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Your current IP address is 8.222.208.146. </p> <div class="paragraphbreak" style="margin-top:0.5em"></div><div style="font-size: 16px;"> <p>Even while globally blocked, you will <i>usually</i> still be able to edit pages on <a href="https://meta.wikimedia.org/wiki/" class="extiw" title="m:">Meta-Wiki</a>. </p> </div> <div class="paragraphbreak" style="margin-top:0.5em"></div><div style="font-size: 16px;"> <p>If you believe you were blocked by mistake, you can find additional information and instructions in the <a href="https://meta.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:MyLanguage/No_open_proxies" class="extiw" title="m:Special:MyLanguage/No open proxies">No open proxies</a> global policy. Otherwise, to discuss the block please <a href="https://meta.wikimedia.org/wiki/Steward_requests/Global" class="extiw" title="m:Steward requests/Global">post a request for review on Meta-Wiki</a>. You could also send an email to the <a href="https://meta.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:MyLanguage/Stewards" class="extiw" title="m:Special:MyLanguage/Stewards">stewards</a> <a href="https://meta.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:MyLanguage/VRT" class="extiw" title="m:Special:MyLanguage/VRT">VRT</a> queue at <kbd>stewards@wikimedia.org</kbd> including all above details. </p> </div> <p>Other useful links: <a href="https://meta.wikimedia.org/wiki/Global_blocks" class="extiw" title="m:Global blocks">Global blocks</a> · <a href="/wiki/Help:I_have_been_blocked" title="Help:I have been blocked">Help:I have been blocked</a> </p> </div></li></ul><hr /> <div id="viewsourcetext">You can view and copy the source of this page:</div><textarea readonly="" accesskey="," id="wpTextbox1" cols="80" rows="25" style="" class="mw-editfont-monospace" lang="en" dir="ltr" name="wpTextbox1">{{Short description|Prime Minister of Portugal from 1932 to 1968}} {{Use British English|date=August 2023}} {{Use dmy dates|date=August 2022}} {{Infobox officeholder |honorific_prefix = [[His Excellency]] |name = António de Oliveira Salazar |honorific-suffix= [[Order of the Tower and Sword|GCTE]] [[Military Order of Saint James of the Sword|GCSE]] [[Order of Prince Henry|GColIH]] [[Order of the Colonial Empire|GCIC]] |image = António de Oliveira Salazar portrait (by Manuel Alves San Payo) – Lisboa.jpg |imagesize = |caption = Official portrait, {{circa|1968}} |office = [[Prime Minister of Portugal]] |term_start = 5 February 1932 |term_end = 27 September 1968<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.portugal.gov.pt/pt/gc21/governo/governos-anteriores/chefes-do-governo-desde-1821.aspx|title=Chefes do Governo desde 1821}}</ref> |president = {{ubl|[[Óscar Carmona]]|Himself (''acting'')|[[Francisco Craveiro Lopes]]|[[Américo Tomás]]}} |predecessor = [[Domingos Oliveira]] |successor = [[Marcelo Caetano]] {{collapsed infobox section begin |cont = yes |Further offices held |titlestyle = border:1px dashed lightgrey;}} {{Infobox officeholder |embed = yes |office1 = [[Minister of Defence (Portugal)|Minister of Defence]] |term_start1 = 13 April 1961 |term_end1 = 4 December 1962 |primeminister1 = Himself |predecessor1 = [[Júlio Botelho Moniz]] |successor1 = [[Manuel Gomes de Araújo]] |office2 = [[President of Portugal]] |term_label2 = [[Acting (law)|Acting]] |term_start2 = 18 April 1951 |term_end2 = 9 August 1951 |primeminister2 = Himself |predecessor2 = Óscar Carmona |successor2 = Francisco Craveiro Lopes |term_label3 = Acting |term_start3 = 15 April 1935 |term_end3 = 26 April 1935 |primeminister3 = Himself |predecessor3 = Óscar Carmona |successor3 = Óscar Carmona |office4 = [[Portuguese Navy|Minister of the Navy]] |term_label4 = Acting |term_start4 = 30 January 1939 |term_end4 = 2 February 1939 |primeminister4 = Himself |predecessor4 = Manuel Ortins de Bettencourt |successor4 = Manuel Ortins de Bettencourt |term_label5 = Acting |term_start5 = 25 January 1936 |term_end5 = 5 February 1936 |primeminister5 = Himself |predecessor5 = Manuel Ortins de Bettencourt |successor5 = Manuel Ortins de Bettencourt |office6 = [[Minister of Foreign Affairs (Portugal)|Minister of Foreign Affairs]] |term_label6 = Acting |term_start6 = 6 November 1936 |term_end6 = 6 November 1947<ref name=Salazar>{{cite web|url=https://digitarq.arquivos.pt/details?id=3886687|title=Oliveira Salazar – Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo}}</ref> |primeminister6 = Himself |predecessor6 = [[Armindo Monteiro]] |successor6 = José Caeiro da Mata |office7 = [[Portuguese Army|Minister of War]] |term_label7 = Acting |term_start7 = 11 May 1936 |term_end7 = 6 September 1944 |primeminister7 = Himself |predecessor7 = Abílio Passos e Sousa |successor7 = [[Fernando Santos Costa]] |term_label8 = Acting |term_start8 = 5 July 1932 |term_end8 = 6 July 1932 |primeminister8 = Himself |predecessor8 = António Lopes Mateus |successor8 = Daniel Rodrigues de Sousa |office9 = [[Overseas Ministry (Portugal)|Minister of the Colonies]] |term_label9 = Acting |term_start9 = 3 November 1930 |term_end9 = 6 November 1930 |primeminister9 = Domingos Oliveira |predecessor9 = Eduardo Marques |successor9 = Eduardo Marques |term_label10 = Acting |term_start10 = 21 January 1930 |term_end10 = 20 July 1930 |primeminister10 = Domingos Oliveira |predecessor10 = Eduardo Marques |successor10 = Eduardo Marques |office11 = [[Ministry of Finance (Portugal)|Minister of Finance]] |term_start11 = 27 April 1928 |term_end11 = 28 August 1940<ref name=Salazar/> |primeminister11 = {{ubl|[[José Vicente de Freitas]] |[[Artur Ivens Ferraz]] |Domingos Oliveira|Himself}} |predecessor11 = José Vicente de Freitas |successor11 = [[João Pinto da Costa Leite]] |term_start12 = 3 June 1926 |term_end12 = 19 June 1926 |primeminister12 = [[José Mendes Cabeçadas]] |predecessor12 = José Mendes Cabeçadas |successor12 = Filomeno da Câmara de Melo Cabral |office13 = Member of the [[Chamber of Deputies of Portugal (1910–1926)|Chamber of Deputies]] |term_start13 = July 1921 |term_end13 = September 1921 |constituency13 = Guimarães {{collapsed infobox section end}}}} |birth_date = {{birth date|df=yes|1889|4|28}} |birth_place = [[Vimieiro (Santa Comba Dão)|Vimieiro]], [[Santa Comba Dão]], Portugal |death_date = {{Death date and age|df=yes|1970|7|27|1889|4|28}} |death_place = [[Lisbon]], Portugal |height = 1.75 m  |party = [[National Union (Portugal)|National Union]] (1930–1970) |otherparty = [[Portuguese Catholic Centre]] (1919–1930) |alma_mater = [[University of Coimbra]] (PhD) |signature = Firma de António de Oliveira Salazar.svg |profession = Economics professor }} {{António de Oliveira Salazar sidebar}} '''António de Oliveira Salazar'''{{efn|{{IPAc-en|ˌ|s|æ|l|ə|ˈ|z|ɑr}}, {{IPAc-en|USalso|ˌ|s|ɑː|l|-}}, {{IPA|pt|ɐ̃ˈtɔ.ni.u ðɨ ɔ.liˈvɐj.ɾɐ sɐ.lɐˈzaɾ|lang}}}} {{post-nominals|post-noms=[[Order of the Tower and Sword|GCTE]] [[Military Order of Saint James of the Sword|GCSE]] [[Order of Infante D. Henrique|GColIH]] [[Order of the Colonial Empire|GCIC]]}} (28 April 1889 – 27 July 1970) was a Portuguese statesman, academic, and economist who served as [[Prime Minister of Portugal]] from 1932 to 1968. Having come to power under the {{lang|pt|[[Ditadura Nacional]]}} ("National Dictatorship"), he reframed the regime as the [[corporatism|corporatist]] {{lang|pt|[[Estado Novo (Portugal)|Estado Novo]]}} ("New State"), with himself as a [[dictator]]. The regime he created lasted until 1974, making it one of the longest-lived authoritarian regimes in modern Europe. A [[political economy]] professor at the [[University of Coimbra]], Salazar entered public life as finance minister with the support of President [[Óscar Carmona]] after the [[28 May 1926 coup d'état]]. The military of 1926 saw themselves as the guardians of the nation in the wake of the instability and perceived failure of the [[First Portuguese Republic|First Republic]], but they had no idea how to address the critical challenges of the hour.{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=2}} Within one year, armed with special powers, Salazar balanced the budget and stabilised Portugal's currency. Salazar produced the first of many budgetary surpluses.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=94}} He promoted civilian administration in the authoritarian regime when the politics of more and more countries were becoming militarised.{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=2}} Salazar's aim was the de-politicisation of society, rather than the mobilisation of the populace.{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=2}} Opposed to [[communism]], [[socialism]], [[syndicalism]] and [[liberalism]], Salazar's rule was [[Conservatism|conservative]], [[corporatist]] and [[nationalist]] in nature; it was also [[capitalism|capitalist]] to some extent although in a very conditioned way until the beginning of the final stage of his rule, in the 1960s.<ref>Parecer sôbre a proposta de lei n.º 172 (Condicionamento industrial), Assembleia da República https://debates.parlamento.pt/catalogo/r2/dan/01/01/03/118S3/1937-02-18?sft=true#p7</ref> Salazar distanced himself from Nazism and fascism, which he described as a "pagan [[Caesarism]]" that did not recognise legal, religious or moral limits.{{sfn|Kay|1970|pp=68–69}} Throughout his life Salazar avoided [[Populism|populist]] rhetoric.{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=68}} He was generally opposed to the concept of political parties when, in 1930, he created the [[National Union (Portugal)|National Union]]. Salazar described and promoted the party as a "non-party",{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=43}} and announced that the National Union would be the antithesis of a political party.{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=43}} He promoted [[Catholicism]] but argued that the role of the Church was social, not political, and negotiated the [[Concordat of 1940]] that kept the church at arm's length. One of the mottos of the Salazar regime was {{lang|pt|Deus, Pátria e Família}} ("God, Fatherland and Family"), although he never turned Portugal into a [[confessional state]].{{sfn|Gallagher|1983|p=60}}{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=64}} Salazar supported [[Francisco Franco]] in the [[Spanish Civil War]] and played a key role in [[Portugal during World War II|keeping Portugal]] and Spain neutral during [[World War II]] while still providing aid and assistance to the [[Allies of World War II|Allies]].<ref>Winston Churchill, [https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1943/oct/12/agreement-with-portugal 12 October 1943 Statement in the House of Commons]. [https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1943/oct/12/agreement-with-portugal].</ref>{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=123}}{{sfn|Rendel|1957|p=37}} Despite being a [[European interwar dictatorships|dictatorship]], Portugal under his rule took part in the founding of some international organisations. The country was one of the 12 founding members of the [[North Atlantic Treaty Organization]] (NATO) in 1949, joined the [[European Payments Union]] in 1950 and was one of the founding members of the [[European Free Trade Association]] (EFTA) in 1960; it was also a founding member of the [[Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development]] in 1961. Under Salazar's rule, Portugal also joined the [[General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade]] in 1961 and began the [[Portuguese Colonial War]]. The years between the conclusion of World War II and 1973 represented the best period of economic expansion for Portugal in the 20th century. During this era, growth rates reached unprecedented levels and sustained this momentum over an extended period. Following over a century of either economic stagnation or divergence from wealthier global economies, Portugal's economy began to consistently converge, particularly accelerating during the 1960s.<ref> Amaral, L. (2019).The Estado Novo Period After World War II: The Golden Age of Economic Growth. In: The Modern Portuguese Economy in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries. Palgrave Studies in Economic History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. {{doi|10.1007/978-3-030-24548-1_5}}</ref> Portugal's GDP per capita in relation to the EU reached 66% in 1973, falling afterwards to below 65% in 2022.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Vinhas de Sousa |first1=Lucio |title=Unhappy anniversary: Missed opportunities for growth and convergence in Portugal |url=https://cepr.org/voxeu/columns/unhappy-anniversary-missed-opportunities-growth-and-convergence-portugal |website=CEPR |access-date=22 June 2024 |language=en |date=11 March 2024}}</ref> The doctrine of [[pluricontinentalism]] was the basis of Salazar's territorial policy, a conception of the [[Portuguese Empire]] as a unified state that spanned multiple continents. After Salazar fell into a coma in 1968, President [[Américo Tomás]] dismissed him from the position of prime minister.{{sfn|Meneses|2009|pp=608–09}} With the {{lang|pt|Estado Novo}} enabling him to exercise vast political powers, Salazar used censorship and the [[PIDE]] secret police to quell opposition. One opposition leader, [[Humberto Delgado]], who openly challenged Salazar's regime in the [[1958 Portuguese presidential election|1958 presidential election]], was first exiled and became involved in several violent actions aimed at overthrowing the regime, including the Portuguese cruise liner [[Santa Maria hijacking]]{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=199}} and the Beja Revolt{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=203}} ultimately leading to his assassination by the regime's secret police, the PIDE, in 1965. The {{lang|pt|Estado Novo}} collapsed during the [[Carnation Revolution]] of 1974, four years after Salazar's death. In recent decades, "new sources and methods are being employed by Portuguese historians in an attempt to come to grips with the dictatorship, which lasted forty-eight years."{{sfn|Meneses|2002|p=153}} == Background == === Family === [[File:Birthplace Salazar.jpg|thumb|Salazar's birthplace in [[Santa Comba Dão]]]] Salazar was born in [[Vimieiro (Santa Comba Dão)|Vimieiro]], near [[Santa Comba Dão]] ([[Viseu District]]), to a family of modest income on 28 April 1889.{{sfn|Kay|1970|pp=10–11}} His father, a small landowner, had started as an agricultural labourer and became the manager for the Perestrelos, a wealthy family of rural landowners of the region of [[Santa Comba Dão]] who possessed lands and other assets scattered between [[Viseu]] and [[Coimbra]].{{sfn|Meneses|2009|p=12}} He was the only male child of two fifth cousins, António de Oliveira (1839–1932) and his wife Maria do Resgate Salazar (1845–1926).{{sfn|Kay|1970|pp=10–11}} According to [[Portuguese naming customs]], which place the mother's surname first, Salazar's name would have been "António Salazar de Oliveira" – a pattern followed by his four sisters – but, for reasons that remain unclear,{{efn|[[Filipe Ribeiro de Meneses]] claims it was an accident.{{sfn|Meneses|2009|p=4}}}} the order of his surnames was reversed, and he thus became "António de Oliveira Salazar".{{sfn|Meneses|2009|p=4}} His four older sisters were Maria do Resgate Salazar de Oliveira, an elementary school teacher; Elisa Salazar de Oliveira; Maria Leopoldina Salazar de Oliveira; and Laura Salazar de Oliveira, who in 1887 married Abel Pais de Sousa, brother of {{ill|Mário Pais de Sousa|pt}}, who served as Salazar's Interior Minister. === Education === Salazar attended the primary school in his small village and later went to another primary school in [[Viseu]]. At age 11, he won a free place at Viseu's [[seminary]], where he studied for eight years, from 1900 to 1908.{{sfn|Kay|1970| p=11}} Salazar considered becoming a priest, but like many who entered the seminary very young, he decided not to proceed to the priesthood after receiving holy orders.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=11}} He went to [[Coimbra]] in 1910 during the first years of the [[Portuguese First Republic]] to study law at the [[University of Coimbra]].{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=12}} During these student years in Coimbra, he developed a particular interest in finance and graduated in law with distinction, specialising in finance and economic policy. He graduated in 1914, with 19 points out of 20,{{sfn|Kay|1970| p=24}} and in the meantime, became an assistant professor of [[economic policy]] at the Law School. In 1917, he assumed the chairs of economic policy and finance at the university by appointment of professor [[José Alberto dos Reis]]. In the following year, Salazar was awarded his doctorate.{{sfn|Kay|1970| p=24}} == Politics and ''Estado Novo'' == {{Conservatism sidebar}} === Background === {{further|First Portuguese Republic}} Salazar was twenty-one years old at the time of the revolution of 5 October 1910, which overthrew the Portuguese monarchy and instituted the [[First Portuguese Republic]]. The political institutions of the First Republic lasted until 1926, when it was replaced by a military dictatorship. This was first known as the "Ditadura Militar" (Military Dictatorship) and then, from 1928, as the "[[Ditadura Nacional]]" (National Dictatorship). The era of the First Republic has been described as one of "continual anarchy, government corruption, rioting and pillage, assassinations, arbitrary imprisonment and religious persecution".{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=26}} It witnessed the inauguration of eight presidents, 44 cabinet re-organisations and 21 revolutions.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=46}}{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=26}} The first government of the Republic lasted less than 10 weeks and the longest-ruling government lasted little over a year. Revolution in Portugal became a byword in Europe. The cost of living increased twenty-fivefold, while the currency fell to a {{frac|1|33}} part of its gold value. Portugal's public finances entered a critical phase, having been under imminent threat of default since at least the 1890s.<ref name="Life">{{cite news|date=29 July 1940|title=Portugal: The War Has Made It Europe's Front Door|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xz8EAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA65|newspaper=[[Life (magazine)|Life]]|access-date=30 April 2015|archive-date=13 June 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210613200713/https://books.google.com/books?id=xz8EAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA65|url-status=live}}</ref>{{sfn|Derrick|1938| p=39}} The gaps between the rich and the poor continued to widen. The regime led Portugal to enter World War I in 1916, a move that only aggravated the perilous state of affairs in the country. Concurrently, the [[Catholic Church]] was hounded by the anti-clerical [[Freemasonry in Portugal|Freemasons]] of the Republic and political assassination and terrorism became commonplace. Between 1920 and 1925, according to official police figures, 325 bombs burst in the streets of Lisbon.{{sfn|Derrick|1938|pp=38–44}} The British diplomat [[Sir George Rendel]] said that he could not describe the "political background as anything but deplorable&nbsp;... very different from the orderly, prosperous and well-managed country that it later became under the government of Senhor Salazar".{{sfn|Rendel|1957|p=37}} Salazar would keep in mind the political chaos of this time when he later ruled Portugal. Public discontent led to the [[28 May 1926 coup d'état]], which was welcomed by most civilian classes.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|pp=47, 92}} At the time, the prevailing view in Portugal was that political parties were elements of division and that parliamentarianism was in crisis. This led to general support, or at least tolerance, of an authoritarian regime.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=81}} === Early path === {{further|Ditadura Nacional}} [[File:Oliveira Salazar e Mário de Figueiredo no Monte Palace Hotel, Madeira, em Abril de 1925 (VIC-5223).png|thumb|left|Salazar (left) in 1925.]] As a young man, Salazar's involvement in politics stemmed from his [[Catholic]] views, which were aroused by the new anti-clerical stance of the First Republic. He became a member of the non-politically affiliated Catholic movement ''{{ill|Centro Académico de Democracia Cristã|pt}}'' (Academic Centre for Christian Democracy).{{sfn|Meneses|2009|p=14}} Salazar rejected the monarchists because he felt that they were opposed to the social doctrines espoused by [[Pope Leo XIII]] to which it is said he was very sympathetic, despite the fact that they were contrary to his actions.