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Trump Can’t Lawfully Use Armed Forces to Sway the Election: Understanding the Legal Boundaries

<!DOCTYPE html> <html lang="en-US"> <head> <meta charset="UTF-8" /> <meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width, initial-scale=1"> <title>Trump Can’t Lawfully Use Armed Forces to Sway the Election: Understanding the Legal Boundaries</title><link rel="profile" href="http://gmpg.org/xfn/11" /> <meta name='robots' content='index, follow, max-image-preview:large, max-snippet:-1, max-video-preview:-1' /> <!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v23.9 (Yoast SEO v23.9) - https://yoast.com/wordpress/plugins/seo/ --> <meta name="description" content="An analysis of the constitutional and statutory limits on use of any armed force in connection with the presidential election, civil unrest, and protests." /> <link rel="canonical" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/" /> <meta property="og:locale" content="en_US" /> <meta property="og:type" content="article" /> <meta property="og:title" content="Trump Can’t Lawfully Use Armed Forces to Sway the Election: Understanding the Legal Boundaries" /> <meta property="og:description" content="No matter how broad a president’s discretion on matters of national security, the executive does not have authority to interfere with an election. Our authors explain the constitutional and statutory limits." /> <meta property="og:url" content="https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/" /> <meta property="og:site_name" content="Just Security" /> <meta property="article:publisher" content="https://www.facebook.com/JSBlog/" /> <meta property="article:published_time" content="2020-09-23T13:09:19+00:00" /> <meta property="article:modified_time" content="2024-11-20T21:28:14+00:00" /> <meta property="og:image" content="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/GettyImages-1227676767-e1595557165428.jpg" /> <meta property="og:image:width" content="750" /> <meta property="og:image:height" content="500" /> <meta property="og:image:type" content="image/jpeg" /> <meta name="author" content="Deana El-Mallawany, Christine Kwon, Rachel Homer" /> <meta name="twitter:card" content="summary_large_image" /> <meta name="twitter:description" content="A deep dive analysis of constitutional and statutory limits on use of any armed force in connection with the election, civil unrest, and protests." /> <meta name="twitter:creator" content="@just_security" /> <meta name="twitter:site" content="@just_security" /> <meta name="twitter:label1" content="Written by" /> <meta name="twitter:data1" content="Deana El-Mallawany, Christine Kwon, Rachel Homer" /> <meta name="twitter:label2" content="Est. reading time" /> <meta name="twitter:data2" content="16 minutes" /> <script type="application/ld+json" class="yoast-schema-graph">{"@context":"https://schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/"},"author":[{"@id":"https://www.justsecurity.org/#/schema/person/7da4c098b3f2fb08137c3de5b127d790"},{"@id":"https://www.justsecurity.org/#/schema/person/61d0c88cb302904d73a99f027526dc0e"},{"@id":"https://www.justsecurity.org/#/schema/person/18bbc1fa31b965478273d32cbf204790"}],"headline":"Trump Can’t Lawfully Use Armed Forces to Sway the Election: Understanding the Legal Boundaries","datePublished":"2020-09-23T13:09:19+00:00","dateModified":"2024-11-20T21:28:14+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/"},"wordCount":3520,"publisher":{"@id":"https://www.justsecurity.org/#organization"},"image":{"@id":"https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/GettyImages-1227676767-1-e1595557378445.jpg?fit=3000%2C1665&ssl=1","keywords":["2020 presidential election","Department of Homeland Security (DHS)","DHS","election interference","elections","Executive Power","Insurrection Act","Ku Klux Klan Act","Military","National Guard","Posse Comitatus","Trump administration","William Barr"],"articleSection":["Executive &amp; Military","Military","Rule of Law"],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/","url":"https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/","name":"Trump Can’t Lawfully Use Armed Forces to Sway the Election: Understanding the Legal Boundaries","isPartOf":{"@id":"https://www.justsecurity.org/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/GettyImages-1227676767-1-e1595557378445.jpg?fit=3000%2C1665&ssl=1","datePublished":"2020-09-23T13:09:19+00:00","dateModified":"2024-11-20T21:28:14+00:00","description":"An analysis of the constitutional and statutory limits on use of any armed force in connection with the presidential election, civil unrest, and protests.","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/#primaryimage","url":"https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/GettyImages-1227676767-1-e1595557378445.jpg?fit=3000%2C1665&ssl=1","contentUrl":"https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/GettyImages-1227676767-1-e1595557378445.jpg?fit=3000%2C1665&ssl=1","width":3000,"height":1665,"caption":"PORTLAND, OR - JULY 17: Federal officers prepare to disperse the crowd of protestors outside the Multnomah County Justice Center on July 17, 2020 in Portland, Oregon. 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style="background-image:url(https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/GettyImages-1227676767-1-e1595557378445.jpg?fit=3000%2C1665&ssl=1); background-position:center center;"> <div class="overlay"></div> <div class="pagewidth pw1400"> <div class="title-wrap"> <h1>Trump Can’t Lawfully Use Armed Forces to Sway the Election: Understanding the Legal Boundaries </h1> </div> </div> </div><div class="columns-wrap pagewidth pw1400 clearfix"><div id="secondary-left" class="secondary"><p class="authors">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/deanael-mallawany/" title="Profile and articles by Deana El-Mallawany" class="author url fn" rel="author">Deana El-Mallawany</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/christinekwon/" title="Profile and articles by Christine Kwon" class="author url fn" rel="author">Christine Kwon</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rachelhomer/" title="Profile and articles by Rachel Homer" class="author url fn" rel="author">Rachel Homer</a></p><p class="date">September 23, 2020</p><div class="sharedaddy sd-sharing-enabled"><div class="robots-nocontent sd-block sd-social sd-social-icon sd-sharing"><h3 class="sd-title">Share this:</h3><div class="sd-content"><ul><li class="share-twitter"><a rel="nofollow noopener noreferrer" data-shared="sharing-twitter-72500" class="share-twitter sd-button share-icon no-text" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/?share=twitter" target="_blank" title="Click to share on Twitter" ><span></span><span class="sharing-screen-reader-text">Click to share on Twitter (Opens in new window)</span></a></li><li class="share-facebook"><a rel="nofollow noopener noreferrer" data-shared="sharing-facebook-72500" class="share-facebook sd-button share-icon no-text" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/?share=facebook" target="_blank" title="Click to share on Facebook" ><span></span><span 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class="share-print sd-button share-icon no-text" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/72500/trump-use-armed-forces-legal-boundaries/#print" target="_blank" title="Click to print" ><span></span><span class="sharing-screen-reader-text">Click to print (Opens in new window)</span></a></li><li class="share-end"></li></ul></div></div></div><div class="post-tags"><h3>Filed under:</h3><p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/2020-presidential-election/" rel="tag">2020 presidential election</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/department-of-homeland-security/" rel="tag">Department of Homeland Security (DHS)</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/dhs/" rel="tag">DHS</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/election-interference/" rel="tag">election interference</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/elections/" rel="tag">elections</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/executive-power/" rel="tag">Executive