracy. Beyond implementing the committee’s recommendations, identifying and preparing for threats to vote-counting in swing states should be of particular focus. A show of readiness can also deter people who might have learned the wrong lesson from the Capitol riot: that just a bit more violence might have changed the outcome of the 2020 election.</p><p id="injected-recirculation-link-2" class="ArticleRelatedContentLink_root__VYc9V" data-view-action="view link - injected link - item 3" data-event-element="injected link" data-event-position="3"><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/newsletters/archive/2023/06/trump-higgins-biggs-lake-violence/674380/">Read: The right response to threats of political violence</a></p><p class="ArticleParagraph_root__4mszW" data-flatplan-paragraph="true">Any attempts to shore up the nation’s defenses against political violence might be misinterpreted—or intentionally misconstrued—by some of Trump’s supporters as an attempt by a Democratic administration to use federal power to interfere in the 2024 election. But the fact that everything Biden does at this stage will be seen through a politicized lens shouldn’t scare him into inaction.</p><p class="ArticleParagraph_root__4mszW" data-flatplan-paragraph="true">If Trump and his supporters want to quibble with plans to protect election officials from external pressure during vote counts in Georgia and Wisconsin, or to protect members of Congress from rioters during the certification process, then they should do so out loud, before the election. But preparing for election turmoil shouldn’t be a partisan issue. The right keeps warning us of the potential for left-wing <a data-event-element="inline link" href="https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/justice-department/antifa-january-6-capitol-riot-conspiracy-theory-social-media-rcna125369">antifa violence</a>; surely conservatives would want the executive branch to prevent it from affecting the vote certification if Trump wins. The best course is to lay out transparent plans to safeguard the electoral process no matter who is ultimately sworn in.</p><div class="ArticleBody_divider__GpNxD" id="article-end"></div></section><div data-event-module="footer"><div class="ArticleWell_root__fueCa"><div data-event-module="author footer" class="ArticleFooter_authorFooter__5NsdY"><div class="SectionHeading_root__3GnqT"><h3 class="SectionHeading_heading__iNkek">About the Author</h3></div><div class="ArticleBio_root__ua8zj"><address id="article-writer-0" class="ArticleBio_author__6pDyl" data-event-element="author" data-event-position="1" data-flatplan-bio="true"><div class="ArticleBio_content__O0ZVF ArticleBio_noHeadshotContent__RrLmd"><div class="ArticleBio_topContainer__QYRU4"><div><div class="ArticleBio_bioNameMulti__gvg_b"><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/juliette-kayyem/" data-event-element="author name">Juliette Kayyem</a></div><div class="ArticleAuthorFollow_root__Oyvdr"><button class="ArticleAuthorFollow_followButton__0_Sod" aria-haspopup="true" aria-controls=":Rkt8pb32qm:" aria-expanded="false" aria-label="Open Author Newsletter Signup" data-event-verb="followed" data-event-element="follow button"><div class="ArticleAuthorFollow_buttonIcon__ofx09"></div>Follow</button></div></div></div><div class="ArticleBio_bioSection__Hef4P"><div class="ArticleBio_bioSection__Hef4P" data-flatplan-bio="true"><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/juliette-kayyem/" class="author-link" data-label="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/juliette-kayyem/" data-action="click author - name" >Juliette Kayyem</a> is a contributing writer at <em>The Atlantic</em>, the faculty chair of the homeland-security program at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government, and the author of <a href="https://tertulia.com/book/the-devil-never-sleeps-learning-to-live-in-an-age-of-disasters-juliette-kayyem/9781541700093?affiliate_id=atl-347"><em>The Devil Never Sleeps: Learning to Live in an Age of Disasters</em></a>.