{{sfn|Kay|1970|pp=3–4, 10, 22–24, 33, 65–66}} He was a frequent contributor to journals concerned with social studies, especially the weekly ''O Imparcial'', which was directed by his friend (and later Cardinal Patriarch of Lisbon) [[Manuel Gonçalves Cerejeira]].{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=23}} Local press described him as "one of the most powerful minds of the new generation".{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=24}} In 1921, Salazar was persuaded to stand as a candidate for election to parliament, though he did so reluctantly. He appeared once in the chamber and never returned, struck by the disorder he witnessed and a feeling of futility. Salazar was convinced that liberal individualism had led to fragmentation of society and a perversion of the democratic process.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=32}} After the [[28 May 1926 coup d'état|''coup d'état'' of 28 May 1926]] which established the Ditadura Nacional regime, Salazar briefly joined the government of [[José Mendes Cabeçadas]] as [[Minister of Finance]]. On 11 June, a small group of officers drove from Lisbon to Santa Comba Dão to persuade him to be Minister of Finance. Salazar spent five days in Lisbon. The conditions he proposed to control spending were refused, he quickly resigned, and in two hours he was on a train back to Coimbra University, explaining that because of the frequent disputes and general disorder in the government, he could not do his work properly.{{sfn|Kay|1970| p=38}} Portugal's overriding problem in 1926 was its enormous public debt, much of which was owed to foreign entities. Several times between 1926 and 1928, Salazar turned down appointment to the finance ministry. He pleaded ill-health, devotion to his aged parents and a preference for the academic cloisters. In 1927, under the ministry of [[João José Sinel de Cordes|Sinel de Cordes]], the public deficit kept on growing. The government tried to obtain loans from [[Barings Bank|Baring Brothers]] under the auspices of the [[League of Nations]], but the conditions were considered unacceptable. With Portugal under the threat of an imminent financial collapse, Salazar finally agreed to become its 81st Finance Minister on 26 April 1928 after the republican and Freemason [[Óscar Carmona]] was elected president. However, before accepting the position, he personally secured from Carmona a categorical assurance that as finance minister he would have a free hand to veto expenditure in all government departments, not just his own. Salazar was the financial czar virtually from the day he took office.{{citation needed|date=February 2022}} Within one year, armed with special powers, Salazar balanced the budget and stabilised Portugal's currency. Salazar produced the first of many budgetary surpluses in Portugal.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=94}} In July 1929, Salazar again presented his resignation. His friend {{ill|Mário de Figueiredo|pt}}, Minister of Justice, passed new legislation that facilitated the organisation of religious processions. The new law outraged the republicans, triggered a cabinet crisis, and Figueiredo threatened to resign. Salazar advised Figueiredo against resigning, but told his friend he would join him in his decision. Figueiredo did resign, and Salazar – at that time hospitalised due to a broken leg – followed suit on 3 July. Carmona went personally to the hospital on the 4th and asked Salazar to change his mind. Prime Minister [[José Vicente de Freitas]], who took issue with Carmona's policies, left the cabinet. Salazar remained in the cabinet as Minister of Finance, but with additional powers.{{sfn|Meneses|2009|p=64}} Salazar stayed on as finance minister while military prime ministers came and went. From his first successful year in office, he gradually came to embody the financial and political solution to the turmoil of the military dictatorship, which had not produced a clear leader. Finally, on 5 July 1932, President Carmona appointed Salazar as the 100th prime minister of Portugal, after which he began to operate closer to the mainstream of political sentiment in his country.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=80}} The authoritarian government consisted of a right-wing coalition, and he was able to co-opt the moderates of each political current with the aid of censorship and repression directed against those outside of it. Those perceived to be genuine fascists were jailed or exiled.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=79}} Conservative Catholics were Salazar's earliest and most loyal supporters, whereas conservative republicans who could not be co-opted became his most dangerous opponents during the early period. They attempted several coups, but never presented a united front, consequently these attempts were easily repressed. Never a true monarchist, Salazar nevertheless gained most of the monarchists' support, as [[Manuel II of Portugal]], the exiled and deposed last king of Portugal, always endorsed Salazar. Later, in 1932, it was due to Salazar's actions that the deposed king was given a state funeral. The [[National Syndicalists (Portugal)|National Syndicalists]] were torn between supporting the regime and denouncing it as bourgeois. They were granted enough symbolic concessions for Salazar to win over the moderates, but the rest were repressed by the political police. == Prime Minister (1932–1968) == === Formation of the ''Estado Novo'' === {{further|Estado Novo (Portugal)}} [[File:O governo de Salazar presta o Compromisso de Honra perante o Presidente Carmona no Palácio de Belém (5 de Julho de 1932).png|thumb|right|250px|Salazar (third from the left) and his first government, formed in 1932, at [[Belém Palace]].]]Salazar based his political philosophy on a close interpretation of the [[Catholic social doctrine]],{{citation needed|date=May 2024}} much like the contemporary regime of [[Engelbert Dollfuss]] in Austria.{{sfn|Meneses|2009|p=162}} The economic system, known as [[corporatism]], was alleged to be based on similar interpretations of the papal encyclicals ''[[Rerum novarum]]'' ([[Pope Leo XIII|Leo XIII]], 1891){{sfn|Kay|1970|p=63}} and ''[[Quadragesimo anno]]'' ([[Pope Pius XI|Pius XI]], 1931),{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=63}} which were meant to prevent class struggle and transform economic concerns secondary to social values. ''[[Rerum novarum]]'' argued that labor associations were part of the natural order, like the family. The right of men to organise into [[Trade union|trade unions]] and to engage in [[collective bargaining]], was thus inherent and could not be denied by employers or the state. ''[[Quadragesimo anno]]'' provided the blue print for the erection of the corporatist system.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=97}} But the practice was that stability of the regime was maintained by suppressing human rights and liberties.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=65}} A new constitution was drafted by a group of lawyers, businessmen, clerics and university professors, with Salazar the leading spirit and [[Marcelo Caetano]] also playing a major role.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=98}} The constitution created the [[Estado Novo (Portugal)|''Estado Novo'']] ("New State"), in theory a corporatist state representing interest groups rather than individuals. He wanted a system in which the people would be represented through corporations, rather than through political parties, and where national interest was given priority over sectional claims. Salazar thought that the party system had failed irrevocably in Portugal.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=53}} Unlike Mussolini or [[Hitler]], Salazar never had the intention to create a party-state. Salazar was against the whole-party concept and in 1930 he created the [[National Union (Portugal)|National Union]] a single-party, which he marketed as a "non-party",{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=43}} announcing that the National Union would be the antithesis of a political party.{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=43}} The National Union became an ancillary body, not a source of political power.{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=43}} The National Union was set up to control and restrain public opinion rather than to mobilize it, the goal was to strengthen and preserve traditional values rather than to induce a new social order. At no stage did it appear that Salazar wished it to fulfill the central role the Fascist Party had acquired in Mussolini's Italy, in fact it was meant to be a platform of conservatism, not a revolutionary vanguard.{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=44}} Ministers, diplomats and civil servants were never compelled to join the National Union.{{sfn|Gallagher|1990|p=167}} Portuguese historian Ernesto C. Leal described Salazar's ideology as [[Eclecticism|eclectic]] and [[Syncretic politics|syncretic]], and primarily representing a combination of authoritarian nationalist, conservative and anti-liberal tendencies. According to Leal, the most unique characteristic of Salazar's political thinking was [[Christian corporatism]] and [[social corporatism]] as well as his inclusion of both reformist and traditionalist currents.<ref name="leal_148">{{cite journal |title=The Political and Ideological Origins of the Estado Novo in Portugal |first1=Ernesto Castro |last1=Leal |translator=Richard Correll |journal=Portuguese Studies |volume=32 |issue=2 |department=Authoritarian States and Corporatism in Portugal and Brazil |year=2016 |page=148 |publisher=Modern Humanities Research Association |doi=10.5699/portstudies.32.2.0128}}</ref> The legislature, called the {{ill|Assembleia Nacional (Portugal)|lt=Assembleia Nacional|pt}}, was restricted to members of the [[National Union (Portugal)|National Union]]. It could initiate legislation, but only concerning matters that did not require government expenditures.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=55}} The parallel [[Corporative Chamber]] included representatives of municipalities, religious, cultural and professional groups and of the official workers' syndicates that replaced free trade unions.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=55}} The new constitution introduced by Salazar established an anti-parliamentarian and authoritarian government that would last until 1974. The president was to be elected by popular vote for a period of seven years. On paper, the new document vested sweeping, almost dictatorial powers in the hands of the president, including the power to appoint and dismiss the prime minister.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=100}} The president was elevated to a position of preeminence as the "balance wheel", the defender and ultimate arbiter of national politics.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=100}}{{efn|According to a dispatch from the British Embassy in Lisbon of that time: "Generally speaking, this novel constitution is receiving the marked approval which it deserves. It has a certain Fascist quality in its theory of 'corporations', which is a reversion to medieval from the 18th-century doctrines. But this quality, unsuited to our Anglo-Saxon tradition, is not out of place in a country which has hitherto founded its democracy on a French philosophy and found it unsuited to the national temperament". The British Embassy also pointed out that Portugal's illiteracy made elections difficult and illusory.<ref>{{cite web|title=British Embassy in Lisbon despatch on draft constitution|url=http://www.cphrc.org/index.php/documents/docnesta/203-1932-07-09-british-embassy-in-lisbon-despatch-on-draft-constitution|website=Contemporary Portuguese History Online|publisher=The Contemporary Portuguese History Research Centre|access-date=26 September 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180518054411/http://www.cphrc.org/index.php/documents/docnesta/203-1932-07-09-british-embassy-in-lisbon-despatch-on-draft-constitution|archive-date=18 May 2018|url-status=dead}}</ref>}} President Carmona, however, had allowed Salazar more or less a free hand since appointing him prime minister and continued to do so; Carmona and his successors would largely be figureheads as he wielded the true power. [[Howard J. Wiarda]] argues that Salazar achieved his position of power not just because of constitutional stipulations, but also because of his character: domineering, absolutist, ambitious, hardworking and intellectually brilliant.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=101}} The corporatist constitution was approved in the national [[1933 Portuguese constitutional referendum|Portuguese constitutional referendum]] of 19 March 1933.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=100}}{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=49}} A draft had been published one year before, and the public was invited to state any objections in the press.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=49}} These tended to stay in the realm of generalities and only a handful of people, less than 6,000, voted against the new constitution.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=49}} The new constitution was approved with 99.5% of the vote, but with 488,840 abstentions{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=49}} (in a registered electorate of 1,330,258) counting as "yes".<ref name=NS>[[Dieter Nohlen|Nohlen, D]] & Stöver, P. (2010) ''Elections in Europe: A data handbook'', p. 1542 {{ISBN|978-3832956097}}</ref> Hugh Kay points out that the large number of abstentions might be attributable to the fact that voters were presented with a package deal to which they had to say "yes" or "no" with no opportunity to accept one clause and reject another.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=49}} In this referendum, women were allowed to vote for the first time in Portugal. Their right to vote had not been obtained during the First Republic, despite feminist efforts, and even in the referendum vote, secondary education was a requirement for female voters, whereas males only needed to be able to read and write.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Adão|first1=Áurea|last2=Remédios|first2=Maria José|title=The educational narrativity in the first period of Oliveira Salazar's government. Women's voices in the National Assembly (1935–1945)|journal=History of Education: Journal of the History of Education Society|date=23 May 2006|volume=34|issue=5|pages=547–59|doi=10.1080/00467600500221315|s2cid=144480521}}</ref> [[File:União Nacional Flag.svg|thumb|right|200px|Flag of the National Union]] The year 1933 marked a watershed in Portuguese history. Under Salazar's supervision, [[Pedro Teotónio Pereira|Teotónio Pereira]], the Sub-Secretary of State of Corporations and Social Welfare, reporting directly to Salazar, enacted extensive legislation that shaped the corporatist structure and initiated a comprehensive social welfare system.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=109}} This system was equally anti-capitalist and anti-socialist. The corporatisation of the working class was accompanied by strict legislation regulating business. Workers' organisations were subordinated to state control, but granted a legitimacy that they had never before enjoyed and were made beneficiaries of a variety of new social programs.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=132}} Nevertheless, it is important to note that even in the enthusiastic early years, corporatist agencies were not at the centre of power and therefore corporatism was not the true base of the whole system.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=155}} ==== Relationship with fascism ==== In 1934, Salazar exiled [[Francisco Rolão Preto]] as a part of a purge of the leadership of the [[National Syndicalists (Portugal)|Portuguese National Syndicalists]], also known as the ''{{ill|Camisas-azuis|pt}}'' ("Blue Shirts"). Salazar denounced the National Syndicalists as "inspired by certain foreign models" (meaning German [[Nazism]]) and condemned their "exaltation of youth, the cult of force through direct action, the principle of the superiority of state political power in social life, [and] the propensity for organising masses behind a single leader" as fundamental differences between fascism and the Catholic corporatism of the ''Estado Novo''. Salazar's own party, the [[National Union (Portugal)|National Union]], was formed as a subservient umbrella organisation to support the regime itself, and therefore did not have its own philosophy. At the time, according to Kay, many European countries feared what he described as "the destructive potential of communism". Salazar not only forbade [[Marxism|Marxist]] parties, but also revolutionary fascist-syndicalist parties. One overriding criticism of his regime is that stability was bought and maintained at the expense of suppression of human rights and liberties.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=55}} [[File:Antonio de Olivera Salazar sitting at his desk (by Bernard Hoffman, 1940) – Google Art Project.png|thumb|220px|Salazar sitting at his desk with an autographed portrait of Mussolini.]] The corporatist state had some similarities to Italian fascism and the original ''[[fascist corporatism|corporativismo]]'' of [[Benito Mussolini]], but considerable differences in its moral approach to governing.{{sfn|Kay|1970|pp=50–51}} Although Salazar admired Mussolini and was influenced by his [[Labour Charter of 1927]],{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=98}} he distanced himself from fascist dictatorship, which he considered a pagan [[Caesarism|Caesarist]] political system that recognised neither legal nor moral limits. Salazar also viewed German Nazism as espousing pagan elements that he considered repugnant. Just before World War II, Salazar made this declaration: {{blockquote|We are opposed to all forms of Internationalism, Communism, Socialism, Syndicalism and everything that may divide or minimise, or break up the family. We are against class warfare, irreligion and disloyalty to one's country; against serfdom, a materialistic conception of life, and might over right.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=68}}}}[[File:Salazar Salvador da Pátria.jpg|thumb|left|A propaganda poster depicting Salazar as King [[Afonso I of Portugal]]. The motto on the shield says "Everything for the nation, nothing against the nation" and that at the foot says "Fortunate fatherland that has such sons"]] Scholars such as [[Stanley G. Payne]], [[Thomas Gerard Gallagher]], [[Juan José Linz]], [[António Costa Pinto]], [[Roger Griffin]], [[Robert Paxton]] and Howard J. Wiarda, prefer to consider the Portuguese [[Estado Novo (Portugal)|Estado Novo]] as conservative authoritarian rather than fascist. On the other hand, some Portuguese scholars like [[Fernando Rosas]], Manuel Villaverde Cabral, Manuel de Lucena and Manuel Loff think that the [[Estado Novo (Portugal)|Estado Novo]] should be considered fascist.<ref name="Rosas">{{cite book|author1=Fernando Rosas|title=Salazar e os Fascismos: Ensaio Breve de História Comparada|year=2019|publisher=Edições Tinta-da-China|language=pt}}</ref> [[Stanley G. Payne]] wrote that, "Salazar's system might best be described as one of Authoritarian Corporatism or even authoritarian corporative liberalism", rather than fascism.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Payne |first1=Stanley |title=A History of Fascism, 1914–1945 |url=https://archive.org/details/historyoffascism00payn |url-access=registration |date=1995 |publisher=University of Wisconsin Press |isbn=978-0-299-14874-4 |edition=1}}</ref> Historian [[Juan José Linz]] says that fascism never took roots in Salazar' Portugal<ref>{{cite book |last1=Linz |first1=Juan José |title=Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes |date=2000 |publisher=Lynne Rienner Publishers |isbn=978-1-55587-890-0 |page=226 |edition=1}}</ref> The Estado Novo of Portugal differed from fascism even more profoundly than Franco's Spain. Salazar was, in effect, the dictator of Portugal, but he preferred a passive public and a limited state where social power remained in the hands of the Church, the army, and the big landowners.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Robert O. Paxton |url=http://archive.org/details/anatomyoffascism00paxt_0 |title=The Anatomy of Fascism |date=2004-03-23 |publisher=Knopf |others=Internet Archive |isbn=978-1-4000-4094-0}}</ref> [[Samuel Hoare, 1st Viscount Templewood|Samuel Hoare]], the British Ambassador in Madrid during the war, stated that Salazar detested Hitler and all his works.