Power</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/insurrection-act/" rel="tag">Insurrection Act</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/ku-klux-klan-act/" rel="tag">Ku Klux Klan Act</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/military/" rel="tag">Military</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/national-guard/" rel="tag">National Guard</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/posse-comitatus/" rel="tag">Posse Comitatus</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/trump-administration/" rel="tag">Trump administration</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/william-barr/" rel="tag">William Barr</a></p></div></div><main id="primary" tabindex="-1" class="content-body clearfix" role="main"><article class="client-ui clearfix"><div class="print-authors"><p class="authors">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/deanael-mallawany/" title="Profile and articles by Deana El-Mallawany" class="author url fn" rel="author">Deana El-Mallawany</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/christinekwon/" title="Profile and articles by Christine Kwon" class="author url fn" rel="author">Christine Kwon</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rachelhomer/" title="Profile and articles by Rachel Homer" class="author url fn" rel="author">Rachel Homer</a></p><p class="date">September 23, 2020</p></div><p>Over the last few months, the Trump administration has used military and militarized force to <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/10/us/politics/national-guard-protests.html">quell</a> Black Lives Matter protesters, citing domestic security concerns. Now, as Trump <a href="https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/514229-trump-decries-dc-protesters-as-thugs">continues</a> to threaten to send in active-duty troops to crack down on civil rights protests, he has also been explicit about the possibility of using law enforcement to interfere with the election. He threatened to command law enforcement to <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/trumps-suggestion-of-deploying-law-enforcement-officials-to-monitor-polls-raises-specter-of-intimidation/2020/08/21/4ff6407a-e3bb-11ea-8dd2-d07812bf00f7_story.html">patrol the polls</a> to prevent purported voter fraud; he told Fox News’ Judge Jeanine that he would use the Insurrection Act  to “<a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2020/09/11/trump-election-night-riots-412323">put down</a>” election night unrest if he wins; and former advisor Roger Stone suggested that Trump should use active duty military, the FBI, and U.S. Marshals to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/sep/13/roger-stone-to-donald-trump-bring-in-martial-law-if-you-lose-election">interfere</a> with the election and stop state officials from counting votes. As with much of what Trump says, it’s hard to know whether he intends to follow through. But the mere fact that he has made these threats has the potential to deter voters (which may be the point). And any attempt to put his words into action would raise serious legal questions. No matter how broad a president’s discretion on matters of national security, nothing empowers the president to exercise his authority to interfere with an election.</p> <p><strong>Statutory and Constitutional Limits on Deploying Military and Militarized Forces</strong></p> <p>In our democracy, the president has only the powers granted by the Constitution or lawfully delegated by Congress. The Constitution provides the president neither exclusive control over the military, nor emergency powers to command military forces. This is not a technical question of military law; this is about a broad balance of powers to ensure that no president has a personal “palace guard” at their command. The Founders intentionally divided control over the military between Congress and the president as a bulwark against tyranny they had experienced under a monarchy. The Declaration of Independence, for example, <a href="https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/declaration-transcript">decried</a> the tyrannical conduct of George III, including that “[h]e has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies, without the Consent of our legislatures.” A fundamental feature of our Constitution is preventing unchecked presidential power to use the military for domestic law enforcement purposes.</p> <p>Specifically, the Constitution reserves to Congress the power to legislate how the militia may be deployed domestically. The <a href="https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/article-1/section-8/">Militia Clauses</a> in Article I, § 8 authorize Congress “[t]o provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions.” This legislative power is related to the <a href="https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/article-4/">obligation</a> that the Constitution imposes on the United States as a whole to guarantee the states a “Republican Form of Government,” and to protect the states against invasion and, “on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence.” The president’s lawful authority to deploy troops for domestic law enforcement is constitutionally limited, therefore, to the instances where Congress prescribes it. It would be the ultimate subversion of these constitutional provisions to allow the president to use any statutory authority to deploy militarized forces for law enforcement surrounding an election — the defining feature of our republican form of government.</p> <p>As a general matter, Congress has prohibited the use of military force for domestic law enforcement purposes absent express constitutional or statutory authorization. In 1878, Congress passed the <a href="https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCODE-2011-title18/pdf/USCODE-2011-title18-partI-chap67-sec1385.pdf">Posse Comitatus Act</a>, which provides criminal penalties for anyone who “willfully uses any part of the Army or Air Force as a posse comitatus”—that is, as an auxiliary of law enforcement—“or otherwise to execute the laws, … except in cases and under circumstances expressly authorized by the Constitution or Act of Congress.” The Act has come to be understood as enshrining the bedrock democratic principle that use of the military to regulate civilians is antithetical to liberty.</p> <p>More broadly—beyond the specifics of the Posse Comitatus Act and its exceptions—a whole set of federal laws make it illegal for the military or federal law enforcement to interfere with an election in any way. Deploying armed federal agents—whether military or civilian—to polling places is itself <a href="https://protectdemocracy.org/resource-library/document/law-enforcement-at-the-polls-on-election-day/">illegal</a>. Several federal laws explicitly prohibit (and, in fact, <em>criminalize</em>) armed federal agents at polls: <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/592">18 U.S.C. § 592</a> prohibits armed federal agents (military or civilian) from being at polling places at all; <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/593">18 U.S.C. § 593</a> prohibits members of the military from interfering in an election, including by intimidating voters or interfering with election officials; and <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/595">18 U.S.C. § 595</a> prohibits federal employees from using their official authority to interfere with the election.  (Several statutes with civil penalties prohibit voter intimidation as well, discussed in more depth below).</p> <p>In the last several months, Trump has sought to invoke a number of statutory authorities to call forth branches of the military, various states’ National Guards, and civilian armed federal agents to suppress protests against police violence, campaign as a “law and order” president, and “take over” politically disfavored cities. As we explain below, however, there are statutory and constitutional limits on Trump’s ability to deploy the military and militarized law enforcement against American civilians, and, specifically, limits on his ability to do so in a manner that interferes with the election or intimidates voters.