</div><div class="ArticleBio_moreStories__LKpwT"><p class="ArticleBio_contentHeading__cmbmT">More Stories</p><a class="ArticleBio_storyLink__xuRiU" href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/02/conditional-disaster-relief-aid/681530/" data-event-element="more stories" data-event-position="1"><p>Trump Is Threatening California in the Wrong Way</p></a><a class="ArticleBio_storyLink__xuRiU" href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/01/airport-faa-crowded-regulation/681509/" data-event-element="more stories" data-event-position="2"><p>The Near Misses at Airports Have Been Telling Us Something</p></a></div></div></div></address></div></div></div></div><gpt-ad class="GptAd_root__pAvcS ArticleInjector_root__I7x9v s-native s-native--standard s-native--streamline" format="injector" sizes-at-0="mobile-wide,native,house" targeting-pos="injector-most-popular" sizes-at-976="desktop-wide,native,house"></gpt-ad><div class="ArticleInjector_clsAvoider__dqIAm"></div></article><div></div></main><div></div><div></div></div></div><script id="__NEXT_DATA__" type="application/json">{"props":{"isLoggedIn":false,"hasPaywallAccess":false,"hasAdFree":false,"pageProps":{"id":"BlogArticle:677995","isTnfCompatible":true,"layout":"standard","hasMeter":true,"url":"https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2024/04/biden-trump-january-6-preparedness/677995/","dateModified":"2024-04-10T15:25:20Z","__typename":"BlogArticle","notFound":false,"urqlState":{"1892328501":{"data":"{\"article\":{\"__typename\":\"BlogArticle\",\"id\":\"BlogArticle:677995\",\"authors\":[{\"url\":\"https://www.theatlantic.com/author/juliette-kayyem/\",\"displayName\":\"Juliette Kayyem\",\"__typename\":\"Author\",\"id\":\"Author:15077\",\"isFollowable\":true,\"biography\":{\"default\":\"\u003ca href=\\\"https://www.theatlantic.com/author/juliette-kayyem/\\\" class=\\\"author-link\\\" data-label=\\\"https://www.theatlantic.com/author/juliette-kayyem/\\\" data-action=\\\"click author - name\\\" \u003eJuliette Kayyem\u003c/a\u003e is a contributing writer at \u003cem\u003eThe Atlantic\u003c/em\u003e, the faculty chair of the homeland-security program at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government, and the author of \u003ca href=\\\"https://tertulia.com/book/the-devil-never-sleeps-learning-to-live-in-an-age-of-disasters-juliette-kayyem/9781541700093?affiliate_id=atl-347\\\"\u003e\u003cem\u003eThe Devil Never Sleeps: Learning to Live in an Age of Disasters\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/a\u003e.\",\"__typename\":\"Biography\"},\"headshot\":null,\"river\":{\"edges\":[{\"cursor\":\"MjAyNS0wMi0wMSAwNjowMDowMHw2ODE1MzA=\",\"node\":{\"id\":\"BlogArticle:681530\",\"title\":\"Trump Is Threatening California in the Wrong Way\",\"url\":\"https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/02/conditional-disaster-relief-aid/681530/\",\"__typename\":\"BlogArticle\"},\"__typename\":\"PromoEdge\"},{\"cursor\":\"MjAyNS0wMS0zMCAxMToyNjo1OXw2ODE1MDk=\",\"node\":{\"id\":\"BlogArticle:681509\",\"title\":\"The Near Misses at Airports Have Been Telling Us Something\",\"url\":\"https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/01/airport-faa-crowded-regulation/681509/\",\"__typename\":\"BlogArticle\"},\"__typename\":\"PromoEdge\"},{\"cursor\":\"MjAyNS0wMS0yNiAwNjowMDowMHw2ODE0MzE=\",\"node\":{\"id\":\"BlogArticle:681431\",\"title\":\"The Border Got Quieter, So Trump Had to Act\",\"url\":\"https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/01/trump-cbp-one-immigration/681431/\",\"__typename\":\"BlogArticle\"},\"__typename\":\"PromoEdge\"}],\"__typename\":\"RiverConnection\"},\"slug\":\"juliette-kayyem\",\"socialMedia\":[]}],\"authorContext\":null,\"categories\":[],\"content\":[{\"__typename\":\"ArticleLegacyHtml\",\"tagName\":\"DIV\",\"idAttr\":\"\",\"className\":\"\",\"style\":\"\",\"innerHtml\":\"\u003cp data-flatplan-paragraph=\\\"true\\\"\u003e\u003csmall\u003e\u003ci\u003eSign up for \u003c/i\u003e\u003ca data-event-element=\\\"inline link\\\" href=\\\"https://www.theatlantic.com/newsletters/sign-up/the-decision-a-2024-newsletter/\\\"\u003e\u003ci\u003eThe Decision\u003c/i\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003ci\u003e, a newsletter featuring our 2024 election coverage.\u003c/i\u003e\u003c/small\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\"},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleParagraphContent\",\"subtype\":null,\"idAttr\":\"\",\"innerHtml\":\"No one in law enforcement should be caught off guard if trouble breaks out before, during, or after the November presidential election, because Donald Trump keeps talking as if addressing differences \u003ca data-event-element=\\\"inline link\\\" href=\\\"https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/05/jean-carroll-donald-trump-trial-judge/674011/\\\"\u003ethrough violence\u003c/a\u003e is a normal part of the American political process. The presumptive Republican nominee recently promised \u003ca data-event-element=\\\"inline link\\\" href=\\\"https://www.theatlantic.com/newsletters/archive/2024/03/trumps-dangerous-january-6pardon-promise/677823/\\\"\u003eforgiveness\u003c/a\u003e for the January 6 insurrectionists, posted a video involving a fake image of \u003ca data-event-element=\\\"inline link\\\" href=\\\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/30/us/politics/trump-biden-image.html\\\"\u003ePresident Joe Biden hog-tied\u003c/a\u003e in the back of a truck, and riled up his supporters by claiming that “if we don’t win this election, I don’t think you’re going to have another election in this country.”