{{sfn|Hoare|1946|pp=124–25}} However, he said that "Europe owes him the great service of having pushed back the frontiers of communism with astonishing energy and exciting muscle. I only fear that he will go too far in the economic and social field."{{sfnp|Pimentel|Ninhos|2013|p=84}} And talking to a Romanian diplomat: "... in spite of everything, Hitler was a political genius, who had realized a colossal work."{{sfn|Meneses|2009|p=249}} Historian [[Robert Paxton]] observes that one of the main problems in defining fascism is that it was widely mimicked. He wrote, "In fascism's heyday, in the 1930s, many regimes that were not functionally fascist borrowed elements of fascist decor in order to lend themselves an aura of force, vitality, and mass mobilization." He went on to observe that Salazar "crushed Portuguese fascism after he had copied some of its techniques of popular mobilization".<ref>Robert O. Paxton, "The five stages of fascism". ''[[Journal of Modern History]]'' 70.1 (1998): 1–23, quotes at pp 3, 17.</ref> Political scientists [[:pt:Manuel Braga da Cruz|Manuel Braga da Cruz]] and [[Philippe Schmitter]] argue that Salazar's regime was not fascist as it lacked most aspects of fascism{{snd}}unlike fascism, Salazarism had no anti-bourgeois or anti-capitalist motivations, there was no determination of the state apparatus by an armed party, and loyalty to Salazar "was more a case of condescending obedience than enthusiastic support on the part of subordinates". Da Cruz and Schmitter also note that Salazarism was marked by nationalist and conservative policies rather than expansionist ambitions.<ref name="sanfey">{{cite journal |title=On Salazar and Salazarism |first=Michael |last=Sanfey |journal=An Irish Quarterly Review |volume=92 |issue=368 |year=2003 |pages=405–11 |publisher=Irish Province of the Society of Jesus |jstor=30095666 |url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/30095666}}</ref> Additionally, [[Howard J. Wiarda]] observes that Salazar did not pursue genocidal policies, and while Salazar's Portugal was marked by political repression, it gradually "became less repressive and eventually opened up somewhat, not to liberalism, but to greater pluralism and less strict controls".<ref>{{cite book |title=Catholic Roots and Democratic Flowers: Political Systems in Spain and Portugal |first1=Howard J. |last1=Wiarda |author-link=Howard J. Wiarda |first2=Margaret |last2=MacLeish Mott |publisher=Praeger |year=2001 |isbn=978-0275970185 |page=48}}</ref> According to [[Juan José Linz]], Salazar's Portugal was "an authoritarian regime with its own distinctive politics and dynamics" that was neither fascist nor totalitarian. In his analysis of the regime, he makes following points:<ref name="sanfey"/> * While Portugal did not allow completely unrestricted interest group pluralism (liberalism), it did not completely snuff them out (totalitarianism). * Salazar did not allow all ideas to compete (liberalism) but neither did he have a totalitarian ideology like fascism; instead he had a "mentality" (discipline, order, conservatism, Catholicism), which he believed in but did not seek to spread by forced indoctrination, as totalitarianism did. * Both liberal and totalitarian regimes try to mobilize their populations (the latter by force) to participate in politics; Salazar in contrast relied more on apathy, indifference and the de-politicization of the population from earlier frenetic activity. * Concerning political parties, while democratic politics are competitive, and totalitarianism entails total dominance by a single party, Portugal had a large political patronage machine that served some but limited purposes (not determining the whole fabric of government). * Salazar was not a Messianic leader like Mussolini; he was not a particularly good public speaker, shunned mass rallies and was not charismatic. * Salazar did not pursue genocidal politics involving the slaughter of masses of people. === Securing the regime === [[File:TarrafalEdificios.JPG|thumb|Tarrafal concentration camp ]] Salazar relied on [[secret police]] to enforce the policies he wished to implement. The ''Polícia de Vigilância e Defesa do Estado'' ("[[State Surveillance and Defense Police]]") was established in 1933. It was replaced in 1945 by the remodeled ''[[Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado]] (PIDE)'' ("International and State Defence Police"), which lasted until 1969 (and from that year to 1974 under [[Marcelo Caetano]], it was the ''Direção-Geral de Segurança'' ''(DGS)'' ("[[General Directorate of Security (Portugal)|General Security Directorate]]"). The secret police existed not only to protect national security in a modern sense, but also to monitor the population, apply censorship, and suppress the regime's political opponents, especially those associated with the international [[communist]] movement or the [[Soviet Union]].<ref>{{Cite web |first= |title=PIDE (Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado) |url=https://www.infopedia.pt/artigos/$pide-(policia-internacional-e-de-defesa-do |access-date=2024-06-12 |website=Infopédia |language=pt}}</ref> Political prisoners were incarcerated in detention centers, such as the Caxias prison, near Lisbon, or the [[Tarrafal concentration camp|Tarrafal camp]], on the [[Cape Verde|Cabo Verde]] islands, and tortured. The political police used a net of civilian informants, in popular parlance "''bufos''", who were found in practically all sectors of society.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Reed |first=Christopher |date=2004-05-21 |title=How the CIA Taught the Portuguese to Torture |url=https://www.counterpunch.org/2004/05/21/how-the-cia-taught-the-portuguese-to-torture/ |access-date= |website=Counter Punch |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Duarte |first=Anabela |date=Winter 2015 |title=Acousmatic and Acoustic Violence and Torture in the Estado Novo: The Notorious Revelations of the PIDE/DGS Trial in 1957 |url=http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.9460447.0009.101 |journal=Music and Politics |volume=IX |issue=1 |doi=10.3998/mp.9460447.0009.101 |hdl=2027/spo.9460447.0009.101 |issn=1938-7687}} </ref> In the PIDE headquarters in Lisbon, a five-storey building on António Maria Cardoso Street, a Salazar's phrase was written: "We will mourn the dead, if the living don't deserve it". Until 1971, when interrogations took place in the southern stronghold of Caxias, it was there that many opponents of the regime were subjected to beatings and torture. It was a city area, in the middle of Lisbon's downtown, and the screams could be heard in the street.<ref>{{Cite web |last= |date=2006-07-20 |title=Locais de Memória (prisões) |url=https://maismemoria.org/mm/2006/07/20/locais-de-memoria/ |access-date=2024-06-13 |website=Movimento Cívico Não Apaguem a Memória! |language=pt-PT}}</ref> On August 1, 1958, the Brazilian ambassador herself ([[Álvaro Lins]]' wife) witnessed a detainee fall from the third floor of the political police headquarters.{{sfnp|Pimentel|2007|pp=99–101}} ==== Spanish Civil War ==== The [[Spanish Civil War]], which began in July 1936, was the ostensible reason for the radicalisation of the regime. Internally, the regime had to face a monarchist revolt in 1935, a threatened leftist coup in 1936 and several bombs and conspiracies in 1936 and 1937, including an attempt to assassinate Salazar in 1937. At the same time, Spanish [[Second Spanish Republic|Republican]] agents were active in Lisbon and Spanish troops were deployed on Portugal's vulnerable border, severely threatening Portuguese sovereignty.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=160}} At the beginning of the Spanish Civil War, Salazar took up additional portfolios as minister of war and minister of foreign affairs, while retaining direction of the ministry of finance, thus concentrating even more power in his hands.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=160}} Salazar supported [[Francisco Franco]] and the [[Nationalist faction (Spanish Civil War)|Nationalists]] in their war against the [[Republican faction (Spanish Civil War)|Second Republic forces]], as well as the anarchists and the communists. The Nationalists lacked access to seaports early on, so Salazar's Portugal helped them receive armaments shipments from abroad, including [[military logistics|ordnance]] when certain Nationalist forces virtually ran out of ammunition. Consequently, the Nationalists called Lisbon "the port of Castile".<ref>Beevor, Antony. ''The Spanish Civil War''. p. 97. {{ISBN|0911745114}}</ref> Later, Franco spoke of Salazar in glowing terms in an interview in the ''Le Figaro'' newspaper: {{blockquote|The most complete statesman, the one most worthy of respect, that I have known is Salazar. I regard him as an extraordinary personality for his intelligence, his political sense and his humility. His only defect is probably his modesty.{{sfn| Lochery|2011|p=19}}}} On 8 September 1936, a naval revolt took place in Lisbon. The crews of two naval Portuguese vessels, The [[NRP Afonso de Albuquerque]] and the [[Portuguese destroyer Dão|Dão]], mutinied. The sailors, who were affiliated with the Communist Party, confined their officers and attempted to sail the ships out of Lisbon to join the Spanish Republican forces fighting in Spain. Salazar ordered the ships to be destroyed by gunfire.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=160}}{{sfn|Meneses|2009|p=200}} The following day, loyalty oaths became mandatory for all members of the civil service and censorship was severely tightened. Every government functionary was forced to declare that he repudiated communism. This crusade aimed to root out not only communists but also the democratic opposition.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=160}} The convicted sailors from the 1936 naval revolt were the first to be sent to the [[Tarrafal camp|Tarrafal prison camp]] established by Salazar in the [[Cape Verde Islands]] to house political prisoners. It was labeled the "slow death camp" where dozens of political prisoners (mostly communists, but also adherents of other ideologies), were imprisoned under inhumane unhealthy conditions in exceedingly hot weather and died.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.ces.uc.pt/eventos/pdfs/Apresenta_FILME.pdf |title=Tarrafal: Memórias do Campo da Morte Lenta/ by Diana Andringa |access-date=4 May 2015 |archive-date=16 January 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210116145228/https://www.ces.uc.pt/eventos/pdfs/Apresenta_FILME.pdf |url-status=live}}</ref> Historians say that 60 people died in jails for political reasons during Salazar's nearly 40-year regime.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Bilefsky |first=Dan |date=23 July 2007 |title=Nostalgia for António de Oliveira Salazar divides the Portuguese |language=en-US |work=[[The New York Times]] |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/23/world/europe/23iht-salazar.4.6790015.html |access-date=29 May 2022 |issn=0362-4331}}</ref> In January 1938, Salazar appointed [[Pedro Teotónio Pereira]] as special liaison of the Portuguese government to Franco's government, where he achieved great prestige and influence.{{sfn|Hoare|1946|p=45}} In April 1938, Pereira officially become a full-rank Portuguese ambassador to Spain, and he remained in this post throughout World War II.{{sfn|Kay|1970| p=117}} Just a few days before the end of the Spanish Civil War, on 17 March 1939, Portugal and Spain signed the [[Iberian Pact]], a non-aggression treaty that marked the beginning of a new phase in Iberian relations. Meetings between Franco and Salazar played a fundamental role in this new political arrangement.<ref>Maria Inácia Rezola, "The Franco–Salazar Meetings: Foreign policy and Iberian relations during the Dictatorships (1942–1963)" ''E-Journal of Portuguese History'' (2008) 6#2 pp. 1–11. [http://www.brown.edu/Departments/Portuguese_Brazilian_Studies/ejph/html/issue12/html/mrezola.html online] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210224152315/https://www.brown.edu/Departments/Portuguese_Brazilian_Studies/ejph/html/issue12/html/mrezola.html |date=24 February 2021}}</ref> The pact proved to be a decisive instrument in keeping the Iberian Peninsula out of Hitler's continental system.{{sfn|Hoare|1946|p=58}} ==== Assassination attempt ==== The decisive conservatism of the regime naturally drew opposition. {{ill|Emídio Santana|pt}}, founder of the ''Sindicato Nacional dos Metalúrgicos'' ("National Syndicate of Metallurgists") and an [[anarcho-syndicalist]] who was involved in clandestine activities against the dictatorship, attempted to assassinate Salazar on 4 July 1937. Salazar was on his way to Mass at a private chapel in a friend's house on Barbosa du Bocage Avenue in Lisbon. As he stepped out of his [[Buick Limited#Buick Series 90 Limited (1936-1942)|Buick]] limousine, a bomb hidden in an iron case exploded only {{convert|3|m|ft|0}} away. The blast left Salazar untouched, but his chauffeur was rendered deaf.<ref name=":2">{{cite web|url=http://digitarq.dgarq.gov.pt/details?id=4289177|title='Emídio Santana'|publisher=Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo|access-date=15 October 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131017020927/http://digitarq.dgarq.gov.pt/details?id=4289177|archive-date=17 October 2013|url-status=dead}}</ref>{{sfn|Meneses|2009|p=216-219}} An inept secret police made several arrests and beat five innocent people till they confessed.{{sfn|Meneses|2009|pp=216–19}} A year later, the bishops of the country argued in a collective letter that it was an "act of God" that had preserved Salazar's life. The official car was replaced by an armoured [[Chrysler Imperial]].<ref>{{Cite web |title=Correio da Manhã: Portugal, Mundo, Sociedade, Cultura. Classificados. |url=https://www.cmjornal.pt/ |access-date= |website=www.cmjornal.pt |language=pt-PT}}</ref> Sought by the ''PIDE'', Emídio Santana fled to Britain, where he was arrested by British police and returned to Portugal. He was then sentenced to 16 years in prison.<ref name=":2"/> === World War II === [[File:Antonio Salazar-1.jpg|thumb|Salazar in 1940]] {{further|Portugal in World War II}} Salazar had experienced the social turmoil caused by [[World War I]], in which Portugal participated during the period of the First Republic; [[World War II]] followed its course while he was in power. Salazar was widely praised{{Citation needed|date=January 2021}} for keeping Portugal neutral during the Second World War. From the war's very beginning in 1939, Salazar was convinced that Britain would suffer injury, but remain undefeated, that the United States would step into the conflict and that the [[Allies of World War II|Allies]] would win. The American journalist [[Henry J. Taylor]] commented, "I found not another continental European leader who then agreed with him".<ref>Henry Jay Taylor, ''Milwaukee Sentinel'', 2 October 1968, as cited in {{harvnb|Kay|1970|p=123}}</ref> ==== Neutrality ==== In 1934, several years before the war began, Salazar clarified in an official speech that Portuguese nationalism did not include "the pagan ideal and anti-human to deify a race or empire",<ref>António de Oliveira Salazar, "O Espírito da Revolução", speech at the Salazar's official visit to Porto on 28 April 1934, in ''Discursos e Notas Políticas'', Vol. 1, pp. 324–26.</ref> and again, in 1937, Salazar published a book in which he criticised the [[Nuremberg Laws]] passed in 1935 in Germany, considering it regrettable that German nationalism was "wrinkled by racial characteristics so well marked", which had imposed "the legal point of view, the distinction between citizens and the subject – and this at the risk of dangerous consequences".<ref>{{cite book|last1=Salazar|first1=António de Oliveira|title=Como se Levanta um Estado|date=1977|publisher=Golden Books|location=Lisbon|page=69}}</ref> Salazar thought, regarding World War II, that "a German victory spelt disaster for the rule of law and for peripheral, agricultural, countries such as Portugal."{{sfn|Meneses|2009|p=223}} Salazar's dislike of the [[Nazi Germany|Nazi regime in Germany]] and its imperial ambitions was tempered only by his view of the German Reich as a bastion against the spread of Communism rather than an allied nation. He had favoured the Spanish nationalist cause out of fear of a Communist invasion of Portugal, yet he was uneasy at the prospect of a Spanish government bolstered by strong ties with the [[Axis powers]].{{sfn|Kay|1970|pp=121–22}} Salazar's policy of neutrality for Portugal in World War II thus included a strategic component. The country still held colonies that Portugal could not defend from military attack. Siding with the Axis would have brought Portugal into conflict with Britain, likely resulting in the loss of its colonies, while siding with the Allies risked the security of the home country on the mainland. A conflict with Britain would have been economically costly, as Portugal relied on British transports of goods from Portuguese colonies to the mainland.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Golson |first=Eric |date=2020 |title=The Allied Neutral? Portuguese Balance of Payments With the UK and Germany In the Second World War, 1939–1945 |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/revista-de-historia-economica-journal-of-iberian-and-latin-american-economic-history/article/abs/allied-neutral-portuguese-balance-of-payments-with-the-uk-and-germany-in-the-second-world-war-19391945/DD45615C6A90F361EB857ACB16246B67 |journal=Revista de Historia Economica – Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History |language=en |volume=38 |issue=1 |pages=79–110 |doi=10.1017/S0212610919000314 |s2cid=213367178|issn=0212-6109|access-date=28 May 2021 |archive-date=25 April 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210425174434/https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/revista-de-historia-economica-journal-of-iberian-and-latin-american-economic-history/article/abs/allied-neutral-portuguese-balance-of-payments-with-the-uk-and-germany-in-the-second-world-war-19391945/DD45615C6A90F361EB857ACB16246B67 |url-status=live}}</ref> As the price to pay for remaining neutral, Portugal continued to export [[tungsten]] and other commodities to both the Axis (via Switzerland, partly) and the Allied countries.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Wheeler|first1=Douglas|title=The Price of Neutrality: Portugal, the Wolfram Question, and World War II|journal=Luso-Brazilian Review|date=Summer 1986|volume=23|issue=1|pages=107–27|jstor= 3513391}}</ref> On 1 September 1939, at the start of World War II, the Portuguese Government announced that the 600-year-old [[Anglo-Portuguese Alliance]] remained intact, but that since the British did not seek Portuguese assistance, Portugal was free to remain neutral in the war and would do so. In an [[aide-mémoire]] of 5 September 1939, the British Government confirmed the understanding.{{sfn|Leite|1998|pp=185–99}} ==== Responses ==== British strategists regarded Portuguese non-belligerency as "essential to keep Spain from entering the war on the side of the Axis".{{sfn|Leite|1998|pp=185–99}} Britain recognised Salazar's important role on 15 May 1940, when Douglas Veale, Registrar of the [[University of Oxford]], informed him that the university's [[Hebdomadal Council]] had "unanimously decided at its meeting last Monday, to invite you [Salazar] to accept the Honorary Degree of [[Doctor of Civil Law]]".{{sfn|Meneses|2009|p=240}}<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.britishpathe.com/video/oxford-in-portugal/query/lisbon |title=Oxford In Portugal 1941 |date=1941 |publisher=British Pathé |access-date=7 June 2014 |archive-date=15 August 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200815025421/https://www.britishpathe.com/video/oxford-in-portugal/query/lisbon |url-status=live }}</ref> In September 1940, [[Winston Churchill]] wrote to Salazar to congratulate him for his policy of keeping Portugal out of the war, avowing that "as so often before during the many centuries of the Anglo-Portuguese alliance, British and Portuguese interests are identical on this vital question."{{sfn|Meneses|2009|p=240}} [[Samuel Hoare, 1st Viscount Templewood|Sir Samuel Hoare]], the British Ambassador in Madrid from 1940 to 1944, recognised Salazar's crucial role in keeping Iberia neutral during World War II, and lauded him for it. Hoare averred that "Salazar detested Hitler and all his works" and that his corporative state was fundamentally different from a Nazi or fascist state, with Salazar never leaving a doubt of his desire for a Nazi defeat.