</p> <p><strong> The Insurrection Act</strong></p> <p>The <a href="https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCODE-2016-title10/pdf/USCODE-2016-title10-subtitleA-partI-chap13.pdf">Insurrection Act</a>, an exception to the Posse Comitatus Act, permits the domestic deployment of the military under circumscribed terms. The Act is traditionally understood as affording the president broad authority, subject only to prudential restraint. For example, Defense Secretary Mark Esper testified before Congress that the president has total discretion under the Act, even while <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2020-06-03/esper-says-he-doesn-t-back-using-insurrection-act-for-protests">acknowledging</a> that the insurrection power “should only be used as a matter of last resort and only in the most urgent and dire of situations.” This understanding likely stems from a landmark Supreme Court decision, <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/25/19/"><em>Martin v. Mott</em></a>, which recognized broad presidential discretion under an Insurrection Act precursor during the War of 1812 when President James Madison thought British troops were going to invade our new nation. It held that “the authority to decide whether the exigency has arisen, belongs exclusively to the President, and that his decision is conclusive upon all other persons.”</p> <p>Even if broad, the president’s authority under the Insurrection Act is not limitless or immune to judicial review. The constitutional separation of powers provides a meaningful constraint that courts can and should enforce, especially if the Act is abused for political gain. The Constitution provides Congress, not the president, the power to provide for when the military may be deployed domestically. If the president may exercise this statutory authority on a whim, completely unchecked by the courts, then the president is free to usurp Congress’s legislative authority to “provide for” the domestic use of the military. That is an unconstitutional result. To uphold the separation of powers, the president’s exercise of power under the Insurrection Act must be limited to the meaning of its statutory terms and subject to judicial review.</p> <p>Judicial review is all the more imperative in a scenario where the president abuses the Insurrection Act to deploy troops in an attempt to tilt the election. When the early Supreme Court recognized the president as the sole arbiter of whether a domestic emergency justifies military response, it <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/25/19/">presumed</a> that certain checks on presidential power were built in. First, it presumed the president was appropriately vested with the “high and delicate” power of determining when military force is necessary because it presumed the president respected the constitutional duty to “take care that the laws be faithfully executed.” Second, the Court presumed that the president possessed “the high qualities . . . of public virtue, and honest devotion to the public interests.” And third, it presumed that “elections, and the watchfulness of the representatives of the nation” would serve as “checks . . . to guard against usurpation or wanton tyranny.” None of those presumptions hold true if Trump, for example, uses military force to undermine the very election that is meant to serve as a “check” against such “wanton tyranny.” Neither vague proclamations of civil unrest by “anarchists,” nor assertions of “voter fraud” are a justification to circumvent the law.</p> <p>Cities and states, therefore, can seek judicial review of an Insurrection Act invocation or threatened invocation that disrupts the election. There are <a href="https://protectdemocracy.org/project/preventing-militarization-of-law-enforcement/#section-0">several arguments</a> they can marshal. First, the president’s invocation of the Act exceeds his statutory authority and therefore violates the Insurrection Act itself and the constitutional separation of powers. This argument is strongest where the proclamation of a so-called “insurrection” or “domestic violence” diverges from reality, as when Trump admitted while announcing his February 2019 national emergency proclamation that he “didn’t need to do this.” (Our organization, <a href="https://protectdemocracy.org/">Protect Democracy</a>, <a href="https://protectdemocracy.org/project/el-paso-county-v-trump/">challenged this proclamation in court</a>.) If the Insurrection Act is construed so broadly as to allow the use of military force to quell largely peaceful protests around the election, the Act, which operates as an exception to the Posse Comitatus Act, would swallow the rule, frustrating Congress’s constitutional prerogative to control when the president can deploy military force to American streets.</p> <p>Second, cities and states can challenge the president’s invocation of the Act as in bad faith. Even while holding that the president can exclusively determine whether to call forth the militia, the Supreme Court in <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/25/19/"><em>Martin v. Mott</em></a> recognized that the president, like every public officer, is only “presumed to act in obedience to his duty [to ensure faithful execution of the laws], until the contrary is shown.” This qualification indicates that the presumption of good faith, on which deference to the president’s determination is founded, may be rebutted, subjecting the president’s determination to judicial review. A bad faith claim would have a long factual record to draw upon of this president abusing his power for his own political and personal gain.</p> <p>Third, apart from any statutory violation of the Insurrection Act itself, use of the Act to deploy the military in connection with the election would violate various <a href="https://protectdemocracy.org/project/preventing-militarization-of-law-enforcement/">constitutional principles and rights</a>, including potentially the First Amendment, equal protection, due process, and the Faithful Execution Clause.</p> <p><strong>The National Guard &amp; 32 U.S.C. § 502(f)</strong></p> <p>The National Guard, composed of <a href="https://www.nationalguard.mil/Portals/31/Documents/J-5/InternationalAffairs/StatePartnershipProgram/SPP%20101%20brief_June%202020.pdf">54</a> separate state and territorial organizations, are by default state entities and subject to state laws and state command almost all of the time. It is rare for the National Guard to be “federalized” and brought under the president’s command and control. This is by constitutional design: Article I explicitly reserves to the states “the <a href="https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/article-1/section-8/clause-16/">Authority of training the Militia</a>.”</p> <p>When <a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/why-were-out-state-national-guard-units-washington-dc-justice-departments-troubling-explanation">federalized</a>, National Guard units essentially become part of the federal military. This means, as discussed above, that the Posse Comitatus Act prohibits their use for domestic law enforcement—unless the president can invoke the Insurrection Act (or another statutory exception). But when the president or Secretary of Defense calls National Guard members to serve missions in what’s known as a <a href="https://www.nationalguard.mil/About-the-Guard/Army-National-Guard/Resources/News/ARNG-Media/FileId/137011/">“hybrid” status</a>, they are not subject to the Posse Comitatus Act. This is because while in hybrid status, National Guard troops serve federal missions <em>while remaining under their state governors’ command and control</em>—they are neither “federalized,” nor fully under the typical state control.