\"},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleRelatedContentLink\",\"idAttr\":\"injected-recirculation-link-0\",\"innerHtml\":\"\u003ca href=\\\"https://www.theatlantic.com/newsletters/archive/2024/04/supporting-trump-means-supporting-a-culture-of-violence/677941/\\\"\u003eTom Nichols: Supporting Trump means supporting a culture of violence\u003c/a\u003e\",\"index\":0},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleParagraphContent\",\"subtype\":null,\"idAttr\":\"\",\"innerHtml\":\"Trump could well prevail, polls suggest, but the former president is already making plans to undermine the result should he lose. In 2021, his refusal to admit defeat led to a bloody riot at the Capitol. As a candidate for reelection, Biden has every reason to warn voters about his Republican opponent’s dangerous assault on democratic norms. But as the president of the United States, Biden should also be pushing executive-branch agencies to protect the casting and counting of votes against violent interference and to ward off attempts to interfere with the certification of November’s outcome. He is obliged, in other words, to make sure that, regardless of whether he or Trump wins, the victor will be able to take office peacefully.\"},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleParagraphContent\",\"subtype\":null,\"idAttr\":\"\",\"innerHtml\":\"The \u003ca data-event-element=\\\"inline link\\\" href=\\\"https://www.govinfo.gov/collection/january-6th-committee-final-report\\\"\u003eJanuary 6th Committee\u003c/a\u003e is best remembered for its damning account of what happened that day, and of the forces that led up to those events. But the committee’s report points to some of the preparations that urgently need to be made. The panel highlighted gaps among federal agencies in their protocols for sharing intelligence about extremism and other domestic threats to our democracy. The report recommended prioritizing election-related intelligence-sharing efforts so that public-safety officials are ready. It also recommended paying greater attention to getting the District of Columbia ready for the certification of electoral votes, and urged the president to designate the joint session of Congress during which the election will be certified as a “National Special Security Event.” This designation, which is also applied to the inauguration and the State of the Union address, requires elaborate planning and expanded security measures to protect an event of national significance. Biden should take the committee’s advice.\"},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleParagraphContent\",\"subtype\":null,\"idAttr\":\"\",\"innerHtml\":\"The executive branch alone can’t enact every proposal recommended by the January 6 committee. The panel called for enhanced penalties in criminal statutes prohibiting threats to election workers and attempts to overthrow elections. This would require congressional approval, which the Department of Justice can still seek.\"},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleRelatedContentLink\",\"idAttr\":\"injected-recirculation-link-1\",\"innerHtml\":\"\u003ca href=\\\"https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2024/03/election-violence-social-media/677691/\\\"\u003eRead: I asked 13 tech companies about their plans for election violence\u003c/a\u003e\",\"index\":1},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleParagraphContent\",\"subtype\":null,\"idAttr\":\"\",\"innerHtml\":\"At least until the next inauguration, the federal apparatus will be governed by Biden. It needs to be unified and focused on a singular threat to a peaceful election and transition to a new presidential term: The FBI is responsible for sharing intelligence with state and local authorities; the U.S. Marshals Service, part of the Department of Justice, protects judges; the Department of Homeland Security secures federal buildings and supports local and state public-safety agencies. In the report’s extensive appendixes, the January 6 Committee described how confusion resulting from D.C.’s unique political status hampered deployment of the National Guard on the day of the riot; the report also chronicled disarray among federal agencies about which one would lead the response to any turmoil. Those issues need to be addressed now.