{{efn|name=fn-full-Hoare|Hoare asserted that, in his 30 years of political life, he had met most of the leading statesmen of Europe, and regarded Salazar very highly among those. Salazar was to him a learned and impressive thinker, part professor, part priest, part recluse of unshakable beliefs in the principles of European civilisation. He regarded him as ascetic, concentrated on serving his country, with an encyclopedic knowledge of Europe, and indifferent to ostentation, luxury or personal gain. Hoare strongly believed in Salazar as "being a man of one idea – the good of his country – not wanting to endanger the work of national regeneration to which he had devoted the whole of his public life."{{sfn|Hoare|1946|pp=124–25}}}} Historian [[Carlton J. H. Hayes|Carlton Hayes]], a pioneering specialist on the study of nationalism, was the American Ambassador in Spain during the war. He met Salazar in person and also praised him, expressing a similar opinion to Hoare's in his book ''Wartime Mission in Spain''.{{efn|name=fn-full-Hayes|Hayes wrote of Salazar, claiming he "didn't look like a regular dictator. Rather, he appeared a modest, quiet, and highly intelligent gentleman and scholar&nbsp;... literally dragged from a professorial chair of political economy in the venerable University of Coimbra a dozen years previously in order to straighten out Portugal's finances, and that his almost miraculous success in this respect had led to the thrusting upon him of other major functions, including those of Foreign Minister and constitution-maker."{{sfn|Hayes|1945|p=36}}{{sfn| Hayes|1945|p=119}}}} In November 1943, the British Ambassador in Lisbon, [[Ronald Hugh Campbell|Sir Ronald Campbell]], wrote, paraphrasing Salazar, that "strict neutrality was the price the allies paid for strategic benefits accruing from Portugal's neutrality and that if her neutrality instead of being strict had been more benevolent in our favour Spain would inevitably have thrown herself body and soul into the arms of Germany. If this had happened the Peninsula would have been occupied and then North Africa, with the result that the whole course of the war would have been altered to the advantage of the Axis."<ref>Leite, 'Document 2: Telegram From Sir Ronald Campbell'.</ref>[[File:Lockheed Hudson - Royal Air Force Coastal Command- No. 247 Group Operations in the Azores, 1943-1945. CA37.jpg|thumb|right|Royal Air Force Coastal Command in the Azores]] Sir Ronald Campbell saw Salazar as fundamentally loyal to the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance. When in May 1943, in the [[Washington Conference (1943)|Third Washington Conference, codenamed Trident]], the conferees agreed on the occupation of the Azores ([[Operation Alacrity]]){{sfn |Meneses|2009|p=278}}<ref>{{cite web|title=The Papers of George Catlett Marshall, ed. Larry I. Bland and Sharon Ritenour Stevens (Lexington, Va.: The George C. Marshall Foundation, 1981– ). Electronic version based on The Papers of George Catlett Marshall, vol. 3, "The Right Man for the Job", December 7, 1941 – May 31, 1943 – 3–669 Editorial Note on the Third Washington Conference (TRIDENT), May 1943|url=http://marshallfoundation.org/library/digital-archive/editorial-note-on-the-third-washington-conference-trident/#sthash.DXOrdQv2.dpuf|website=George C. Marshall Foundation|publisher=The Johns Hopkins University Press|access-date=22 November 2015|pages=705–08|date=1991|archive-date=23 November 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151123035424/http://marshallfoundation.org/library/digital-archive/editorial-note-on-the-third-washington-conference-trident/#sthash.DXOrdQv2.dpuf|url-status=live}}</ref> the British Ambassador reacted to the US State Department's suggestion as "particularly ill-timed and incomprehensible at the present juncture". He recalled that at the outset of the war, Salazar had remained neutral with British approval and stated that "he [Salazar] would answer the call if it were made on grounds of dire necessity". The British Ambassador was correct, and when in August 1943 the British requested military base facilities in the Azores, invoking the alliance, Salazar responded favourably and quickly:{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=123}} Portugal allowed these bases, letting the British use the Azorean ports of Horta (on the island of Faial) and Ponta Delgada (on the island of [[São Miguel Island|São Miguel]]), and the airfields of [[Lajes Field]] (on Terceira Island) and Santana Field (on São Miguel Island).{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=123}} From November 1943, when the British gained use of the Azores, to June 1945, 8,689 US aircraft departed from Lajes, including 1,200 B-17 and B-24 bomber aircraft ferried across the Atlantic. Cargo aircraft carried vital personnel and equipment to North Africa, to the United Kingdom and – after the Allies gained a foothold in Western Europe – to [[Orly Airport|Orly Field]] near Paris. Flights returning from Europe carried wounded servicemen. Medical personnel at Lajes handled approximately 30,000 air evacuations ''en route'' to the United States for medical care and rehabilitation. Use of Lajes Field reduced flying time between Brazil and West Africa from 70 hours to 40, a considerable reduction that enabled aircraft to make almost twice as many crossings, clearly demonstrating the geographic value of the Azores during the war. The British diplomat [[George William Rendel|Sir George Rendell]] stated that the Portuguese Republican Government of [[Bernardino Machado]] was "far more difficult to deal with as an ally during the First War than the infinitely better Government of Salazar was as a neutral in the Second".{{sfn|Rendel|1957|p=37}} ==== Refugees ==== The principal reason for the neutrality of Portugal in World War II was strategic, and within the compass of the overall objectives of the [[Anglo-Portuguese Alliance]]. This modest, but complex role allowed Portugal to rescue a large number of war refugees.{{sfn|Leite|1998|pp=185–99}} Portugal's official nationalism was not grounded in race or biology. Salazar argued that Portuguese nationalism did not glorify a single race because such a notion was pagan and anti-human. In 1937, he published a book entitled ''Como se Levanta um Estado'' (''How to Raise a State''), in which he criticised the philosophical ideals behind Nazi Germany's [[Nuremberg laws]]{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=122}}<ref name="ReferenceA">Salazar, António de Oliveira – 'Como se Levanta um Estado', {{ISBN|978-9899537705}}</ref> In 1938, he sent a telegram to the Portuguese Embassy in [[Berlin]], ordering that it should be made clear to the German Reich that Portuguese law did not allow any distinction based on race, and that therefore, [[Spanish and Portuguese Jews|Portuguese Jewish]] citizens could not be discriminated against.{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=122}}<ref>Dez anos de Política Externa, Vol. 1, p. 137. Edição Imprensa Nacional 1961.</ref> In the previous year, Adolfo Benarus, Honorary Chairman of COMASSIS{{efn|Portuguese '''Com'''mittee for the '''Assis'''tance of Jewish Refugees in Portugal (COMASSIS), which was led by Augusto d´Esaguy and Elias Baruel, having Moses Amzalak and Adolfo Benarus as its honorary chairmen.}} and a leader of the Lisbon's Jewish Community, published a book in which he applauded the lack of anti-Semitism in Portugal. The honorary president of the Jewish community of Lisbon, claimed in 1937 that "happily in Portugal, modern anti-Semitism doesn't exist".{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=122}}<ref>Benarus, Adolfo – 'O Antisemitismo' – 1937 (Lisboa : Sociedade Nacional de Tipografia). p. 31</ref> In 2011, Avraham Milgram, [[Yad Vashem]] historian, said that modern anti-Semitism failed "to establish even a toehold in Portugal", while it grew virulently elsewhere in early 20th-century Europe.{{sfn|Milgram|2011|p=11}} On 12 June 1940, Salazar issued instructions to the Portuguese consulates in France to provide [[Infanta Marie Anne of Portugal]], Grand Duchess of Luxembourg and [[Infanta Maria Antónia of Portugal]], Duchess of Parma with Portuguese Passports. With these Portuguese Passports the entire entourage of the royal families could get visas without creating problems to the neutrality of the Portuguese Government. This way [[Zita of Bourbon-Parma]] and her son [[Otto von Habsburg]] got their visas because they were descendants of Portuguese citizens. Following the German annexation of Austria, Otto was sentenced to death by the Nazi regime.<ref>{{cite thesis |type=PhD |last=Madeira |first=Lina A. |date=2013 |title=O Mecanismo de (Des) Promoções do MNE: O Caso Paradigmático de Aristides de Sousa Mendes|page=458 |publisher=Coimbra University}} </ref> On 13 June, Salazar had to act fast again, this time to support the Belgian royal family. Salazar sent instructions to the Portuguese Consulate in Bayonne saying the "Portuguese territory is completely open" to the Belgian royal family and its entourage.<ref>{{cite thesis |type=PhD |last=Madeira |first=Lina A. |date=2013 |title=O Mecanismo de (Des)Promoções do MNE: O Caso Paradigmático de Aristides de Sousa Mendes|page=459 |publisher=Coimbra University}} </ref><ref>AHDMNE, Telegramas expedidos, Consulado de Portugal em Bayonne, Lisboa, t de Oliveira Salazar para Faria Machado, 13 June 1940.</ref> On 26 June 1940, four days after France's capitulation to Germany, Salazar authorised the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society ([[HIAS]]-HICEM) in Paris to transfer its main office to Lisbon. This authorization was done against the will of the British Embassy in Lisbon. The British feared that this would make the Portuguese people less sympathetic with the allied cause.{{sfn|Lochery|2011|pp=}}According to the Lisbon Jewish community, Salazar held [[Moisés Bensabat Amzalak]], the leader of the Lisbon Jewish community, in high esteem, and allowed Amzalak to play an important role in getting Salazar's permission for the transfer.<ref>{{cite web |url= http://www.cilisboa.org/sections/tikva_04/bu_4_35_hist.htm |title= Moses Bensabat Amzalak |last1= Levy |first1= Samuel |language= pt |publisher= Israeli Community in Lisbon |access-date= 6 August 2014 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20150923203440/http://www.cilisboa.org/sections/tikva_04/bu_4_35_hist.htm |archive-date= 23 September 2015 |url-status= dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last= [[Israel Goldstein|Goldstein]]| first=Israel |year=1984 |title=My World as a Jew: The Memoirs of Israel Goldstein|publisher= Associated University Presses |page=413 |isbn=978-0-8453-4780-5}}</ref> [[File:Gibraltar-Madeira.JPG|thumb|right|Memorial commemorating Gibraltarian evacuees on [[Madeira]]]] In July 1940, [[Evacuation of the Gibraltarian civilian population during World War II|the civilian population of Gibraltar was evacuated]] due to imminent attacks expected from Nazi Germany. At that time, Portuguese [[Madeira]] agreed to host about 2,500 Gibraltarian refugees, mostly women and children, who arrived at Funchal between 21 July and 13 August 1940 and remained there until the end of the war.<ref>{{cite news|last=Mascarenhas|first=Alice|title=Madeira Gold Medal of Merit for Louis|url=http://www.chronicle.gi/headlines_details.php?id=27444|access-date=17 April 2014|newspaper=Gibraltar Chronicle|date=9 January 2013|archive-date=19 April 2014|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140419044353/http://www.chronicle.gi/headlines_details.php?id=27444|url-status=live}}</ref> Portugal, particularly Lisbon, was one of the last European exit points to the US,{{efn|At the conclusion of the film ''[[Casablanca (film)|Casablanca]]'' (1942), Ingrid Bergman and her husband escape to Lisbon en route to the US in one of the most memorable film scenes. Star-crossed Humphrey Bogart and Ingrid Bergman part as he sends her off into the foggy night to join her husband on a flight from Casablanca. Bogart (Rick) sacrifices the life they might have had together to ensure her safety.}} and a large number of refugees found shelter in Portugal. The Portuguese consul general in Bordeaux, [[Aristides de Sousa Mendes]], helped several, and his actions were not unique by any means. Issuing visas in contravention of instructions was widespread at Portuguese consulates all over Europe,{{sfn|Milgram|2011|p=89}} although some cases were supported by Salazar. The Portuguese Ambassador in Budapest, [[Carlos Sampaio Garrido]], helped large numbers of Hungarian Jews who came to the Portuguese diplomatic mission in 1944 seeking Portuguese protection. On 28 April 1944, the Gestapo raided the ambassador's home and arrested his guests. The ambassador, who physically resisted the police, was also arrested, but managed to have his guests released on the grounds of [[extraterritoriality]] of diplomatic legations.{{sfn|Milgram|2011|p=264}} In 2010, Garrido was recognised as [[Righteous Among the Nations]] by Yad Vashem. [[File:Sampiano Garrido Bp13 Újpestirkp5.jpg|thumb|Commemorative plaque to Mr. Carlos Sampaio Garrido, Portugal's ambassador and Mr. Teixeira Branquinho, chargé d'affaires in mission to Budapest in 1944 who managed to rescue some thousands of Hungarian Jews from the Holocaust (Budapest, District XIII, Újpesti Quay Nr 5)]] Following the German occupation of Hungary, in response to a request from Britain and the United States who wanted neutral countries to downgrade their diplomatic presence in Hungary, Salazar recalled Garrido and left the chargé d'affaires, [[Carlos de Liz-Teixeira Branquinho]] in his place. Branquinho, in close coordination with Salazar, issued protective Passports to hundreds of Jewish families and risked his life renting houses and apartments to shelter and protect the refugees from deportation and murder. Branquinho saved an estimated 1,000 Hungarian Jews. Branquinho's case differs from that of Sousa Mendes in at least three respects. He was deliberately setting out to save Jews, he had the full backing of the authorities in Lisbon, and was in the heart of a Nazi regime, in 1944, when the [[Holocaust]] was at its peak, while Sousa Mendes was at Bordeaux in 1940. Branquinho's name has been engraved in the [[Raoul Wallenberg Holocaust Memorial Park|Raoul Wallenberg-memorial]] at the [[Dohány Street Synagogue]] in Budapest, but in Portugal he remains largely unknown.{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=126}} Branquinho was finally recalled to Lisbon on 30 October 1944.{{sfn|Pimentel|Ninhos|2013|pp=343–50}} [[Thomas Gerard Gallagher|Tom Gallagher]] argues that Branquinho's case has been largely overlooked, probably because he was coordinating his actions with Salazar, which weakens the core argument in the Sousa Mendes' legend that he was defying a tyrannical superior.{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=126}} Gallagher argues that the disproportionate attention given to Sousa Mendes suggests that wartime history is in danger of being used in contemporary Portugal as a political weapon.{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|p=126}} Tom Gallagher is not alone in classifying as disproportionate the attention given to Sousa Mendes' episode; the Portuguese historian Diogo Ramada Curto also thinks that "the myth of an Aristides who opposed Salazar and capable of acting individually, in isolation, is a late invention that rigorous historical analysis does not confirm."<ref>{{cite news |last1=Ramada Curto |first1=Diogo |title=O desconhecido Veiga Simões |url=https://expresso.pt/cultura/2017-11-05-O-desconhecido-Veiga-Simoes |access-date=4 April 2021 |work=Jornal Expresso |date=5 November 2017 |language=pt-PT |archive-date=11 April 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210411094515/https://expresso.pt/cultura/2017-11-05-O-desconhecido-Veiga-Simoes |url-status=live}}</ref> Other Portuguese who deserve credit for saving Jews during the war include Professor {{ill|Francisco de Paula Leite Pinto|pt}} and [[Moisés Bensabat Amzalak]]. A devoted Jew and a supporter of Salazar, Amzalak headed the Lisbon Jewish community for 52 years, from 1926 until 1978. In 1943, Amzalak and Leite Pinto, under Salazar's supervision, initiated a rescue mission. Francisco de Paula Leite Pinto, at that time the General Manager of the Beira Alta Railway, which operated the line from [[Figueira da Foz]] to the Spanish frontier, organized several trains that brought refugees from Berlin and other European cities to Portugal.{{sfn|Gallagher|2020|pp=124–25}} Amzalak was also able to persuade Salazar to instruct consuls in territories under Nazi occupation to validate all passports held by Jews, even though these documents were known to be far from "kosher".{{sfn|Goldstein|1984|p=68}} Large numbers of political dissidents, including [[Abwehr]] personnel, sought refuge in Portugal after the [[20 July plot|plot of 20 July 1944]] to assassinate Adolf Hitler. Until late 1942, immigration was very restricted. In cases in which refugees were suspected to desire not simply to pass through Portugal in transit to their destination, but rather intended to remain in the country, the consulates needed to get a previous authorization from Lisbon. This was frequently the case with foreigners of indefinite or contested nationality, stateless individuals, Russians, and Jews expelled from their countries of origin.<ref name="Spared Lives">Spared Lives, The Action of Three Portuguese Diplomats in World War II – Documentary e-book edited by the Raoul Wallenberg Foundation.</ref> The number of refugees who escaped through Portugal during the war has been estimated to range from a few hundred thousand to one million, large numbers considering the size of the country's population of about 6 million at that time.<ref>Neil Lochery estimates a high end number of one million.</ref> After the war, Portugal kept on welcoming and supporting refugees. In an operation organised by [[Caritas Portugal]] from 1947 to 1952, 5,500 Austrian children, most of them orphans, were transported by train from Vienna to Lisbon and then sent to the foster care of Portuguese families.<ref>{{cite news|last=Sobral|first=Claudia|year=2013|title=Depois da guerra, o paraíso era Portugal|trans-title=After the war the paradise was Portugal|url=http://www.publico.pt/sociedade/noticia/depois-da-guerra-o-paraiso-era-portugal-1581863#/0|language=pt|newspaper=Público|location=Portugal|access-date=19 April 2014|archive-date=14 November 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161114034522/https://www.publico.pt/sociedade/noticia/depois-da-guerra-o-paraiso-era-portugal-1581863#/0|url-status=live}}</ref> Among the many refugees accepted into Portugal for political and religious asylum, [[Miklós Horthy]], the war-time leader of Hungary, who had participated alongside the Germans, was granted asylum status. In 1950, the Horthy family managed to find a home in Portugal, thanks to [[Miklós Horthy Jr.|Miklós Jr.'s]] contacts with Portuguese diplomats in Switzerland. Horthy and members of his family were relocated to the seaside town of [[Estoril]], in the house address Rua Dom Afonso Henriques, 1937 2765.573 Estoril. ==== Maintaining the regime ==== In October 1945, Salazar announced a liberalisation program designed to restore civil rights that had been suppressed during the Spanish Civil War and World War II in hopes of improving the image of his regime in Western circles. The measures included parliamentary elections, general political amnesty, restoration of freedom of the press, curtailment of legal repression and a commitment to introduce the right of ''[[habeas corpus]]''. The opposition started to organise itself around a broad coalition, the [[Movement of Democratic Unity]] (MUD), which ranged from ultra-Catholics and fringe elements of the extreme right to the [[Portuguese Communist Party]]. Initially, the MUD was controlled by the moderate opposition, but soon became strongly influenced by the Communist Party, which controlled [[Juvenile MUD|its youth wing]]. In its leadership were several communists, among them [[Octávio Pato]], [[Salgado Zenha]], [[Mário Soares]] (later President), [[Júlio Pomar]] and [[Mário Sacramento]].<ref>Rosas, Fernando (dir.) (1995). ''Revista História'' (History Magazine) – Number 8 (New Series).