</p> <p>Congress has limited permissible hybrid status activities in Title 32 of the U.S. Code. Under <a href="https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCODE-2011-title32/pdf/USCODE-2011-title32-chap5-sec502.pdf">32 U.S.C. § 502(f)</a>, National Guard units may “be ordered to perform training or other duty,” which includes “[s]upport of the operations or missions undertaken by the member’s unit at the request of the President or Secretary of Defense” (and with the consent and at the command of their states’ governors). Under Attorney General William Barr’s <a href="https://twitter.com/KerriKupecDOJ/status/1270487263324049410">interpretation</a>, this provision—a subpart of a provision on National Guard training exercises—would give the Trump administration expansive authority to order out-of-state National Guard units to serve any missions the president requests.</p> <p>But Congress cannot have intended § 502(f) to serve as a catchall provision authorizing all federal missions under the guise of “training exercises” and carve out such a broad exception to the <em>posse comitatus</em> rule. Nothing in the legislative history points to any such intent to create such a sea change in how the National Guard operates. Congress “does not, one might say, hide <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/531/457/#tab-opinion-1960847">elephants in mouseholes</a>.”</p> <p>Nor should the Trump administration be permitted to circumvent the <em>posse comitatus</em> rule by ignoring the critical requirement that National Guard troops remain under <em>state</em> command and control. At a July <a href="https://www.c-span.org/video/?473561-1/general-milley-naming-military-bases-confederacy-was-act-rebellion">hearing</a> before the House Armed Services Committee, Defense Secretary Mark Esper <a href="https://twitter.com/protctdemocracy/status/1281293559652593671">admitted</a> that the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/pentagon-disarms-guardsmen-in-washington-dc-in-signal-of-de-escalation/2020/06/05/324da91a-a733-11ea-8681-7d471bf20207_story.html">thousands</a> of out-of-state National Guard units deployed this summer to help subdue Black Lives Matter protests in DC also reported to a federal chain of command, rather than reporting solely to their governors. That violates the Posse Comitatus Act. (And Congress has not authorized any DC-specific exception). As Steve Vladeck has <a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/why-were-out-state-national-guard-units-washington-dc-justice-departments-troubling-explanation">written</a>, if the federal government relies on Title 32 authorities as a “kind of ersatz Title 10 status,” it would set an “ominous precedent.” Of the eleven states that sent in their National Guards to DC, ten have Republican governors; at least five Democrat-led states refused. Come November, Trump could again try to use § 502(f) to send in National Guard units from “friendly” Republican-led states into blue states. He cannot raise such a “red army,” however, without violating constitutional and <em>posse comitatus </em>principles.</p> <p><strong>Militarized Federal Agents</strong></p> <p><strong> </strong>In July 2020, President Trump and DHS <a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/senate-should-ask-chad-wolf-about-his-illegal-appointment">purported</a> <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2020/09/14/politics/judge-chad-wolf/index.html">Acting Secretary</a> Chad Wolf sent armed federal agents under “Operation Diligent Valor” to, in Trump’s own words, <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2020/07/17/portland-protests-federal-arrests/">“quell” the protests</a> and “take over” Portland&#8211;though the legal authorities that DHS cited were narrower than this rhetoric. Nevertheless, these agents wore military fatigues, carried military-style gear, and acted like an army occupying a hostile country: they used tear gas, rubber bullets, bean bags, pepper spray, flash-bang explosives; and unidentified agents arrested protesters in unmarked vans, reminiscent of renditions by secret police in authoritarian countries.</p> <p>Despite wearing camouflage and carrying military-grade weapons, DHS agents are civilians, not the military, and therefore the Posse Comitatus Act does not apply. Indeed, avoiding the constraints of the Posse Comitatus Act makes DHS a particularly strong candidate for the president’s chosen vehicle for militarized law enforcement. The president, however, still runs into two constraints.</p> <p>First is the constraint that applies to all executive power: the president has only the powers granted by the Constitution and Congress. The president does not have any inherent authority to command a standing force of armed civilian agents. Instead, a president can only order agencies to act within their statutory authority, and that authority is bounded by the Constitution.</p> <p>Second, the president is constrained by the federalist system: the Tenth Amendment reserves to the states all powers that the Constitution does not otherwise delegate to the federal government, including a generalized police power. Thus, the president can deploy federal agents only to serve as law enforcement in a manner authorized by statute.</p> <p>Here, the statute that Trump and Wolf <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/dhs-authorizes-personnel-to-collect-information-on-protesters-it-says-threaten-monuments/2020/07/20/6f58867c-cace-11ea-b0e3-d55bda07d66a_story.html">claim</a> authorizes them to send agents to Portland and other cities, <a href="https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCODE-2007-title40/pdf/USCODE-2007-title40-subtitleI-chap13-sec1315.pdf">40 U.S.C. § 1315</a>, does not authorize the activities for which they were invoked. That section permits the DHS Secretary to deploy DHS agents “for duty in connection with the protection of [federal] property . . . including duty in areas outside the property”—but only “<em>to the extent necessary to protect the property and persons on the property</em> (emphasis added).” In Portland, DHS agents were clearly and intentionally acting well beyond “the extent necessary” to protect federal property and persons on that property. That makes their actions—and DHS’s policy of deploying these agents in this manner—illegal.</p> <p>If Trump and Wolf export the same tactic to other cities—as they have threatened to do—that would be illegal as well. As <a href="https://protectdemocracy.org/project/dont-shoot-portland-and-wall-of-moms-v-wolf/#section-0">litigation</a> that Protect Democracy filed argues, this statute simply does not authorize Trump to have a standing private army to invade cities he dislikes; it only authorizes federal agents to protect federal property and the persons on the property. Should Trump and Wolf attempt to deploy DHS agents under a different statutory authority in a different city, they would still be constrained by the specific limits of whichever statute they rely upon.</p> <p>Trump and Wolf’s deployment of militarized DHS agents to Portland—and any future attempts to do the same in other cities—also violate the Constitution. The Constitution protects the right of protesters to protest, and to be free of unlawful retaliation for their protests. If Trump and Wolf send in militarized federal agents to punish protesters for their beliefs—and to punish cities or states that are seemingly aligned with the protesters—that would violate the First Amendment. That’s what happened in Portland; and it’s what Trump has threatened in other cities. Similarly, arresting protesters without probable cause—which, according to news reports, happened in Portland—violates the Fourth Amendment. And using excessive force such as tear gas, rubber bullets, flash bangs, and other violent tactics against protesters without provocation also violates the Fourth and Fifth Amendments.</p> <p>For cities and states trying to fight back against this abuse of federal power, the Administrative Procedure Act (APA) provides a powerful litigation tool. The APA creates an explicit cause of action, and requires a court to enjoin any final agency action that is “<a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/5/706">contrary to law</a>,” that is, that violates a federal statute and/or the Constitution. It thus provides a useful cause of action for protesters, cities, or states to use to sue the government for policies like DHS’s policy in Portland.