\"},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleParagraphContent\",\"subtype\":null,\"idAttr\":\"\",\"innerHtml\":\"Earlier this year, as the third anniversary of the Capitol riot approached, Biden \u003ca data-event-element=\\\"inline link\\\" href=\\\"https://apnews.com/article/jan-6-biden-capitol-riot-trump-b3706850266109be341a2cce783931e6\\\"\u003edescribed January 6\u003c/a\u003e as “the day we almost lost America.” Biden should take his own rhetoric seriously by establishing task forces to get the government ready for what lies ahead. Little has been disclosed about how the \u003ca data-event-element=\\\"inline link\\\" href=\\\"https://www.cnn.com/2024/02/09/politics/biden-officials-exercise-2024-election-chaos/index.html\\\"\u003eWhite House is preparing\u003c/a\u003e. Perhaps he could draw upon the expertise of Trump-administration officials such as former White House Chief of Staff and Secretary of Homeland Security John Kelly, who \u003ca data-event-element=\\\"inline link\\\" href=\\\"https://www.cnn.com/2023/10/02/politics/john-kelly-donald-trump-us-service-members-veterans/index.html\\\"\u003ehas been vocal\u003c/a\u003e about Trump’s threat to democracy. Beyond implementing the committee’s recommendations, identifying and preparing for threats to vote-counting in swing states should be of particular focus. A show of readiness can also deter people who might have learned the wrong lesson from the Capitol riot: that just a bit more violence might have changed the outcome of the 2020 election.\"},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleRelatedContentLink\",\"idAttr\":\"injected-recirculation-link-2\",\"innerHtml\":\"\u003ca href=\\\"https://www.theatlantic.com/newsletters/archive/2023/06/trump-higgins-biggs-lake-violence/674380/\\\"\u003eRead: The right response to threats of political violence\u003c/a\u003e\",\"index\":2},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleParagraphContent\",\"subtype\":null,\"idAttr\":\"\",\"innerHtml\":\"Any attempts to shore up the nation’s defenses against political violence might be misinterpreted—or intentionally misconstrued—by some of Trump’s supporters as an attempt by a Democratic administration to use federal power to interfere in the 2024 election. But the fact that everything Biden does at this stage will be seen through a politicized lens shouldn’t scare him into inaction.\"},{\"__typename\":\"ArticleParagraphContent\",\"subtype\":null,\"idAttr\":\"\",\"innerHtml\":\"If Trump and his supporters want to quibble with plans to protect election officials from external pressure during vote counts in Georgia and Wisconsin, or to protect members of Congress from rioters during the certification process, then they should do so out loud, before the election. But preparing for election turmoil shouldn’t be a partisan issue. The right keeps warning us of the potential for left-wing \u003ca data-event-element=\\\"inline link\\\" href=\\\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/justice-department/antifa-january-6-capitol-riot-conspiracy-theory-social-media-rcna125369\\\"\u003eantifa violence\u003c/a\u003e; surely conservatives would want the executive branch to prevent it from affecting the vote certification if Trump wins. The best course is to lay out transparent plans to safeguard the electoral process no matter who is ultimately sworn in.\"}],\"editorialProject\":null,\"primaryCategory\":{\"__typename\":\"Channel\",\"displayName\":\"Ideas\",\"url\":\"https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/\",\"slug\":\"ideas\"},\"reviews\":[],\"embeds\":[],\"preview\":null,\"tags\":[],\"layout\":\"standard\",\"secondaryByline\":\"\",\"dek\":\"The Biden administration should be preparing for the worst.\",\"url\":\"https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2024/04/biden-trump-january-6-preparedness/677995/\",\"shareText\":\"\\\"As the president of the United States, Biden should also be pushing executive-branch agencies to protect the casting and counting of votes against violent interference,\\\" @juliettekayyem writes.\",\"shareTitle\":\"The Government Isn’t Ready for the Violence Trump Might Unleash\",\"title\":\"The Government Isn’t Ready for the Violence Trump Might 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