</ref> This influence led the MUD to be outlawed by the government in 1948 after several waves of suppression. Restrictions on civil liberties that had been temporarily lifted were then gradually reinstated. As the [[Cold War]] started, Salazar's ''Estado Novo'' remained rigidly authoritarian. Salazar had been able to hold onto power by virtue of the public's recollection of the chaos that had characterised Portuguese life before 1926. However, by the 1950s, a new generation emerged that had no collective memory of this instability. The clearest sign of this came in the [[1958 Portuguese presidential election|Portuguese presidential election of 1958]]. Most neutral observers believed that the candidate of the democratic opposition, [[Humberto Delgado]], would have defeated the candidate of the Salazar regime, [[Américo Tomás]], had the election been conducted fairly. Delgado was well aware that the president's power to sack the prime minister was theoretically the only check on Salazar's power, and stated that if elected, his first policy would be to dismiss Salazar.<ref name=BBC>{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-31427521|title=Did Portugal's dictator Salazar order killing of rival?|author1=James Badcock|publisher=[[BBC News]]|date=13 February 2015}}</ref> Delgado was able to rally support from a wide range of opposition viewpoints. Among his supporters were some controversial figures, namely the press campaign manager [[Francisco Rolão Preto]], a former Nazi sympathiser and former leader of the Blue Shirts, arrested and exiled by the regime in the 1930s.<ref>{{cite book |last=[[António Costa Pinto|Costa Pinto]] |first=António |date=2000|title=The Blue Shirts – Portuguese Fascists and the New State|location= New York|publisher=Social Science Monographs, Boulder – Columbia University Press |isbn=978-0-88033-982-7}}</ref> Official figures credited Delgado with one-fourth of the votes, in total approximately a million{{snd}}well behind Tomás. Although the electoral system was so heavily rigged that Tomás could not possibly have been defeated, Salazar was alarmed by the episode. Leaving nothing to chance, he pushed through a constitutional amendment transferring election of the president to the two parliamentary bodies, which were both firmly under his control. Delgado was expelled from the Portuguese military and took refuge in the Brazilian embassy before going into exile. Much of his banishment was spent in Brazil and later in Algeria, as a guest of [[Ahmed Ben Bella]]. Later, in 1965, he was lured into an ambush by the ''PIDE'' (the regime's secret police) near the border town of [[Olivenza]] and killed, alongside his Brazilian secretary Arajaryr Moreira de Campos. An official statement claimed that Delgado was shot and killed in self-defence, despite Delgado being unarmed; de Campos' body bore marks of strangulation.{{sfn |Meneses|2009|pp=584–86}} === Electoral results === {| class="wikitable sortable" |- ! Party !Salazar's position !Year!! % won of total valid votes!! Votes (including invalid) !% turnout |- |[[National Union (Portugal)|União Nacional]] |Prime Minister |[[1934 Portuguese legislative election|1934]]||100 | 476,706 |80.2 |- | União Nacional |Prime Minister |[[1938 Portuguese legislative election|1938]]|| 100|| 694,290 |83.7 |- | União Nacional |Prime Minister |[[1942 Portuguese legislative election|1942]]|| 100|| 758,215 |86.6 |- |União Nacional |Prime Minister |[[1945 Portuguese legislative election|1945]] |100 |489,133 |53.8 |- |União Nacional |Prime Minister |[[1949 Portuguese legislative election|1949]] |100 |927,264 |75.8 |- |União Nacional |Prime Minister |[[1953 Portuguese legislative election|1953]] |100 |845,281 |68.2 |- |União Nacional |Prime Minister |[[1957 Portuguese legislative election|1957]] |100 |911,618 |70.4 |- |União Nacional |Prime Minister |[[1961 Portuguese legislative election|1961]] |100 |973,997 |74.0 |- |União Nacional |Prime Minister |[[1965 Portuguese legislative election|1965]] |100 |998,542 |73.6 |} === Colonial policies === During the last years of the monarchy and of the First Republic in Portugal, an attempt was made to obtain firmer control over the claimed [[Portuguese Empire|African possessions]]. One reason the government dragged itself into [[World War I]] was the defence of the African empire, considered a part of the national identity.{{cn|date=April 2024}} [[File:Portuguese colonial war blank map.svg|thumb|right|Portuguese colonies in Africa during the ''Estado Novo'' (1933–1974): [[Angola (Portugal)|Angola]] and [[Mozambique (Portugal)|Mozambique]] were by far the largest territories]] Salazar briefly served as minister of colonies before assuming the premiership, and in that capacity he prepared the Colonial Act of 1930,<ref>[http://dre.pt/pdfgratis/1930/07/15600.pdf Colonial Act, original text, in Portuguese, in ''Diário do Governo''] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140429080257/http://dre.pt/pdfgratis/1930/07/15600.pdf |date=29 April 2014}}.</ref> which centralised the administration of the colonies in his own system and proclaimed the need to bring indigenous peoples into western civilisation and the Portuguese nation. [[Assimilado|Assimilation]] was the main objective, except for the Atlantic colony of [[Portuguese Cape Verde|Cape Verde]] (which was seen as an extension of Portugal), the [[Portuguese India|Indian colonies]], and [[Portuguese Macau|Macau]] (which were seen as having their own forms of "civilization"). As it had been before Salazar's tenure in the office, a clear legal distinction continued to be made between indigenous peoples and other citizens – the latter mostly Europeans, some Creole elites, and a few black Africans. A special statute was given to native communities to accommodate their tribal traditions. In theory, it established a framework that would allow natives to be gradually assimilated into Portuguese culture and citizenship, while in reality the percentage of assimilated African population never reached one per cent.{{sfn|Kay|1970|pp=212–15}} In 1945, Portugal still had an extensive colonial empire that encompassed [[Portuguese Cape Verde]], [[Portuguese São Tomé and Príncipe]], [[Portuguese Angola]] (including [[Cabinda (province)|Cabinda]]), [[Portuguese Guinea]], and [[Portuguese Mozambique]] in Africa; [[Portuguese India]] in South Asia; and [[Portuguese Macau]] and [[Portuguese Timor]] in the Far East. Salazar wanted Portugal to be relevant internationally, and the country's overseas colonies made that possible.{{cn|date=April 2024}} In 1947, Captain [[Henrique Galvão]], a Portuguese parliamentarian, submitted a report disclosing the situation of forced labor and precarious health services in the Portuguese colonies of Africa. The natives, it said, were simply regarded as beasts of burden. Galvão's courageous report eventually led to his downfall, and in 1952, he was arrested for subversive activities.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=215}} Although the ''Estatuto do Indigenato'' ('Indigenous Statute') set standards for [[Indigenous peoples|indigenes]] to obtain Portuguese citizenship until it was abolished in 1961, the conditions of the native populations of the colonies were still harsh, and they suffered inferior legal status under its policies.<ref name="GuedesLopes2007">{{cite book|author1=Armando Marques Guedes|author2=María José Lopes|author3=Stephen Ellis|title=State and Traditional Law in Angola and Mozambique|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0cYkAQAAIAAJ|year=2007|publisher=Almedina|page=60|isbn=9789724030517|access-date=27 September 2016|archive-date=19 December 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201219015803/https://books.google.com/books?id=0cYkAQAAIAAJ|url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="Cook2001">{{cite book|author=Bernard A. Cook|title=Europe Since 1945: An Encyclopedia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hafLHZgZtt4C&pg=PA1033|year=2001|publisher=Taylor & Francis|isbn=978-0-8153-4058-4|pages=1033–34|access-date=27 September 2016|archive-date=19 December 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201219015726/https://books.google.com/books?id=hafLHZgZtt4C&pg=PA1033|url-status=live}}</ref> Under the Colonial Act, African Natives could be forced to work. By requiring all African men to pay a tax in Portuguese currency, the government created a situation in which a large percentage of men in any given year could only earn the specie needed to pay the tax by going to work for a colonial employer. In practice, this enabled settlers to use forced labor on a massive scale, frequently leading to horrific abuses.{{sfn|Kay|1970|pp=212–15}} Following the Second World War, unlike the other European colonial powers, Salazar attempted to resist this tide of decolonization and maintain the integrity of the empire.{{cn|date=April 2024}} In order to justify Portugal's colonial policies and Portugal's alleged [[civilising mission]], Salazar ended up adopting [[Gilberto Freyre]]'s theories of [[Lusotropicalism]], which maintained that the Portuguese had a special talent for adapting to environments, cultures, and the peoples who lived in the tropics in order to build harmonious multiracial societies. Such a view has long been criticised, notably by [[C. R. Boxer|Charles R. Boxer]], a prominent historian of colonial empires.{{sfn|Meneses|2009|pp=358–59}}{{efn| For a critical look at the theory of lusotropicalism see for instance "Angola under the Portuguese: The Myth and the Reality" by Gerald J. Bender where Bender, a Professor in the School of International Relations at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles and a former member of the Board of Directors of the African Studies Association (U.S.A.) from 1979 to 1987, demolishes the theory of lusotropicalism}} Most of Salazar's political opponents (with the exception of the Portuguese Communist Party) also strongly favoured colonialist policies. This was the case with {{ill|João Lopes Soares|pt}} (father of [[Mário Soares]]), who had been minister of colonies, [[José Norton de Matos|General Norton de Matos]], the leader of the opposition supported by [[Mário Soares]]{{efn|Norton de Matos, who had been governor-general of Angola during the First Republic, published a book in 1953 titled ''África Nossa'' (Our Africa) wherein he defended colonialist policies far more aggressive than those of Salazar and supported the idea of massive territorial occupation by Portuguese white settlers.<ref>{{cite book|last=[[José Norton de Matos|Norton de Matos]]|first=José|date=1953|title=África Nossa: O que Queremos e o que não Queremos nas Nossas Terras de África|language=pt|location=Oporto|publisher=Marânus|asin=B004PVOVDW}}</ref>}} and [[António Sérgio]], a prominent Salazar opponent. Salazar's reluctance to travel abroad, his increasing determination not to grant independence to the [[Portuguese empire|colonies]], and his refusal to grasp the impossibility of his regime outliving him marked the final years of his tenure. "Proudly alone" was the motto of his final decade. For the Portuguese ruling regime, the overseas empire was a matter of national identity.{{citation needed|date=March 2021}} [[File:MatasdorioOnzo.jpg|thumb|right|250px|Portuguese soldiers on patrol in Angola]] In the 1960s, armed revolutionary movements and scattered guerrilla activity reached Mozambique, Angola, and Portuguese Guinea. Except in Portuguese Guinea, the Portuguese army and naval forces were able to suppress most of these insurgencies effectively through a well-planned counter-insurgency campaign using light infantry, militia, and special operations forces. However, despite the early military successes, Colonel [[Francisco da Costa Gomes]] quickly pointed out that there could be no permanent military solution for Portugal's colonial problem. In 1961, General [[Júlio Botelho Moniz]], after being nominated Minister of Defense, tried to convince President [[Américo Tomás]] in a constitutional "coup d'état" to remove an aged Salazar from the premiership. Botelho Moniz ended up being removed from his government position. His political ally [[Francisco da Costa Gomes]] was nonetheless allowed to publish a letter in the newspaper ''[[Diário Popular]]'' reiterating his view that a military solution in Africa was unlikely.{{cn|date=April 2024}} In the 1960s, most of the world ostracised the Portuguese government because of its colonial policy, especially the newly independent African nations. Domestically, factions within Portugal's elite, including business, military, intellectuals and the church started to challenge Salazar and his policies. Later, despite tentative overtures towards an opening of the regime, Marcelo Caetano balked at ending the colonial war, notwithstanding the condemnation of most of the international community. The [[Carnation Revolution]] brought retreat from the colonies and acceptance of their independence, the subsequent power vacuum leading to the inception of newly independent communist states in 1975, notably the [[People's Republic of Angola]] and the [[People's Republic of Mozambique]], which promptly began to expel all of their white Portuguese citizens.<ref>{{cite news |url= http://www.economist.com/world/mideast-africa/displayStory.cfm?story_id=12079340 |title= Flight from Angola |newspaper= The Economist |location= London |date= 16 August 1975 |access-date= 26 June 2010 |archive-date= 23 July 2013 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20130723131954/http://www.economist.com/node/12079340?story_id=12079340 |url-status= live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |url= http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,913229-1,00.html |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20090113204408/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,913229-1,00.html |url-status= dead |archive-date= 13 January 2009 |title= Dismantling the Portuguese Empire |newspaper=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |location =New York |date=7 July 1975}}</ref> As a result, over a million Portuguese became destitute [[refugee]]s&nbsp;– the ''[[White African#Portuguese in Africa|retornados]]''. ==== Goa dispute ==== {{further|Indian annexation of Goa}} Of the colonies remaining to Portugal at the end of World War II, [[Goa]] was the first to be "lost", in 1961. A brief conflict drew a mixture of worldwide praise and condemnation for Portugal.{{cn|date=April 2024}} In India, the action was seen as a liberation of territory historically Indian by reason of its geographical position, while Portugal viewed it as an aggression against its national soil and its own citizens. After India gained [[Independence of India|independence]] on 15 August 1947, the British and French vacated their colonial possessions in the new country. Subsequently, Prime Minister [[Jawaharlal Nehru]] initiated proceedings to find a diplomatic solution to the Goa problem. The Portuguese had been in Goa since 1510, while an independent India had only just been established. Nehru argued that the Goans were Indians by every standard and that Goa was a colony ruthlessly administered by a racist and fascist colonial regime, "just a pimple on the face of India", in his famous phrase. Salazar maintained that in spite of Goa's location and the nature of Portugal's political system, it was a province of Portugal as integral to his nation as the [[Algarve]]. Salazar further asserted that Goans nowhere considered or called themselves Indians, but rather deemed themselves to be Portuguese of Goa and that Goans were represented in the Portuguese legislature; indeed, some had risen to the highest levels of government and the administration of Portuguese universities. The Goans had Portuguese citizenship with full rights, thus access to all governmental posts and the ability to earn their living in any part of the Portuguese territories.{{cn|date=April 2024}} Throughout the debate between Salazar and Nehru, many Goans seem to have been apathetic regarding either position,<ref>{{cite journal |last=Bravo |first=Philip |year=1998 |title=The Case of Goa: History, Rhetoric and Nationalism |url=http://ejournals.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/pi/article/view/1400/945 |journal=Past Imperfect |volume=7 |access-date=2 June 2014 |archive-date=25 August 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160825193955/http://ejournals.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/pi/article/view/1400/945 |url-status=live}}</ref> and there were no signs in Goa of discontentment with the Portuguese regime.{{sfn|Kay| 1970|p=305}} Reports from ''Times'' correspondents suggested that not only were the residents of Goa unexcited by the prospect of Indian sovereignty, but that even the diaspora was less energised than the Indian government was prone to suggest.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=305}} Contrary to what these politically motivated sources suggest, Goa did have a vigorous and well-established anti-colonial movement led by prominent figures such as [[Tristão de Bragança Cunha]] with ties to the Indian National Congress<ref>Raut-Desai, A. A. (2003). ''Voices in the Liberation Struggle: The Case of Goa (1947–61)'' (Doctoral dissertation, Goa University).</ref><ref>Kakodkar, A. A. (1986). ''Role of women in Goan freedom struggle''. Goa University.</ref> With an Indian military operation imminent, Salazar ordered Governor General [[Manuel António Vassalo e Silva|Manuel Vassalo e Silva]] to fight to the last man and adopt a [[scorched earth policy]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.goacom.com/culture/history/church.html |title=A Summary of the Early History of Goa |publisher=GOACOM |date=4 April 1916 |access-date=4 September 2013 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120402200720/http://www.goacom.com/culture/history/church.html |archive-date=2 April 2012}}</ref> Eventually, India launched [[Operation Vijay (1961)|Operation Vijay]] in December 1961 to evict Portugal from [[Goa]], [[Daman and Diu]]. 31 Portuguese soldiers were killed in action, and the Portuguese Navy frigate [[NRP Afonso de Albuquerque|NRP ''Alfonso de Albuquerque'']] was destroyed, before General Vassalo e Silva surrendered. Salazar forced the general into exile for disobeying his order to fight to the last man and surrendering to the [[Indian Army]]. Support and opposition to India's action was on expected lines. Statements of support came from the Arab states, newly independent Ceylon and Indonesia, Yugoslavia, and the Soviet Union and Soviet bloc countries. Statements deploring India's resort to force in Goa, Daman, and Diu were primarily made by countries with overseas colonies, including the United Kingdom, France, the Netherlands, Spain, and some other Western countries notably the United States, Canada and Australia, apart from regional rivals China and Pakistan.<ref>{{cite web|url= http://www.stanford.edu/group/tomzgroup/pmwiki/uploads/1074-1962-03-KS-b-RCW.pdf|title= India, Portugal, Indian|page= 18659|publisher= Keesing's Record of World Events|date= March 1962|access-date= 2 June 2014|archive-date= 2 February 2022|archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20220202222042/https://web.stanford.edu/group/tomzgroup/pmwiki/uploads/1074-1962-03-KS-b-RCW.pdf|url-status= live}}</ref> ==== Aid to Rhodesia ==== {{further|Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence}} Salazar was a close friend of [[Rhodesia]]n Prime Minister [[Ian Smith]]. After Rhodesia proclaimed its [[Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence|Unilateral Declaration of Independence]] from Britain in 1965, Portugal supported it economically and militarily through neighbouring [[Mozambique (Portugal)|Portuguese Mozambique]] until 1975, even though it never officially recognised the new Rhodesian state, which was governed by a white minority elite. In 1975, the [[Mozambican Liberation Front]] took over the rule of Mozambique following negotiations with the new Portuguese regime installed by the Carnation Revolution. Ian Smith later wrote in his biography ''[[The Great Betrayal: The Memoirs of Ian Douglas Smith|The Great Betrayal]]'' that had Salazar lasted longer than he did, the Rhodesian government would have survived to the present day, ruled by a black majority government under the name of [[Zimbabwe Rhodesia]].{{citation needed|date=March 2021}} === International relations after World War II === [[File:Truman signing North Atlantic Treaty.jpg|thumb|[[President Truman]] signing the [[North Atlantic Treaty]] with Portuguese Ambassador [[Pedro Teotónio Pereira|Teotónio Pereira]] standing behind]] Despite the authoritarian character of the regime, Portugal did not experience the same levels of international isolation as Spain did following World War II. Unlike Spain, Portugal under Salazar was accepted into the [[Marshall Plan]] (1947–1948) in return for the aid it gave to the Allies during the final stages of the war. Furthermore, also unlike Spain, it was one of the 12 founding members of the [[North Atlantic Treaty Organization]] (NATO) in 1949, a reflection of Portugal's role as an ally against communism during the Cold War in spite of its status as the only non-democratic founder. In 1950, Portugal joined the [[European Payments Union]] and participated in the founding of the [[European Free Trade Association]] (EFTA) in 1960 and the [[Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development]] in 1961. It joined the [[General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade]] in 1962, and finally, Portugal signed a free trade agreement with the [[European Economic Community]] in 1972, still under the auspices of the ''Estado Novo''.