</p> <p><strong>Patrolling the Polls or Interfering With Voting</strong></p> <p>Deploying armed federal agents—whether military or civilian—to polling places is itself <a href="https://protectdemocracy.org/resource-library/document/law-enforcement-at-the-polls-on-election-day/">illegal</a>. This is above and beyond the specific ways that each of President Trump’s attempts to deploy a private army—whether the military, the National Guard, or civilian federal agents—are themselves illegal.</p> <p>As noted above, there are a set of <em>criminal</em> laws that prohibit armed federal officials—whether civilian or military—from being deployed at or near polling places or interfering with an election in any way.</p> <p>Beyond these criminal laws, there are three important federal statutes that explicitly prohibit intimidating voters, whether the intimidation is done by federal law enforcement, state law enforcement, private individuals, or anyone else. The oldest of these, the Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871 (now codified at <u>42 U.S.C. § 1985(3) clauses 3 and 4</u>), prohibits conspiracies to intimidate or injure voters, whether by private or government actors. <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/52/10101">Section 131(b) of the) of the Civil Rights Act of 1957</a> and <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/52/10307">Section 11(b) of the Voting Rights Act</a> both also prohibit voter intimidation by private and government actors. Moreover, a federal criminal statute, <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/594">18 U.S.C. § 594</a>, makes voter intimidation a crime. Any attempt by Trump (or Wolf, or another federal official) to deploy the military or armed federal agents to a polling place, or near a polling place in a manner that is likely to intimidate voters or interfere with the election, would likely run afoul of these laws.</p> <p>More broadly, the Fifth Amendment <a href="https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5141113/LWV-of-Florida-v-Scott-Order.pdf">requires</a> that elections be fundamentally fair, and that government officials not use their <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/556/868/">official powers</a> over the electoral process to influence the outcome in a self-interested fashion. The First, Fifth, and Fourteenth Amendments also require federal and state officials to use their law enforcement powers in a non-partisan, non-arbitrary fashion, and prohibit the vindictive use of those powers against political opponents or in retaliation for constitutionally protected activities such a political speech, association, and voting. As the Seventh Circuit has <a href="https://casetext.com/case/esmail-v-macrane">recognized</a>, “the power of government” cannot be “brought to bear . . . merely because a powerful . . . official harbors a malignant animosity.” As a result, if President Trump’s “<a href="https://casetext.com/case/us-v-vazquez-9">motivation</a>” for using law enforcement “was an unconstitutional one—e.g., if the reason for [doing so] was to chill the exercise of” constitutional rights, that too would <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/508/520/">violate the Constitution</a>.</p> <p style="text-align: center;"><strong> </strong>*           *           *</p> <p>In <em>Youngstown Sheet &amp; Tube Co. v. Sawyer</em>, Justice Robert Jackson <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/343/579/">observed</a> that no doctrine could be “more sinister and alarming” than to allow a president to “vastly enlarge his mastery over the internal affairs of the country by his own commitment of the Nation’s armed forces to some foreign venture.” Even more sinister and alarming would be to allow the president to influence the election through his command of armed forces, whether military or civilian, in some domestic venture. Given this president’s record, however, it is not an unlikely scenario. To safeguard a free and fair election this fall, decision-makers within government must adhere to their oaths to uphold the Constitution, and the courts, if called upon, must be willing to intervene to judicially safeguard our democracy. And the press and the public must be informed so as to understand what is illegal and illegitimate, and take direct action, through mass peaceful protests and other means, if necessary to safeguard our democracy.</p> <p><em>Editor&#8217;s note: This article has been updated to remove reference to a historical connection between the National Guard and the Second Amendment provision for a &#8220;well-regulated Militia.&#8221;</em></p> <h6><em>Image: PORTLAND, OR &#8211; JULY 17: Federal officers prepare to disperse the crowd of protestors outside the Multnomah County Justice Center on July 17, 2020 in Portland, Oregon. Federal law enforcement agencies attempt to intervene as protests continue in Portland. (Photo by Mason Trinca/Getty Images)</em></h6> <div class="icon-end-post"></div><div class="mobile-post-tags"><div class="post-tags"><h3>Filed under:</h3><p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/2020-presidential-election/" rel="tag">2020 presidential election</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/department-of-homeland-security/" rel="tag">Department of Homeland Security (DHS)</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/dhs/" rel="tag">DHS</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/election-interference/" rel="tag">election interference</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/elections/" rel="tag">elections</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/executive-power/" rel="tag">Executive Power</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/insurrection-act/" rel="tag">Insurrection Act</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/ku-klux-klan-act/" rel="tag">Ku Klux Klan Act</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/military/" rel="tag">Military</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/national-guard/" rel="tag">National Guard</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/posse-comitatus/" rel="tag">Posse Comitatus</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/trump-administration/" rel="tag">Trump administration</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/william-barr/" rel="tag">William Barr</a></p></div></div></article></main><div id="secondary-right" class="secondary" role="complementary"><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/early-edition-signup/" class="button has-icon icon-pm">Signups for A.M. & P.M. 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Smith" class="author url fn" rel="author">Matthew &quot;Hezzy&quot; Smith</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/steinmichael/" title="Profile and articles by Michael Ashley Stein" class="author url fn" rel="author">Michael Ashley Stein</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/greenalex/" title="Profile and articles by Alex Green" class="author url fn" rel="author">Alex Green</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kayessrosemary/" title="Profile and articles by Rosemary Kayess" class="author url fn" rel="author">Rosemary Kayess</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 21st, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98801/podcast-international-law-israel-palestine/">The Just Security Podcast: Assessing the Recent Response of International Law and Institutions in Palestine and Israel</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/imseisardi/" title="Profile and articles by Ardi Imseis" class="author url fn" rel="author">Ardi Imseis</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hammourishahd/" title="Profile and articles by Shahd Hammouri" class="author url fn" rel="author">Shahd Hammouri</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kattanvictor/" title="Profile and articles by Victor Kattan" class="author url fn" rel="author">Victor Kattan</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/sirleafmatiangai/" title="Profile and articles by Matiangai Sirleaf" class="author url fn" rel="author">Matiangai Sirleaf</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shahparas/" title="Profile and articles by Paras Shah" class="author url fn" rel="author">Paras Shah</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/aptclara/" title="Profile and articles by Clara Apt" class="author url fn" rel="author">Clara Apt</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 21st, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98754/biden-end-iraq-war/">A Presidential Proclamation to End the Iraq War: Unilateral Executive Action to Defang a Zombie AUMF</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/finucanebrian/" title="Profile and articles by Brian Finucane" class="author url fn" rel="author">Brian Finucane</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 20th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98733/ukraine-icc-ratification/">Unforced Error: Article 124 and the Regrettable Caveat to Ukraine’s Proposed Ratification of the ICC Statute</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/dannenbaumtom/" title="Profile and articles by Tom Dannenbaum" class="author url fn" rel="author">Tom Dannenbaum</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 20th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98674/911-plea-deals-revoked/">Revoking the 9/11 Plea Deals: Human Rights Consequences</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/niaolainfionnuala/" title="Profile and articles by Fionnuala Ní Aoláin" class="author url fn" rel="author">Fionnuala Ní Aoláin</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 16th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98652/afghanistan-taliban-third-anniversary/">Collecting Just Security&#8217;s Afghanistan Coverage on Third Anniversary of Taliban Takeover</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/nirmaya/" title="Profile and articles by Maya Nir" class="author url fn" rel="author">Maya Nir</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 15th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98592/sudan-talks-deadlock/">Breaking the Deadlock: New Talks Needed to Help End Sudan’s Violence and Offer a Glimmer of Hope</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/abdulshafiquscondy/" title="Profile and articles by Quscondy Abdulshafi" class="author url fn" rel="author">Quscondy Abdulshafi</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 13th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98543/fara-sue-mi-terry/">The Perils of Expertise: How the DOJ Indictment of Sue Mi Terry Can Chill the Think Tank World</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/craiggregory/" title="Profile and articles by Gregory B. Craig" class="author url fn" rel="author">Gregory B. Craig</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 12th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98501/israel-trans-border-torture/">Justice for Trans-border Torture Requires Rethinking the International Criminal Court’s Jurisdiction in the Israel-Palestine Conflict</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/ben-natansmadar/" title="Profile and articles by Smadar Ben-Natan" class="author url fn" rel="author">Smadar Ben-Natan</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/mannitamar/" title="Profile and articles by Itamar Mann" class="author url fn" rel="author">Itamar Mann</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 7th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98445/our-lives-depend-on-cloud/">Our Lives Depend on the Cloud. Now What?</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/pendletonjohn/" title="Profile and articles by John Pendleton" class="author url fn" rel="author">John Pendleton</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/leviteariel/" title="Profile and articles by Ariel Levite" class="author url fn" rel="author">Ariel Levite</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 6th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98429/security-council-report-isis-qaeda/">Wake Up Call: UN Security Council’s Report on ISIS and al-Qaeda</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/joscelyntom/" title="Profile and articles by Tom Joscelyn" class="author url fn" rel="author">Tom Joscelyn</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 5th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98378/podcast-assessing-laws-of-war/">The Just Security Podcast: Assessing the Laws of War</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/droegecordula/" title="Profile and articles by Cordula Droege" class="author url fn" rel="author">Cordula Droege</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bridgemantess/" title="Profile and articles by Tess Bridgeman" class="author url fn" rel="author">Tess Bridgeman</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shahparas/" title="Profile and articles by Paras Shah" class="author url fn" rel="author">Paras Shah</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/blankharrison/" title="Profile and articles by Harrison Blank" class="author url fn" rel="author">Harrison Blank</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 2nd, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98313/podcast-hostage-policy/">The Just Security Podcast: The Evolution of U.S. Hostage Policy</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/foleydiane/" title="Profile and articles by Diane Foley" class="author url fn" rel="author">Diane Foley</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hartigluke/" title="Profile and articles by Luke Hartig" class="author url fn" rel="author">Luke Hartig</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/violagienger/" title="Profile and articles by Viola Gienger" class="author url fn" rel="author">Viola Gienger</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shahparas/" title="Profile and articles by Paras Shah" class="author url fn" rel="author">Paras Shah</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/blankharrison/" title="Profile and articles by Harrison Blank" class="author url fn" rel="author">Harrison Blank</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 1st, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98273/the-aftermath-of-the-haniyeh-killing-how-to-avoid-a-new-middle-east-war/">The Aftermath of the Haniyeh Killing: How to Avoid a New Middle East War</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" title="Profile and articles by Brianna Rosen" class="author url fn" rel="author">Brianna Rosen</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 31st, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98261/disability-think-differently-trump/">Donald Trump’s Dangerous Views on Disability and the Power to Think Differently</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shahparas/" title="Profile and articles by Paras Shah" class="author url fn" rel="author">Paras Shah</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 31st, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97738/just-security-analysis-supreme-court/">Collecting Just Security&#8217;s Analysis of the Supreme Court&#8217;s Term</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/blankharrison/" title="Profile and articles by Harrison Blank" class="author url fn" rel="author">Harrison Blank</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bridgemantess/" title="Profile and articles by Tess Bridgeman" class="author url fn" rel="author">Tess Bridgeman</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 29th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98205/prudential-trump-v-united-states/">A Prudential Way Forward in <i>Trump v. United States</i></a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bobbittphilip/" title="Profile and articles by Philip Bobbitt" class="author url fn" rel="author">Philip Bobbitt</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 29th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98091/negotiations-with-iran-now/">Space May be Opening for Negotiations with Iran</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/brewgregory/" title="Profile and articles by Gregory Brew" class="author url fn" rel="author">Gregory Brew</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 29th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98128/united-nations-pact-for-future/">What the Draft UN &#8220;Pact for the Future&#8221; Tells Us About