<ref>Nicolau Andresen, "The Salazar Regime and European Integration, 1947–1972", ''European Review of History'' (2007) 14#2 pp. 195–214.</ref> === Education and literacy rates === Although the militants of the First Republic had chosen education as one of their banner causes, the evidence shows that First Republic was less successful than the authoritarian ''Estado Novo'' in expanding elementary education.<ref>Jaime Reis & Nuno Palma, 2018. "Can Autocracy Promote Literacy? Evidence from a Cultural Alignment Success Story", Economics Discussion Paper Series 1805, Economics, The University of Manchester, revised May 2021.[https://ideas.repec.org/p/man/sespap/1805.html] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210604140106/https://ideas.repec.org/p/man/sespap/1805.html|date=4 June 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last1=Palma |first1=Nuno |last2=Reis |first2=Jaime |title=A tale of two regimes: Educational Achievement and Institutions in Portugal, 1910–1950 |url=https://editorialexpress.com/cgi-bin/conference/download.cgi?db_name=EEAMannheim2015&paper_id=1929 |website=CEPR Centre for Economic Policy Research |page=4 |date=2018 |access-date=16 June 2020 |archive-date=16 June 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200616155212/https://editorialexpress.com/cgi-bin/conference/download.cgi?db_name=EEAMannheim2015&paper_id=1929 |url-status=live}}</ref> Under the First Republic, literacy levels in children aged 7 to 14 registered a modest increase from 26% in 1911 to 33% in 1930. Under the ''Estado Novo'', literacy levels in children of the same age group increased to 56% in 1940, 77% in 1950 and 97% in 1960.<ref name="Candeias 1999 163–194">{{cite journal|last=Candeias|first=António|author2=Simoes, Eduarda|title=Alfabetização e escola em Portugal no século XX: Censos Nacionais e estudos de caso.|journal=Análise Psicológica|year=1999|volume=17|issue=1|pages=163–94|url=http://www.scielo.gpeari.mctes.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0870-82311999000100017&lng=pt&nrm=iso|access-date=10 May 2014|language=pt|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140512225829/http://www.scielo.gpeari.mctes.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0870-82311999000100017&lng=pt&nrm=iso|archive-date=12 May 2014|url-status=dead}}</ref> [[File:Elementos da escola salazarista.JPG|thumb|left|220px|Required elements of primary schools during the ''Estado Novo'': a crucifix and portraits of Salazar and Américo Tomás]] Under Salazar the number of elementary schools grew from 7,000 in 1927 to 10,000 in 1940. While the illiteracy rate under the twenty years of the First Republic had only dropped a modest 9%, under Salazar in twenty years, the illiteracy rate dropped 21%, from 61.8% in 1930 to 40.4% in 1950. In 1940, the regime celebrated the fact that for the first time in Portuguese History, the majority of the population could read and write.{{sfn|Ramos|2010|p=641}} In 1952 a vast multi-pronged "Plan for Popular Education" was launched with the intent of finally extirpating illiteracy and putting into school every child of school age. This plan included fines for parents who did not comply, and these were strictly enforced. By the late 1950s, Portugal had succeeded in pulling itself out of the educational abyss in which it had long found itself: illiteracy among children of school age virtually disappeared.<ref name="Candeias 1999 163–194" /><ref>Candeias, António (2004). Alfabetização e Escola em Portugal nos SÈculos XIX e XX. Os Censos e as Estatísticas (Lisboa, Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian).</ref> {| class="wikitable sortable" |- |Literacy Rate !1900 !1911 !1920 !1930 !1940 !1950 !1960 |- |Children aged 7–14 |20% |26% |31% |33% |56% |77% |97% |- |} In the 1960s, Portugal founded universities in the overseas provinces of Angola and Mozambique (the [[Agostinho Neto University|University of Luanda]] and the [[University of Lourenço Marques]]). In 1971, it recognised the [[Portuguese Catholic University]], and by 1973 founded several state-run universities across [[mainland Portugal]] (the [[Minho University]], the [[New University of Lisbon]], the [[University of Évora]], and the [[University of Aveiro]]). In addition, the long-established universities of Lisbon and Coimbra were greatly expanded and modernised. New buildings and campuses were constructed, such as the ''Cidade Universitária'' (Lisbon) and the ''Alta Universitária'' (Coimbra). The last two decades of the Estado Novo, from the 1960s to the 1974 Carnation Revolution were marked by strong investment in [[Education in Portugal|secondary and university education]], which experienced one of the fastest growth rates of Portuguese education in history. === Economic policies === [[File:Slazar 1939.jpg|thumb|upright|Salazar, aged 50, in 1939]] After the politically unstable and financially chaotic years of the [[Portuguese First Republic]], financial stability was Salazar's highest priority. His first incursions into Portuguese politics as a member of the cabinet were during the ''[[Ditadura Nacional]]'', when Portugal's public finances were in a critical state, with an imminent threat of default since at least the 1890s.{{sfn|Derrick|1938| p=39}} After Salazar became prime minister, he levied numerous taxes to balance the Portuguese budget and pay external debts. Salazar's first years were marked by the [[Great Depression]] and the Second World War. The first era of his rule was thus an economic program based on the policies of [[autarky]] and [[economic interventionism|interventionism]], which were popular in the 1930s as a response to the Great Depression.<ref name="mattoso94">{{cite book |last1=Mattoso |first1= José|last2= Rosas |first2= Fernando |year=1994 |title= História de Portugal: o Estado Novo|language= pt|volume=VII |location=Lisbon |publisher=Estampa|page= 251 |isbn=978-9723310863}}</ref> Under Salazar, the Portuguese budget went from insolvency to showing a substantial surplus every year from 1928. Portugal's credit worthiness rose in foreign markets and the external floating debt was completely paid. However, Portugal remained largely underdeveloped, its population relatively poor and with low education attainment when compared to the rest of Europe.<ref name="mattoso94" /> Conservative Portuguese scholars such as [[Jaime Nogueira Pinto]]<ref name="GrandesPortugueses">{{in lang|pt}} {{YouTube|XLZ-IEi7poE|Os Grandes Portugueses: Prof. Dr. António de Oliveira Salazar, in RTP}}, [[Jaime Nogueira Pinto]] in [[The Greatest Portuguese]].</ref> and [[Rui Ramos (historian)|Rui Ramos]]<ref name="ionline.pt">[http://www.ionline.pt/conteudo/31720-historia-portugal-luta-faccoes-os-salazaristas História de Portugal. A luta de facções entre os salazaristas] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303170337/http://www.ionline.pt/conteudo/31720-historia-portugal-luta-faccoes-os-salazaristas |date=3 March 2016 }} 'Até os americanos já o tinham abandonado, temendo "recriar o caos que existia em Portugal antes de Salazar tomar o poder".', from História de Portugal (2009), Rui Ramos, Bernardo de Vasconcelos e Sousa, and Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro, Esfera dos Livros, cited in ''ionline.pt''.</ref> claim that Salazar's early reforms and policies allowed political and financial stability, therefore [[social order]] and economic growth. On the other hand, historians such as the leftist politician [[Fernando Rosas]] claim that Salazar's policies from the 1930s to the 1950s led to economic and social stagnation and rampant emigration that turned Portugal into one of the poorest countries in Europe. [[File:Foto 3 Visita Salazar obras Ponte Coimbra015.jpg|thumb|left|Salazar (fourth from the left) observing [[Edgar Cardoso (engineer)|Edgar Cardoso]]'s model of the new Santa Clara bridge in [[Coimbra]].]] Throughout the 1950s, Salazar maintained the same [[import substitution]] approach to economic policy that had ensured Portugal's neutral status during World War II. From 1950 until Salazar's death, Portugal saw its GDP per capita increase at an annual average rate of 3.7%. The rise of new technocrats in the early 1960s with a background in economics and technical-industrial expertise led to a new period of economic fostering, with Portugal as an attractive country for international investment. Industrial development and economic growth would continue throughout the 1960s. During Salazar's tenure, Portugal participated in the founding of the [[European Free Trade Association]] (EFTA) in 1960 and the [[Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development]] (OECD) in 1961. In the early 1960s, Portugal also added its membership in the [[General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade]] (GATT), the [[International Monetary Fund]] (IMF), and the [[World Bank]]. This marked the initiation of Salazar's more outward-looking economic policy. Portuguese foreign trade increased by 52% in exports and 40% in imports. The economic growth and levels of capital formation from 1960 to 1973 were characterised by an unparalleled robust annual growth rates of GDP (6.9%), industrial production (9%), private consumption (6.5%) and gross fixed capital formation (7.8%).<ref name="Estampa">{{cite book |last1=Mattoso |first1= José |last2=Rosas |first2=Fernando |year=1994 |title=História de Portugal: o Estado Novo |language=pt |volume=VII |location=Lisbon |publisher=Estampa |page=474 |isbn=978-9723310863}}</ref> Despite the effects of an expensive war effort in African territories against guerrilla groups, Portuguese economic growth from 1960 to 1973 under the ''Estado Novo'' created an opportunity for real integration with the developed economies of Western Europe. In 1960, after nearly 30 years of Salazar's rule, Portugal's per capita GDP was only 38% of the European Community (EC-12) average; by the end of Salazar's rule in 1968, it had risen to 48%; and in 1973, under the leadership of [[Marcelo Caetano]], Portugal's per capita GDP had reached 56.4% of the EC-12 average.<ref>Eric Solsten, ed. [http://countrystudies.us/portugal/64.htm "Portugal: A Country Study – Economic Growth and Change"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110926193125/http://countrystudies.us/portugal/64.htm |date=26 September 2011}}. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1993.</ref> === Religious policies === For forty years, Portugal was governed by a man that had been educated at a seminary, had received [[minor orders]], and had considered becoming a [[priest]].{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=11}} Before accepting the office of minister of finance, Salazar had been associated with several Catholic movements and had developed a very close friendship with [[Manuel Gonçalves Cerejeira]], who in 1929 would become [[Patriarchate of Lisbon|Cardinal-Patriarch]] of Lisbon. During their university years at Coimbra they shared a house and expenses, in an old convent known as "Os Grilos" and were cared for by a young maid, Maria de Jesus, who later followed Salazar to Lisbon.{{sfn|Meneses|2009|p=19, 58}}{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=24}} In July 1929, with Salazar acting as minister of finance, the government revoked a law that had facilitated the organisation of religious processions. Salazar presented his written resignation to the prime minister saying, "Your Excellency knows that I never asked for anything that might improve the legal status of Catholics". He carefully avoided adding more problems to an already troubled nation, but he could not accept the "violation of rights already conceded by law or by former government to Catholics or the Church in Portugal".{{sfn|Meneses|2009|p=64}} [[File:Cristo Rei (vista lateral).jpg|thumb|right|200px|Lateral view of [[Christ the King (Almada)|Christ the King]], [[Almada]]]] Despite his identification with the Catholic lobby before coming to power and the fact that he supposedly{{sfn|Kay|1970|pp=3–4, 10, 22–24, 33, 65–66}} based his political philosophy around a close interpretation of the Catholic social doctrine, he did not implement any direct change to strengthen the presence of Catholicism in Portugal in the initial phase of his rule. He wanted to avoid the divisiveness of the First Republic, and he knew that a significant part of the political elite was still anti-clerical. Church and State remained apart.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=359}} No attempt was made to establish a theocratic policy. The Church's lost property was never restored.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=359}} In 1932, Salazar declared the [[Portuguese Catholic Centre]] to be unnecessary, since all political parties were to be suppressed, and he "invited" its members to join his own political organization, the [[National Union (Portugal)|National Union]]. The role of the Church should be social and not political, he argued. In reaction, Cardinal-Patriarch Cerejeira founded ''{{ill|Ação Católica Portuguesa|pt}}'' in 1933 and continued to agitate for political power until 1934, when [[Pope Pius XI]] told Cerejeira that he should focus on social, not political, issues. In the [[Portuguese Constitution of 1933]], Article 45 provided for freedom of public and private worship for all religions, together with the right to establish Church organizations and associations "in accordance with the norms of law and order".{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=359}} Salazar allegedly based his political theory on the doctrines of the popes and throughout the 1930s achieved great prestige in the Catholic world. In 1936, the episcopate expressed its full support for the regime in a Carta Pastoral, reaffirmed the following year by the head of the Portuguese Catholic Church. [[Pope Pius XII]] said of him: "I bless him with all my heart, and I cherish the most ardent desire that he be able to complete successfully his work of national restoration, both spiritual and material".<ref>{{Cite book |last=Michel de la Sainte Trinite |title=The Whole Truth About Fatima |publisher=Immaculate Heart Publications |year=1984 |volume=II |pages=412}}</ref> In 1938, [[Fordham University]], a university founded by the [[Catholic Diocese of New York]], granted Salazar the Honorary Doctorate of Law. Salazar wanted to reinstate the Church to its proper place, but also wanted the Church to know its place and keep it. He made it clear when he declared, "The State will abstain from dealing in politics with the Church and feels sure that the Church will refrain from any political action." And he added: "It must be so, because politicaI activity corrupts the Church."{{sfn|Egerton|1943|p=301}}{{sfn|Kay|1970|pp=359–60}} In May 1940, a [[Concordat of 1940|Concordat between the Portuguese state and the Vatican]] was signed.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.concordatwatch.eu/topic-38751.834 |title=Full text Salazar's concordat (1940) available online in this link |access-date=2 May 2015 |archive-date=30 December 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201230203024/http://www.concordatwatch.eu/topic-38751.834 |url-status=live}}</ref> There were difficulties in the negotiations that preceded its signing; the Church remained eager to re-establish its influence, whereas Salazar was equally determined to prevent any religious intervention within the political sphere, which he saw as the exclusive preserve of the State. The legislation of the parliamentary republic was not fundamentally altered: religious teaching in schools remained voluntary, while civil marriages and civil divorce were retained and religious oaths were not re-established. The Bishops were to be appointed by the Holy See, but final nomination required the government's approval. The clergy were subject to military service, but in the form of pastoral care to the armed forces and, in time of war, also to the medical units.{{sfn|Egerton|1943|p=301}} The Church could establish and maintain private schools, but they would be subject to state supervision. The Catholic religion and morality were to be taught in public schools unless parents had requested the contrary.{{sfn|Egerton|1943|p=301}} Catholics who celebrated canonical marriages were not allowed to obtain a civil divorce. The law stated that "It is understood that by the very fact of the celebration of a canonical marriage, the spouses renounce the legal right to ask for a divorce." Despite this prohibition, nearly 91% of all marriages in the country were canonical marriages by 1961.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Casamentos não católicos entre pessoas do sexo oposto (%) |url=https://www.pordata.pt/Portugal/Casamentos+n%C3%A3o+cat%C3%B3licos+entre+pessoas+do+sexo+oposto+(percentagem)-420 |access-date=2024-06-16 |website=www.pordata.pt}}</ref>{{efn| Salazar's concordat outlived him and outlived the ''Estado Novo'' by 30 years; a new one was signed by Prime Minister [[José Manuel Barroso]] in 2004. Salazar's text was slightly amended in 1975 in order to allow civil divorce in Catholic marriages, while keeping all the other articles in force. (Additional Protocol to the 1940 Concordat, Decreto n.º 187/75, Signed by President [[Francisco da Costa Gomes]])}} Pinto and Rezola argue that a key strategy Salazar used to stabilise his regime was to come to terms with the Catholic Church through the Concordat. Anti-clericalism would be discouraged and the Church would have an honored and central position in Portuguese life. The Church agreed to stay out of politics, but it did operate numerous social groups for adults and youth. The Church role became a major pillar of the New State's "limited pluralism".<ref>António Costa and Maria Inácia Rezola, "Political Catholicism, Crisis of Democracy and Salazar's New State in Portugal", ''Totalitarian Movements & Political Religions'' (2007) 8#2 pp. 353–68.</ref><ref>Tom Gallagher, "Portugal", in Tom Buchanan and Martin Conway, eds, ''Political Catholicism in Europe, 1918–1965'' (Oxford University Press, 1996).</ref> [[File:Lisbon monument 1.jpg|thumb|200px|left|The entrance profile of the [[Monument to the Discoveries]] in Lisbon, displaying the cross of [[Order of Aviz|Aviz]] as a stylised sword, symbolising the growth of the empire and faith]] Despite this landmark agreement, Church-state relations and inter-Church relations in Portugal were not without some tensions through the 1940s. Some prominent oppositionist priests, such as {{ill|Abel Varzim|pt}} and {{ill|Joaquim Alves Correia|pt}}, openly supported the [[Movement of Democratic Unity|MUD]] in 1945 and the granting of more social rights to the workers. Abel Varzim, who had been a supporter of the regime, attacked Salazar and his claims of the Catholicism of the corporatist state, arguing that the regime was not true to Catholic social teaching as the people suffered in poverty. Varzim's newspaper, ''O Trabalhador'' (''The Worker''), was closed in 1948.{{sfn|Meneses|2009|p=327}} In his personal diary he wrote: "o estado-salazar é quem manda na igreja" ("In Portugal the Salazar–State rules the church"). Joaquim Alves Correia was forced into exile in the United States, where he died in 1951. The opposition candidate in the 1958 presidential election, [[Humberto Delgado]], a Roman Catholic and a dissident of the regime, quoted [[Pope Pius XII]] to show how the social policies of the regime were against the social teachings of the Church. That same year, in July 1958, Salazar suffered a severe blow from the bishop of Porto, Dom [[António Ferreira Gomes]], who wrote a critical letter to the Council President criticizing the restrictions on human rights and denouncing the harshness of Portugal's poverty. It was time, he said, for the Church to come out of the catacombs and speak its mind.{{sfn|Kay|1970|pp=359–60}} Salazar was furious. The bishop was not formally exiled, but he decided to leave the country, and it appears that Lisbon made it clear to Rome that the bishop's presence in Portugal would not be appropriate.{{sfn|Kay|1970|pp=359–60}} After the [[Second Vatican Council]], a large number of Catholics became active in the democratic opposition.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=362}} The outbreak of the colonial wars in Angola, Guinea and Mozambique – in March 1961, January 1963 and September 1964 respectively – exacerbated the divisions within the Catholic sector along progressive and traditionalist lines. The pope's decision to travel to Bombay in December 1964 to take part in the Eucharistic Congress represented for the Portuguese head of government – who saw in India little more than the illegal occupier of Goa since December 1961 – no less than a direct affront to the nation as a whole. On 21 October 1964, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, {{ill|Alberto Franco Nogueira|pt}}, officially defined the visit as an ''agravo gratuito''. Directly linked with the pope's visit to India, a second event of significant importance preceded the pope's visit to Portugal: the attribution of the [[Golden Rose]] to the [[Fátima, Portugal|Fátima]] sanctuary on 13 May 1965. [[Paul VI]] officially announced his intention to take part in the Fiftieth Anniversary celebrations of the first reported Fátima apparition – also the twenty-fifth of the consecration of the world to the Immaculate Heart of Mary by Pius XII – during his General Audience of 3 May 1967. From the very start, he made every effort to remove any political significance from his visit. It was effectively limited to a single day in Fátima, not Lisbon, and the pope made use of [[Monte Real Air Base]] instead of Lisbon airport, which would have given a far more official nature to the pilgrimage. Religions other than the Catholic faith had little or no expression in Portugal. Throughout the period of Salazar's ''Estado Novo'' there was no question of discrimination against the Jewish and Protestant minorities, and the ecumenical movement flourished.{{sfn|Kay|1970|p=362}} == Downfall == === Health breakdown and removal === [[File:Dr. Oliveira Salazar , ex-premier Portugal, 80 jaar. Studenten brengen dronk uit, Bestanddeelnr 922-3734.jpg|thumb|right|An aged Salazar and a group of academic students three months after being discharged from the hospital in 1969<ref>{{cite web |title=Fevereiro de 1969 – O presidente Salazar, há alguns meses enfermo, tem alta da Casa de Saúde da Cruz Vermelha |url=https://oliveirasalazar.org/imagem.asp?id=6074 |publisher=oliveirasalazar.org |access-date=21 January 2021 |archive-date=28 January 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210128062858/https://oliveirasalazar.org/imagem.asp?id=6074 |url-status=live}}</ref>]] In August 1968, Salazar suffered a [[cerebral hemorrhage]] on his right hemisphere.<ref>{{cite web |title=O fim de Salazar |url=https://ensina.rtp.pt/artigo/o-fim-de-salazar/ |publisher=[[Rádio e Televisão de Portugal|RTP]] |access-date=21 January 2021 |archive-date=29 January 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210129081241/https://ensina.rtp.pt/artigo/o-fim-de-salazar/ |url-status=live}}</ref> Most sources maintain that it was caused by a fall from a chair on 3 August in his summer house in the [[Fort of Saint Anthony of Barra]]. In February 2009, there were anonymous witnesses who admitted, after some investigation into Salazar's best-kept secrets, that he had fallen in a bath instead of from a chair.<ref name="dn.sapo.pt">[https://web.archive.org/web/20181206192616/https://www.dn.pt/arquivo/2009/interior/salazar-da-sic-caiu-na-banheira-e-nao-da-cadeira-1149435.html 'Salazar fell in a bathtub, not from a chair' (Portuguese)].</ref> After the incident, Salazar's life went on normally. Sixteen days later, Salazar admitted he felt sick and he was admitted to [[Hospital de São José]] two days later. On 16 September, he went into a coma.<ref name="NYTimes">{{cite web |title=Salazar Now Out of Coma; Was Unconscious a Month |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1968/10/19/archives/salazar-now-out-of-coma-was-unconscious-a-month.html|work=The New York Times|date=19 October 1968 |access-date=10 February 2011}}</ref> With Salazar incapacitated, President [[Américo Tomás]] considered that the 79-year-old prime minister would die soon; on 25 September, he dismissed Salazar and replaced him with [[Marcelo Caetano]].{{sfn|Meneses|2009|pp=608–09}} === Death and funeral === [[File:Original Salazar gravestone.jpg|thumb|left|Oliveira Salazar's tomb in [[Santa Comba Dão|Vimieiro]]]] Salazar lived for a further 23 months. After he emerged from over one month of coma<ref name="NYTimes"/> and unexpectedly recovered lucidity, his intimates did not tell him he had been removed from power, instead allowing him to "rule" in privacy until his death on 27 July 1970.{{sfn |Meneses|2009|pp=608–09}} Tens of thousands paid their last respects at the funeral, at the [[Requiem]] that took place at the [[Jerónimos Monastery]], and at the passage of the special train that carried the coffin to his hometown of Vimieiro near Santa Comba Dão, where he was buried according to his wishes in his native soil, in a plain ordinary grave next to his parents.<ref>{{cite web |title=O Príncipe Encarcerado |url=http://www.geocities.com/capitolhill/lobby/6559/perfil22.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070703191327/http://www.geocities.com/capitolhill/lobby/6559/perfil22.html|archive-date=3 July 2007}}</ref> As a symbolic display of his views of Portugal and the colonial empire, there is footage of several members of the [[Mocidade Portuguesa]], of both African and European ethnicity, paying homage at his funeral. == Personal life == Salazar never married; he has no known descendants. Salazar's image in public opinion was of a man entirely dedicated to the nation, almost a monk, far removed from feminine temptations, and [[censorship]] maintained this image. However, this is not true. Salazar had several love affairs, although he was afraid of falling in love. One of his seminary colleagues commented: "He never says the words that people expect, he doesn't give in to impulses, as soon as he has given something from his heart, he hastens to take it back."<ref name=":0"/> The first woman in his life was Felismina de Oliveira, a friend of his sister. She was a young woman from a modest background, who accompanied her on Saturday visits to Salazar at the seminary. Opposition from Felismina's family and Salazar's religious career put an end to the relationship.<ref name=":0"/> However, in 1910 Salazar left the seminary and entered the University of Coimbra; he never intended to be a priest.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book |last=Ducret |first=Diane |title=Femmes de dictateur |publisher=Perrin |year=2012 |language=fr |chapter=4: Antonio Salazar, jeux interdits pour un séminariste}}</ref> In [[Coimbra]] he had an affair with the pianist Glória Castanheira, and then with her niece, Maria Laura Campos, married, whom he met several times in the Hotel Borges, in Lisbon, between 1931 and 1932, even after she had married for the second time. The affair ended when Laura moved to Seville with her husband. Also at the hotel Borges, Salazar met Mercedes de Castro, a rich daughter of a diplomat. He also had a relationship with Maria Emilia Vieira, a young woman who, before meeting the dictator, had already enjoyed bohemian adventures in Paris as an astrologer and a dancer.<ref name=":0">{{Cite web |last=Ayuso |first=Bárbara |date=2014-03-09 |title=Antonio Salazar: los romances del seminarista |url=https://www.libertaddigital.com/chic/corazon/2014-03-09/antonio-salazar-los-romances-del-seminarista-1276512615/ |access-date=2024-01-26 |website=Chic |language=es-ES}}</ref> His last affair, the strongest and most lasting, seems to have been the one he had with Christine Garnier, a French journalist and writer, whom he called "the fragrant disorder". The latter, also married, had come to Portugal in 1961 with the idea of writing a book about Salazar. He invited her to come to Portugal on vacation, to Santa Comba Dão; she was amazed by the modesty of his house. Christine became his favorite, and from then on she made frequent trips between Portugal and France. Salazar abandoned his usual avarice for a while and bought her expensive gifts. The book was written: ''Férias com Salazar'', a bestseller.<ref name=":0"/><ref>{{Cite book |last=Carvalho |first=Miguel |title=A Última Criada de Salazar |publisher=Oficina do Livro |year=2013 |language=pt |chapter=I: De Favaios a São Bento}}</ref> In Paris, Christine's husband later found Salazar's letters to his wife, and eventually asked for a divorce.<ref name=":1"/> Several historians and observers point to the probable platonic love of his virgin governess, Maria de Jesus Caetano Freire, for him. She had followed him from Coimbra, where she was already serving him, to Lisbon in 1928. She was a hard and strong woman, rigid, vengeful, with a "canine dedication" to the [[dictator]]{{snd}}"an important character", he said. The governess was jealous of the attention he gave to the two girls whom he received at São Bento and who belonged to her family. Maria da Conceição Rita, one of the children, said that Salazar was incapable of going to bed without stopping by her room; he was also the one who played with them and told them stories. Salazar, seen by the world as a cold and distant man who rarely smiled, was nevertheless affectionate and concerned about those close to him.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Raposo |first=Lumena |date=2010-06-05 |orig-date= |title=A mulher que humaniza o ditador |url=https://www.dn.pt/gente/interior/a-mulher-que-humaniza-o-ditador-1585883.html/ |access-date= |website=Diário de Notícias |language=pt}}</ref> == Writings == [[File:Cartel-Oliveira Salazar.JPG|thumb|200px|[[Azulejo]] with a quote from Salazar, in [[Esposende]]]] The Portuguese literary historian António José Saraiva, a communist and a fierce lifelong political opponent of Salazar, claimed that one who reads Salazar's ''Speeches and Notes'' is overwhelmed by the clarity and conciseness of style, the most perfect and captivating doctrinal prose that exists in Portuguese, underscored by a powerful emotional rhythm. According to Saraiva, Salazar's prose deserves a prominent place in the history of Portuguese literature, and only political barriers have deprived it of its place. Saraiva says it is written with the clarity of the great prose of the 17th century, cleansed of all the distractions and sloppiness that often obscures the prose of the Portuguese scholars.<ref>{{cite journal|author1=António José Saraiva |title=Salazarismo |journal=Revista Expresso |date=22 April 1989 |volume=IV |issue=22 |page=15 |language=pt |quote={{lang|pt|a sua prosa digna de entrar na história da literatura portuguesa.}}}}</ref><ref name="Medina2000">{{cite book |author=João Medina |title=Salazar, Hitler e Franco: estudos sobre Salazar e a ditadura |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MhgkAQAAIAAJ |year=2000 |publisher=Livros Horizonte |language=pt |isbn=978-9722410748 |page=245 |access-date=27 September 2016 |archive-date=19 December 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201219015914/https://books.google.com/books?id=MhgkAQAAIAAJ |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="Moncure1992">{{cite book |author=James A. Moncure |title=Research guide to European historical biography, 1450–present |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=AWAYAAAAIAAJ&q=%22O%20Salazarismo%22 |date=1992 |publisher=Beacham Pub. |isbn=978-0-933833-28-9 |page=1734 |access-date=8 November 2020 |archive-date=2 February 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220202222044/https://books.google.com/books?id=AWAYAAAAIAAJ&q=%22O+Salazarismo%22 |url-status=live}}</ref> Salazar had books published, namely {{lang|pt|Como se Levanta um Estado}} ("How to Raise a State"), in which he criticised the philosophical ideals behind the [[Nuremberg laws]],<ref name="ReferenceA" /> and {{lang|pt|Como se Reergue um Estado}} ("How to Re-erect a State"). == Legacy == === Evaluation === [[File:D1 The old men of Iberia.jpg|thumb|left|Caricature depicting Salazar and [[Francisco Franco|Franco]] as the "old men of Iberia", the last two dictators of Western Europe.]] Due to Salazar's long rule, a detached evaluation of him is difficult. While his rule saw more stability and prosperity than most living Portuguese had ever known, it came at the expense of democracy and civil liberties. In 1983, historian [[Thomas Gerard Gallagher|Tom Gallagher]] criticised Salazar's excessive promises, writing that "Salazar was being deceitful when he told [[António Ferro]] in 1938, 'I estimate that within five years every child in this country will have the opportunity to read and write.' His true policy had been revealed six years earlier when he stated categorically, 'I consider more urgent the creation of elites than the necessity to teach people how to read.{{'"}}{{sfn|Gallagher|1983|p=99}} Historian [[Neill Lochery]] claims Salazar was one of the most gifted men of his generation and hugely dedicated to his job and country.{{sfn|Lochery|2011|pp=14–15}} According to American scholar J. Wiarda, despite certain problems and continued poverty in many sectors, the consensus among historians and economists is that Salazar in the 1930s brought remarkable improvements in the economic sphere, public works, social services and governmental honesty, efficiency and stability.{{sfn|Wiarda|1977|p=156}}<ref>See other comments for the 1930s achievements in ''Time'' magazine 1935, ''Life'' magazine 1940, and books from: Derrick ''The Portugal Of Salazar'', William C. Atkinson ''The Political Structure of the Portuguese New State'' pp. 346–54', Jacques Ploncard d'Assac ''Salazark'', Freppel Cotta ''Economic Planning in Corporative Portugal''.</ref> [[Samuel Hoare, 1st Viscount Templewood|Sir Samuel Hoare]], the British Ambassador in Spain, recognised Salazar's crucial role in keeping the Iberian peninsula neutral during World War II, and lauded him. Hoare asserted that, in his 30 years of political life, he had met most of the leading statesmen of Europe, and regarded Salazar highly among those. Salazar was to him a learned and impressive thinker: part professor, part priest, part recluse of unshakable beliefs. He regarded him as ascetic, concentrated on serving his country, with an encyclopedic knowledge of Europe and indifferent to ostentation, luxury or personal gains. Hoare strongly believed in Salazar as "being a man of one idea – the good of his country", not wanting to endanger the work of national regeneration to which he had devoted the whole of his public life.{{sfn|Hoare|1946|pp=124–25}} Historian [[Carlton J. H. Hayes|Carlton Hayes]], a pioneering specialist on the study of nationalism, was the American Ambassador in Spain during World War II. He met Salazar in person and agreed with Ambassador Hoare. Hayes wrote that Salazar "didn't look like a regular dictator. Rather, he appeared a modest, quiet, and highly intelligent gentleman and scholar&nbsp;... literally dragged from a professorial chair of political economy in the venerable University of Coimbra a dozen years previously in order to straighten out Portugal's finances, and that his almost miraculous success in this respect had led to the thrusting upon him of other major functions, including those of Foreign Minister and constitution-maker."{{sfn|Hayes|1945|p=36}} Hayes appreciated Portugal's endeavours to form a truly neutral peninsular bloc with Spain, an immeasurable contribution – at a time when the British and the United States had much less influence – towards counteracting the propaganda and appeals of the Axis.{{sfn| Hayes|1945|p=119}} [[:pt:Morito Morishima|Morito Morishima]], the Japanese minister in Portugal during World War II, praised Salazar in his post-war memoirs: "It was the result of Salazar's intelligence and political ability that Japan–Portugal diplomatic relations were maintained until the war's end, and Salazar who was engaged in diplomacy with his calm attitude, firm theory and judgment, sophisticated expression was still vivid to my eyes. Every time I think about my stay in Portugal, I can't stop but thinking that if Japan had had one politician – just one – like Salazar, our country would have followed a different path and we would not be going through our current misfortune situation."{{sfn |Morishima |1950 |p=108}} Belgian diplomat André de Staercke, dean of NATO's ambassadors, who served for almost 24 years on the alliance council, developed a close and long friendship with Salazar. In his memoirs, Staercke dedicates a full chapter to Salazar and ranks Salazar, together with Churchill and [[Paul-Henri Spaak]] as one of the three greatest political leaders he has met in his life.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Staercke|first1=André de|title=Mémoires sur la Régence et la Question Royale.|date=2003|publisher=Editions Racine|location=Bruxelles|isbn=978-2873863166|page=24}}</ref> The Portuguese literary historian, António José Saraiva, a communist and a fierce lifelong political opponent of Salazar, claimed that "Salazar was, undoubtedly, one of the most remarkable men in the history of Portugal and possessed a quality that remarkable men do not always have: the right intention."<ref>Saraiva, António José, ''Expresso'' journal of 22 April 1989. In Portuguese: "Salazar foi, sem dúvida, um dos homens mais notáveis da História de Portugal e possuía uma qualidade que os homens notáveis nem sempre possuem: a recta intenção."</ref> The Portuguese historian, scholar, and editor, [[A. H. de Oliveira Marques]], wrote of Salazar: "He considered himself the guide of the nation, believed that there were things which only he could do ('unfortunately there are a lot of things that seemingly only I can do' – official note published in September 1935) and convinced more and more of his countrymen of that too&nbsp;... He became more and more of a dictator, more and more inclined to deify himself and to trust others less."<ref name="Marques1972">{{cite book|author=A. H. de Oliveira Marques|title=History of Portugal: From Lusitania to Empire; vol. 2, From Empire to Corporate State|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OlKTVOp3VYwC|year=1972|publisher=Columbia University Press|isbn=978-0-231-03159-2|page=215|access-date=27 September 2016|archive-date=19 December 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201219015911/https://books.google.com/books?id=OlKTVOp3VYwC|url-status=live}}</ref> In November 1965, ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'' magazine said of Salazar: "Every four years, Premier António de Oliveira Salazar preserves Portugal's image as a democracy by blowing the dust off a few selected "opposition" leaders and relaxing police controls just enough for a few weeks to permit them to run for Portugal's 130-seat National Assembly. There are a few cracks in the facade. The assembly functions only as a rubber stamp. The opposition candidates are usually feeble old men left over from a regime that was discredited and overthrown four decades ago, and Salazar decides what they can and cannot talk about".<ref>{{cite magazine |title=Portugal: Against the Situation |volume=86 |url=http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,834552,00.html |magazine=Time |issue=20 |publisher=Time Inc. |date=12 November 1965 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140801215922/http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0%2C9171%2C834552%2C00.html |archive-date=1 August 2014 |url-status=dead}}</ref> The Portuguese poet, writer, and literary critic [[Fernando Pessoa]] wrote that Salazar was "capable of governing within the limits of his area of expertise, which is financial science, but not (capable of governing) with the lack of limits of government in general", adding that "What is wrong, here, is not that Sr. Oliveira Salazar is Minister of Finance, which I accept is right, but that he is minister of everything, which is more questionable."<ref name=Barreto2008>{{cite web|author1=José Barreto|title=Salazar and the New State in the writings of Fernando Pessoa|url=http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Salazar+and+the+New+State+in+the+writings+of+Fernando+Pessoa.-a0188159484|website=The Free Library|publisher=Portuguese Studies|date=22 September 2008|access-date=7 May 2015|archive-date=15 August 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200815025625/https://www.thefreelibrary.com/Salazar+and+the+New+State+in+the+writings+of+Fernando+Pessoa.-a0188159484|url-status=live}}</ref> === After Salazar === Salazar saw no prospects for his regime beyond his death.<ref name="GrandesPortugueses" /> Nonetheless, the ''Estado Novo'' persisted under the direction of [[Marcelo Caetano]], Salazar's longtime aide as well as a well-reputed scholar of the University of Lisbon Law School, statesman and distinguished member of the regime who co-wrote the [[Portuguese Constitution of 1933|Constitution of 1933]].