International Insecurity</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/gowanrichard/" title="Profile and articles by Richard Gowan" class="author url fn" rel="author">Richard Gowan</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 26th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98082/international-court-of-justices-call-on-all-states-to-end-israels-occupation-and-find-a-path-to-peace/">International Court of Justice’s Call on All States to End Israel’s Occupation and Find a Path to Peace</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/nowrojeebinaifer/" title="Profile and articles by Binaifer Nowrojee" class="author url fn" rel="author">Binaifer Nowrojee</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 25th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98037/doj-special-counsel/"><i> United States v. Nixon </i> at Fifty: Why Judge Cannon Is Wrong About the Attorney General’s Authority to Select a Special Counsel</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/ledermanmarty/" title="Profile and articles by Marty Lederman" class="author url fn" rel="author">Marty Lederman</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 24th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97937/azerbaijan-arbitrary-detentions-host-cop29/">Azerbaijan’s Aliyev Extends Arbitrary Detentions Even as He Prepares to Host Global Climate Conference COP29</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bayramovazhala/" title="Profile and articles by Zhala Bayramova" class="author url fn" rel="author">Zhala Bayramova</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bayramovibad/" title="Profile and articles by Ibad Bayramov" class="author url fn" rel="author">Ibad Bayramov</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bayramliemin/" title="Profile and articles by Emin Bayramli" class="author url fn" rel="author">Emin Bayramli</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 23rd, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/92714/american-autocracy-threat-tracker/">American Autocracy Threat Tracker</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/eisennorman/" title="Profile and articles by Norman L. Eisen" class="author url fn" rel="author">Norman L. Eisen</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/ben-ghiatruth/" title="Profile and articles by Ruth Ben-Ghiat" class="author url fn" rel="author">Ruth Ben-Ghiat</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/wattsiven/" title="Profile and articles by Siven Watt" class="author url fn" rel="author">Siven Watt</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kolbjoshua/" title="Profile and articles by Joshua Kolb" class="author url fn" rel="author">Joshua Kolb</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/warrenandrew/" title="Profile and articles by Andrew Warren" class="author url fn" rel="author">Andrew Warren</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kovacs-goodmanjacob/" title="Profile and articles by Jacob Kovacs-Goodman" class="author url fn" rel="author">Jacob Kovacs-Goodman</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/barrilleauxfrancois/" title="Profile and articles by Francois Barrilleaux" class="author url fn" rel="author">Francois Barrilleaux</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 22nd, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97922/non-state-civilian-political-institutions/">Assessing the Civilian and Political Institutions of Armed Non-State Actors under International Law</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/fortinkatharine/" title="Profile and articles by Katharine Fortin" class="author url fn" rel="author">Katharine Fortin</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 22nd, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97826/state-departments-civilian-harm-incident-response/">The State Department’s Civilian Harm Incident Response Guidance: How to Make a Good Thing Better</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/blahacharles/" title="Profile and articles by Charles O. (Cob) Blaha" class="author url fn" rel="author">Charles O. (Cob) Blaha</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 18th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97781/three-flaws-supreme-court-immunity/">Three Flaws in the Supreme Court’s Decision on Presidential Criminal Immunity</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/weissmannandrew/" title="Profile and articles by Andrew Weissmann" class="author url fn" rel="author">Andrew Weissmann</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 17th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97760/economic-security-presidential-power/">How ‘Economic Security’ is Re-shaping Presidential Power</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/claussenkathleen/" title="Profile and articles by Kathleen Claussen" class="author url fn" rel="author">Kathleen Claussen</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/meyertimothy/" title="Profile and articles by Timothy Meyer" class="author url fn" rel="author">Timothy Meyer</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 16th, 2024</p> </li></ul></div></aside><div class="capitol-breaker"><h3 class="widget-title">Resources</h3></div><aside id="js-scrolling-content-4" class="widget js-scrolling-content clearfix"><h3 class="flexible-content-title">Trackers</h3><div class="flexible-content posts clearfix" style="height:auto;"><ul class="posts-list-min"><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105064/mapping-state-reactions-icc/">Mapping State Reactions to the ICC Arrest Warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/ingberrebecca/" title="Profile and articles by Rebecca Ingber" class="author url fn" rel="author">Rebecca Ingber</a></p> <p class="date">Nov 23rd, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/81789/russias-eliminationist-rhetoric-against-ukraine-a-collection/">Russia&#8217;s Eliminationist Rhetoric Against Ukraine: A Collection</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/aptclara/" title="Profile and articles by Clara Apt" class="author url fn" rel="author">Clara Apt</a></p> <p class="date">Aug 26th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/100235/unga-79-expert-analysis-resources/">UNGA 79: Expert Analysis &#038; Resources</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/aptclara/" title="Profile and articles by Clara Apt" class="author url fn" rel="author">Clara Apt</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/nirmaya/" title="Profile and articles by Maya Nir" class="author url fn" rel="author">Maya Nir</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/violagienger/" title="Profile and articles by Viola Gienger" class="author url fn" rel="author">Viola Gienger</a></p> <p class="date">Sep 19th, 2024</p> </li></ul></div></aside><aside id="js-scrolling-content-6" class="widget js-scrolling-content clearfix"><h3 class="flexible-content-title">Series</h3><div class="flexible-content posts custom-scroll clearfix" style="height:350px;"><ul class="posts-list-min"><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/95879/symposium-international-criminal-court-gaza/">A Symposium on the International Criminal Court and the Israel-Hamas War</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/just-security-admin/" title="Profile and articles by Just Security" class="author url fn" rel="author">Just Security</a></p> <p class="date">Nov 22nd, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/96975/icc-prosecutor-policy-complementarity-cooperation/">Symposium: ICC Prosecutor Launches Policy on Complementarity and Cooperation</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/uruenarene/" title="Profile and articles by René Urueña" class="author url fn" rel="author">René Urueña</a></p> <p class="date">Jun 20th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/96881/symposium-on-ai-and-human-rights/">Introducing the Symposium on AI and Human Rights</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/peakejessica/" title="Profile and articles by Jessica Peake" class="author url fn" rel="author">Jessica Peake</a></p> <p class="date">Jun 17th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/94368/symposium-view-from-lviv/">Symposium: International Law in Ukraine &#8211; The View from Lviv</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/just-security-admin/" title="Profile and articles by Just Security" class="author url fn" rel="author">Just Security</a></p> <p class="date">Apr 5th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/90411/2024-and-beyond-just-securitys-us-election-protection-coverage/">2024 and Beyond: Just Security’s US Election Protection Coverage</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/mollenkampallison2/" title="Profile and articles by Allison Mollenkamp" class="author url fn" rel="author">Allison Mollenkamp</a></p> <p class="date">Dec 4th, 2023</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/92429/introducing-just-securitys-series-on-reparations-in-russias-war-against-ukraine/">Introducing Just Security&#8217;s Series on Reparations in Russia&#8217;s War Against Ukraine</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/corrarinomegan/" title="Profile and articles by Megan Corrarino" class="author url fn" rel="author">Megan Corrarino</a></p> <p class="date">Feb 20th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/92446/establish-syria-victims-fund/">It’s Time to Establish a Syria Victims Fund</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/seifjoumana/" title="Profile and articles by Joumana Seif" class="author url fn" rel="author">Joumana Seif</a></p> <p class="date">Feb 19th, 2024</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/89838/the-future-of-atrocity-prevention-a-joint-symposium/">The Future of Atrocity Prevention: A Joint Symposium</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/whiddengwendolyn/" title="Profile and articles by Gwendolyn Whidden" class="author url fn" rel="author">Gwendolyn Whidden</a></p> <p class="date">Oct 31st, 2023</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/89583/introduction-to-symposium-governing-artificial-intelligence-power-justice-and-the-limits-of-the-law/">Introducing the Symposium on AI Governance: Power, Justice, and the Limits of the Law</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" title="Profile and articles by Brianna Rosen" class="author url fn" rel="author">Brianna Rosen</a></p> <p class="date">Oct 18th, 2023</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/88143/introduction-to-symposium-ending-perpetual-war/">Introduction to Symposium: Ending Perpetual War</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" title="Profile and articles by Brianna Rosen" class="author url fn" rel="author">Brianna Rosen</a></p> <p class="date">Sep 11th, 2023</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/87280/joint-symposium-on-u-s-cooperation-with-the-international-criminal-courts-ukraine-investigation/">Joint Symposium on U.S. Cooperation with the International Criminal Court’s Ukraine Investigation</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/just-security-admin/" title="Profile and articles by Just Security" class="author url fn" rel="author">Just Security</a></p> <p class="date">Jul 17th, 2023</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/86748/u-n-general-assembly-and-international-criminal-tribunal-for-the-crime-of-aggression-against-ukraine/">U.N. General Assembly and International Criminal Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression Against Ukraine</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/just-security-admin/" title="Profile and articles by Just Security" class="author url fn" rel="author">Just Security</a></p> <p class="date">May 9th, 2023</p> </li><li> <h4><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/85110/introducing-the-symposium-on-u-s-support-for-the-iccs-trust-fund-for-victims/">Introducing the Symposium on U.S. Support for the ICC’s Trust Fund for Victims</a></h4> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/williamspaul/" title="Profile and articles by Paul R. Williams" class="author url fn" rel="author">Paul R. 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Follow her on Twitter at (<a href="https://twitter.com/chrstnkwn">@chrstnkwn</a>). </p> </div><div class="post-author-bio"><h4 title="Read bio and view posts by this author"><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rachelhomer/">Rachel <span>Homer</span></a></h4><p>Rachel Homer is counsel at Protect Democracy. </p> </div><p class="clearfix"> <a href="mailto:lte@justsecurity.org" class="button has-icon icon-fa"> <i class="fa fa-envelope-o" aria-hidden="true"></i> Send A Letter To The Editor </a> </p></div></div><div class="post-bottom-row related-posts clearfix"><div class="secondary-left"><h3>Read these related stories next:</h3></div><div class="primary archive-wrap"><div class="result-entry type-post"> <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105019/trump-ukraine-policy-peace-talks/" class="thumb" style="background-image:url(https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Zelenskyy-Trump-shaking-hands-scaled-e1732164790599.jpg?fit=768%2C282&ssl=1);"></a> <h3><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105019/trump-ukraine-policy-peace-talks/">To &#8216;End&#8217; War in Ukraine, Trump Might Be Tougher on Putin Than Critics Think</a></h3> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/violagienger/" title="Profile and articles by Viola Gienger" class="author url fn" rel="author">Viola Gienger</a></p> <p class="date">Nov 21st, 2024</p> </div><div class="result-entry type-post"> <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/104929/ukraine-biden-trump-missiles/" class="thumb" style="background-image:url(https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Ukraine-US-White-House-protest-scaled-e1731977966913.jpg?fit=768%2C289&ssl=1);"></a> <h3><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/104929/ukraine-biden-trump-missiles/">Biden’s Final Efforts on Ukraine &#8212; and Trump’s First Moves</a></h3> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/frieddaniel/" title="Profile and articles by Ambassador Daniel Fried" class="author url fn" rel="author">Ambassador Daniel Fried</a></p> <p class="date">Nov 19th, 2024</p> </div><div class="result-entry type-post"> <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/84303/just-securitys-climate-archive/" class="thumb" style="background-image:url(https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/Climate-collage-scaled.jpg?fit=768%2C308&ssl=1);"></a> <h3><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/84303/just-securitys-climate-archive/">Just Security’s Climate Archive</a></h3> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/aptclara/" title="Profile and articles by Clara Apt" class="author url fn" rel="author">Clara Apt</a></p> <p class="date">Nov 19th, 2024</p> </div><div class="result-entry type-post"> <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/104893/guantanamo-plea-deal-appeal/" class="thumb" style="background-image:url(https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Guantanamo-Office-of-Military-Commissions-scaled-e1731906002660.jpg?fit=768%2C296&ssl=1);"></a> <h3><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/104893/guantanamo-plea-deal-appeal/">How Much (or How Little) Does the Biden Administration Want Justice in the 9/11 Case?</a></h3> <p class="author">by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/roehmscott/" title="Profile and articles by Scott Roehm" class="author url fn" rel="author">Scott Roehm</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/mossian/" title="Profile and articles by Ian Moss" class="author url fn" rel="author">Ian Moss</a></p> <p class="date">Nov 18th, 2024</p> </div><div class="result-entry type-post"> <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/104844/sanctions-trump-maximum-pressure/" class="thumb" style="background-image:url(https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Trump-Iran-sanctions-scaled-e1731639937419.jpg?fit=768%2C271&ssl=1);"></a> <h3><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/104844/sanctions-trump-maximum-pressure/">Will Renewed `Maximum Pressure’ Sanctions Yield Maximum Results? 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