{{Citation needed|date=January 2021}} Caetano tried to blunt the harsher edges of the regime he helped create, but the meager reforms he was able to wring out of the hardline elements of the government did not go nearly far enough for elements of the population who wanted more freedom. The ''Estado Novo'' eventually fell on 25 April 1974 with the [[Carnation Revolution]]. == Distinctions == === Orders === Salazar was made member of the following Portuguese Orders.<ref>{{cite web|title=Ordens Honorificas Portuguesas|url=http://www.ordens.presidencia.pt/|website=Página Oficial das Ordens Honorificas Portuguesas|publisher=Presidência da República Portuguesa|access-date=26 September 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130911070650/http://www.ordens.presidencia.pt/|archive-date=11 September 2013|url-status=dead}}</ref> *[[Grand Cross]] of the [[Order of Saint James of the Sword]] (15 April 1929) *Grand Cross of the [[Order of the Colonial Empire]] (21 April 1932) *Grand Cross of the [[Order of the Tower and Sword]] (28 May 1932, first civilian to receive such honor){{sfn|Meneses|2009|pp=76–77}} *[[Grand Collar]] of the [[Order of Prince Henry]] (4 October 1968) He also received several other similar distinctions from countries including France, Germany, Belgium, Poland, Romania and Spain.<ref>{{cite web|title=Salazar – O Obreiro da Pátria|url=http://www.oliveirasalazar.org/galeria.asp?idTema=82|access-date=26 April 2015|archive-date=27 October 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201027000911/https://oliveirasalazar.org/galeria.asp?idTema=82|url-status=live}}</ref> === Academic distinctions === Salazar was conferred with the following academic distinctions. *[[Oxford University]], 1939, Honorary Degree of Doctor of Civil Law. *[[Fordham University]], 1938, Honorary Doctorate of Law.<ref>Newspaper Archive of Southern Cross, 30 June 1938, p. 8/24.</ref> === Other === [[File:Lisboa e ponte 25 de Abril a partir do miradouro de Santo Amaro (22 Junho 2011).jpg|thumb|right|255px|View of the 25 de Abril Bridge, formerly Salazar Bridge, from Chapel of Santo Amaro, with [[Christ the King (Almada)|Christ the King]] in the background]] The bridge across the Tagus connecting Lisbon to Almada was named the [[25 de Abril Bridge|Ponte Salazar]] (Salazar Bridge) upon completion. Built by the ''Estado Novo'' 6 months ahead of schedule and under budget, it was the 5th longest suspension bridge in the world and the longest outside of the US. It was later renamed the "25 April Bridge" after the Carnation Revolution. [[Estádio da Machava|Salazar Stadium]], a noteworthy multi-purpose stadium built in Mozambique during the ''Estado Novo'', was named after Salazar. With 1975's new government it began to degrade. It was renamed Stadium of Machava.<ref>{{cite web|title=Clube Ferroviário de Moçambique – Estádio da Machava (antigo Salazar)|url=http://www.sislog.com/ferroviario/article.php3?id_article=46|access-date=26 April 2015|archive-date=15 August 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200815025659/http://www.sislog.com/ferroviario/article.php3?id_article=46|url-status=live}}</ref> Many places across the country (streets, avenues, squares) were named after Salazar. They were renamed since 1974, especially in district capitals. Around 20 localities still reference Salazar today.<ref>{{cite web|title=Salazar "sobrevive" na toponímia nacional em 20 localidades portuguesas|publisher=Público, Comunicação Social|url=http://www.publico.pt/sociedade/noticia/salazar-sobrevive-na-toponimia-nacional-em-20-localidades-portuguesas-1376410|date=24 April 2009|access-date=26 April 2015|archive-date=10 January 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160110115747/http://www.publico.pt/sociedade/noticia/salazar-sobrevive-na-toponimia-nacional-em-20-localidades-portuguesas-1376410|url-status=live}}</ref> There are also some [[azulejo]]s with quotes of Salazar. In popular culture, Salazar's Cake (''Bolo de Salazar'') is the name given to a cake that Salazar used to eat sometimes. It is cheap and simple, perhaps with similarities to [[sponge cake]]. Kitchen cake spatulas are sometimes referred to as 'Salazar' in Portugal for their effectiveness in not leaving any residue behind. The character of [[Hogwarts staff#Salazar Slytherin|Salazar Slytherin]] from the [[Harry Potter]] book series, created by [[J. K. Rowling]], had his name inspired by Salazar.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Williamson |first=Scott |date=8 December 2021 |title=The Real Historical Figure Who Inspired Salazar Slytherin in Harry Potter |url=https://www.grunge.com/681180/the-real-historical-figure-who-inspired-salazar-slytherin-in-harry-potter/ |website=Grunge}}</ref> A wine brand called ''Terras de Salazar'' ("Lands of Salazar") was approved in 2011 by the national institute. It never reached the market due to the owner's economic troubles.<ref>{{cite news|title=INPI autorizou vinho com o nome de Salazar|newspaper=Diário de Notícias|url=https://www.dn.pt/dossiers/tv-e-media/revistas-de-imprensa/noticias/interior/inpi-autorizou-vinho-com-o-nome-de-salazar-2916434.html|date=29 November 2012|access-date=26 April 2015|archive-date=22 July 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180722213540/https://www.dn.pt/dossiers/tv-e-media/revistas-de-imprensa/noticias/interior/inpi-autorizou-vinho-com-o-nome-de-salazar-2916434.html|url-status=live}}</ref> In 2012, the City Council of Salazar's hometown Santa Comba Dão announced a brand called Memories of Salazar for a range of regional products, notably wine. It was rejected by the same institute for offensiveness and the possibility of public disorder. The mayor claimed the refusal was ridiculous and will not give up or drop the name Salazar from future brand name proposals. He is considering submitting Vineyards of Salazar, as "memories" of the regime could be one reason to add to the refusal.<ref>{{cite web|title=Santa Comba Dão queria lançar vinho "Memórias de Salazar" mas marca foi chumbada|publisher=Público, Comunicação Social|last=Ribeiro|first=Graça Barbosa|url=http://fugas.publico.pt/Noticias/313615_santa-comba-dao-queria-lancar-vinho-memorias-de-salazar-mas-marca-foi-chumbada|date=28 November 2012|access-date=26 April 2015|archive-date=19 December 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201219015945/http://fugas.publico.pt/Noticias/313615_santa-comba-dao-queria-lancar-vinho-memorias-de-salazar-mas-marca-foi-chumbada|url-status=live}}</ref> On 25 March 2007, Salazar was named the [[Os Grandes Portugueses|Greatest Portuguese]] ever as the winner of the ''Os Grandes Portugueses'' contest.<ref>{{cite news |title=The 'great' dictator |url=https://www.theguardian.com/news/blog/2007/mar/26/salazar |work=The Guardian |date=26 March 2007}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=Nostalgia for António de Oliveira Salazar divides the Portuguese |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/23/world/europe/23iht-salazar.4.6790015.html |work=The New York Times |date=23 July 2007}}</ref> The brand ''Salazar – O Obreiro da Pátria'' ("Salazar – Fatherland's Workman") is registered and runs the website www.oliveirasalazar.org, an archive of various documents related to Salazar. Salazar originated the [[HCESAR]] keyboard layout, introduced by means of a decree of 17 July 1937. == Notes == {{notelist}} == References == {{reflist|22em}} == Sources == *{{cite book |last=[[António Costa Pinto|Costa Pinto]] |first=António |date= 2000|title= The Blue Shirts – Portuguese Fascists and the New State|url= http://www.antoniocostapinto.eu/docs/books/The%20Blue%20Shirts_832172.pdf|publisher=Social Science Monographs, Boulder – Distributed by Columbia University Press, NY |isbn= 0-88033-982-9}} * {{cite book|last1=Derrick|first1=Michael |others=With introduction by R.J. Stove |title=The Portugal of Salazar|year=1938|url=https://archive.org/details/portugalofsalaza011716mbp|publisher= Campion Books, Ltd. |location=New York|author-link1=Michael Derrick}} [https://archive.org/details/portugalofsalaza011716mbp online free] * {{cite book|last=Ducret|first=Diane|title=Femmes de dictateur |year=2012| publisher= Perrin}} * {{cite book|last=Egerton|first=F. Clement C. |title=Salazar, Rebuilder of Portugal|year=1943|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CPN_QgAACAAJ&q=egerton+salazar |publisher= Hodder & Stoughton. |location=London}} * {{cite book|last=Gallagher|first=Tom|author-link= Thomas Gerard Gallagher|title=Portugal: A Twentieth-century Interpretation|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-xu8AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA60|year=1983|publisher=Manchester University Press|isbn=978-0-7190-0876-4|pages=60, 99}} * {{Cite book |last=Gallagher | first=Tom |author-link= Thomas Gerard Gallagher|editor-first=Martin| editor-last=Blinkhorn |title=Fascists and Conservatives|publisher=Routledge |year=1990 |pages=157–173 |chapter=Chapter 9: Conservatism, dictatorship and fascism in Portugal, 1914–45 |isbn=0-04-940086-X}} * {{Cite book |last=Gallagher | first=Tom |author-link= Thomas Gerard Gallagher|title=Salazar: The Dictator Who Refused To Die|publisher=C Hurst & Co Publishers Ltd |year=2020 |isbn=978-1-78738-388-3}} * {{cite book |last= Hayes|first=Carlton J.H.|author-link=Carlton J. H. Hayes |year=1945 |title=Wartime Mission in Spain, 1942–1945|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=W0wmAAAAMAAJ|publisher= Macmillan Company |edition=1st |isbn= 978-1-121-49724-5}} * {{cite book |last=Hoare |first=Samuel |author-link=Samuel Hoare, 1st Viscount Templewood |year=1946 |title=Ambassador on Special Mission|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=w0vPAAAAMAAJ |publisher= Collins; First Edition |pages=124–25 }} * {{cite book |last=Morishima |first=Morito |year=1950 |title=Pearl Harbor, Lisboa, Tóquio – memórias de um diplomata|publisher= Iwanami Shoten |page=108 }} * {{cite book|last=Kay|first=Hugh|title=Salazar and Modern Portugal|year=1970|publisher=Hawthorn Books|location=New York}} * {{cite journal |last=Leite |first=Joaquim da Costa |year=1998|title=Neutrality by Agreement: Portugal and the British Alliance in World War II |url=http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1305&context=auilr|journal=American University International Law Review|volume=14|issue=1 |pages=185–99 |access-date=19 March 2014}} * {{cite book |last= Lochery| first=Neill |year=2011 |title=Lisbon: War in the Shadows of the City of Light, 1939–1945|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=OWWJxLAAq9oC&q=sousa+mendes|publisher= PublicAffairs| edition=1st |page=345 |isbn=978-1-58648-879-6 }} * {{cite journal|first = Filipe Ribeiro |last =Meneses |title = Review: The Origins and Nature of Authoritarian Rule in Portugal, 1919–1945 |journal = Contemporary European History | year = 2002 |volume = 11 | issue = 1 | pages = 153–163 |doi =10.1017/S096077730200108X | jstor = 20081821|s2cid =162411841 |url =http://mural.maynoothuniversity.ie/11494/1/FRDM_Origins_2002.pdf }} * {{cite book |last= Meneses|first=Filipe Ribeiro|author-link= Filipe Ribeiro de Meneses|year=2009 |title=Salazar: A Political Biography|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hewsI4PU6sMC |publisher= Enigma Books|edition=1st|isbn= 978-1-929631-90-2}} * {{cite journal |last= Milgram |first= Avraham |year=1999 |title= Portugal, the Consuls, and the Jewish Refugees,1938–1941|url=http://yad-vashem.org.il/odot_pdf/Microsoft%20Word%20-%203230.pdf |journal=Yad Vashem Studies |volume=XXVII |pages= 123–56|access-date=19 March 2014}} * {{cite book |last= Milgram|first=Avraham |year=2011 |title=Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews|publisher= Yad Vashem|pages=324 |isbn= 978-9653083875 }} * Nogueira, Franco (1977–1985), ''Salazar: estudo biográfico'', 6 vol. ::{{cite book|title=A mocidade e os princípios, 1889–1928 (3. ed. com estudo prévio pelo Joaquim Veríssimo Serrão)|volume=1|orig-year=1977|year=2000|publisher=Civilização Editora|location=Porto [Portugal]|isbn=978-9722618397|edition=3a}} ::{{cite book|title=Os tempos áureos, 1928–1936 (2. ed.)|volume=2|year=1977|publisher=Livraria Civilização|location=Porto|isbn=978-9722618403}} ::{{cite book|title=As grandes crises, 1936–1945|volume=3|year=1978|publisher=Livraria Civilização|location=Porto|isbn=978-9722618434|edition=5a}} ::{{cite book|title=O ataque, 1945–1958|volume=4|year=1980|publisher=Livraria Civilização|location=Porto|isbn=978-9722618441|edition=4a}} ::{{cite book|title=A resistência, 1958–1964|volume=5|year=1984|publisher=Livraria Civilização|location=Porto|isbn=978-9722618410|edition=4th}} ::{{cite book|title=O último combate (1964–1970)|volume=6|year=1985|publisher=Civilização Editora|location=Porto [Portugal]}} * {{cite book |last1=Pimentel |first1=Irene |last2=Ninhos |first2=Claudia |year=2013 |title=Salazar, Portugal e o Holocausto |language=pt |location=Lisbon |publisher=Temas e Debates |isbn=978-9896442217}} *{{cite book |last=Pimentel |first=Irene Flunser |title=Judeus em Portugal durante a II Guerra Mundial : em fuga de Hitler e do Holocausto|language=pt|date=2006 |publisher=Esfera dos Livros |location=Lisboa |isbn=9789896261054}} *{{cite book |last=Pimentel |first=Irene Flunser |title=A história da PIDE|language=pt|date=2007 |publisher=Círculo de Leitores |isbn=9789727599561}} * {{cite book |last= Ramos |first=Rui |date=2010 |title= História de Portugal|edition=4th |publisher=A Esfera dos Livros }} * {{cite book |last= [[George William Rendel|Rendel]] |first=Sir George |date=1957 |title= The Sword and the Olive – Recollections of Diplomacy and Foreign Service 1913–1954|url=https://archive.org/details/swordoliverecoll0000rend|url-access= registration|edition=First |publisher=John Murray |asin= B000UVRG60}} * {{cite journal|last=Wheeler|first=Douglas L.|title=In the Service of Order: The Portuguese Political Police and the British, German and Spanish Intelligence, 1932–1945|journal=Journal of Contemporary History|year=1983|volume=18|issue=1|pages=1–25|jstor=260478|doi=10.1177/002200948301800101|s2cid=153719176}} * {{cite book|author1=Wheeler, Douglas L. |author2=Walter C. Opello |title=Historical Dictionary of Portugal|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=e-3kxBySncsC&pg=PA201|date= 2010|publisher=Scarecrow Press|isbn=978-0-8108-7075-8|pages=238–41}} * {{cite book |last=Wiarda |author-link=Howard J. Wiarda |first=Howard J. |year=1977 |title=Corporatism and Development: The Portuguese Experience|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dHFaAAAAIAAJ|edition=First |publisher=Univ of Massachusetts Press|isbn=978-0-87023-221-3}} * {{cite book |year=1949 |title=Projecção de Salazar no Estrangeiro, 1928–1948 |language=pt|location=Porto|publisher=União Nacional}} ==Further reading== * {{cite journal |jstor=3513163|title=The Political Economy of Portugal's Later "Estado Novo": A Critique of the Stagnation Thesis|journal=Luso-Brazilian Review|volume=29|issue=1|pages=1–17|last1=Baklanoff|first1=Eric N|year=1992|ref=none}} * Costa Pinto, António. "The Portuguese 'New State' and the Diffusion of Authoritarian Models in Interwar Latin America". ''Journal of Contemporary History'' (2021): 00220094211066000. * Coyne, E.J. "Oliveira Salazar and the Portuguese Corporative Constitution". ''The Irish Monthly'', vol. 64, no. 752, 1936, pp.&nbsp;81–94. * Gallagher, Tom. "Salazar: Portugal's Great Dictator A contemporary of Hitler, Franco and Mussolini, Salazar is remembered by some of his compatriots as the greatest figure in the nation's history. Why?" ''History Today'' (Sept 2018) 68#9 [https://www.historytoday.com/tom-gallagher/salazar-portugals-great-dictator online] * Graham, Lawrence S. and Harry M. Makler. ''Contemporary Portugal: The Revolution and Its Antecedents'' (U of Texas Press, 1979) * Hamann, Kerstin, and Paul Christopher Manuel. "Regime changes and civil society in twentieth-century Portugal". ''South European Society and Politics'' 4.1 (1999): 71–96. * Kallis, Aristotle. "Unlikely Mediterranean authoritarian crossings: Salazar's Portugal as model for the 4th of August dictatorship in Greece (1936–1940)". in ''An Authoritarian Third Way in the Era of Fascism'' (Routledge, 2021) pp.&nbsp;91–106. * Kay, Hugh. ''Salazar and Modern Portugal'' (1970) [https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.117820 online] * Payne, Stanley G. ''A History of Spain and Portugal'' (2 vol 1973) [http://libro.uca.edu/payne2/index.htm full text online vol 2 after 1700]; standard scholarly history; chapter 27 pp.&nbsp;663–83 * {{cite book|last=Pereira|first=Pedro Teotónio|year=1987|title=Correspondência de Pedro Teotónio Pereira Oliveira Salazar|language=pt|publisher=Presidência do Conselho de Ministros. Comissão do Livro Negro sobre o Regime Fascista|ref=none}} * {{cite journal |jstor=41105184|title=Women's Organizations and Imperial Ideology under the Estado Novo|journal=Portuguese Studies|volume=18|pages=121–31|last1=Pimentel|first1=Irene|year=2002|doi=10.1353/port.2002.0014|s2cid=245843740}} * Pinto, António Costa. "Looking for a third way: Salazar's dictatorship and the diffusion of authoritarian models in the era of fascism". in ''An Authoritarian Third Way in the Era of Fascism'' (Routledge, 2021) pp.&nbsp;7–37. * Pitcher, M. Anne. ''Politics in the Portuguese Empire: The State, Industry, and Cotton, 1926–1974'' (Oxford University Press, 1993) * Santos, Paula Borges. "Politics and religion under the dictatorship in Portugal (1933–1974): rebuilding the separation between the State and the Church". ''Storicamente'' (2020). [https://storicamente.org/borges-santos-politics-religion-dictatorship-portugal online] * Simpson, Duncan, and Ana Louceiro. "Everyday life under the PIDE: A quantitative survey on the relations between ordinary citizens and Salazar's political police (1955–74)". ''International Journal of Iberian Studies'' 34.3 (2021): 195–216. [https://www.ingentaconnect.com/contentone/intellect/ijis/2021/00000034/00000003/art00001?crawler=true&mimetype=application/pdf online] * {{cite journal |jstor=1188572|title=Education, State, and Society in Portugal, 1926–1981|journal=Comparative Education Review|volume=31|issue=3|pages=400–18|last1=Stoer|first1=Stephen R|last2=Dale|first2=Roger|year=1987|doi=10.1086/446698|s2cid=143456417}} * Weber, Ronald. ''The Lisbon Route: Entry and Escape in Nazi Europe'' (2011). * {{cite journal |jstor=2602248|title=The Present Situation in Portugal|journal=International Affairs|volume=17|issue=2|pages=211–32|last1=West|first1=S. George|doi=10.2307/2602248|year=1938}} * {{cite book|last=Wright|first=George|title=The Destruction of a Nation: United States' Policy Towards Angola Since 1945|year=1997|publisher=Pluto Press|location=London|isbn=978-0-7453-1029-9|author-link=George Wright (historian)|url-access=registration|url=https://archive.org/details/destructionofnat0000wrig}} ===Historiography=== * Ribeiro De Meneses, Filipe. ''Slander, Ideological Differences, or Academic Debate? The "Verão Quente" of 2012 and the State of Portuguese Historiography'', E-Journal of Portuguese History (2012), 10#1, pp.&nbsp;62–77, [http://www.brown.edu/Departments/Portuguese_Brazilian_Studies/ejph/html/issue19/html/v10n1a04.html Online]. * Luís Nuno Rodrigues. ''The Creation of the Portuguese Legion in 1936'', Luso-Brazilian Review, Vol. 34, No. 2 (1997), pp.&nbsp;91–107. ===Primary sources=== * {{cite book|last=Salazar|first=António de Oliveira|title=Doctrine and Action: Internal and Foreign Policy of the New Portugal, 1928–1939|year=1939|publisher= Faber and Faber|location=London|asin= B00086D6V6}} '''In Portuguese''' * {{cite book|last=Coelho|first=Eduardo Coelho; António Macieira|title=Salazar, o fim e a morte: história de uma mistificação; inclui os textos inéditos do Prof. Eduardo Coelho 'Salazar e o seu médico' e 'Salazar visto pelo seu médico'|year=1995|publisher=Publ. Dom Quixote|location=Lisboa|isbn=978-9722012720|edition=1.}} * {{cite book|last1=de Melo Rita|first1=Maria da Conceição|author2=Vieira, Joaquim|title=Os meus 35 anos com Salazar|date=2007|publisher=A Esfera dos Livros|location=Lisbon|isbn=978-9896260743|edition=1st|language=pt}} – Salazar seen by "Micas", one of his two adopted children. == External links == {{Sister project links|António de Oliveira Salazar|wikt=no|s=no|v=no|b=no|n=no|d=Q151394}} * {{PM20|FID=pe/023983}} {{S-start}} {{S-off}} {{Succession box| before = [[Domingos Oliveira]]| title = [[List of Prime Ministers of Portugal|Prime Minister of Portugal]]|years=1932–1968| after = [[Marcelo Caetano]]}} {{Succession box| before = [[Óscar Carmona]]| title = [[List of Presidents of Portugal|Interim President of Portugal]]|years=1951| after = [[Francisco Craveiro Lopes]]}} {{S-end}} {{Prime Ministers of Portugal}} {{Conservatism}} {{Authority control}} {{DEFAULTSORT:Salazar, Antonio De Oliveira}} [[Category:António de Oliveira 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