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杨奎松:新中国镇反运动始末(3)_共识网

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mt1"> <div class="pleft"> <div class="viewbox"> <script src="/web/20141017211014js_/http://www.21ccom.net/plus/ad_js.php?aid=13" language="javascript"></script></div><!-- /place --> <div class="place"> <strong>当前位置:</strong> <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20141017211014/http://www.21ccom.net/">主页</a> &gt; <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20141017211014/http://www.21ccom.net/articles/lsjd/">历史解读</a> &gt; <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20141017211014/http://www.21ccom.net/plus/list.php?tid=41">现当代史</a> &gt; </div><!-- /place --> <div class="viewbox"> <div class="title"> <h2>杨奎松:新中国镇反运动始末(3)</h2> </div><!-- /title --> <div class="info"> <small>发布时间:</small>2012-05-09 09:41 <small>作者:</small><a href="/web/20141017211014/http://www.21ccom.net/plus/search.php?typeid=11&amp;keyword=杨奎松&amp;starttime=-1&amp;channeltype=-1&amp;orderby=sortrank&amp;kwtype=1" target="_blank">杨奎松</a> 字号:<a href="javascript:FontZoom(18)">大</a> <a href="javascript:FontZoom(16)">中</a> <a href="javascript:FontZoom(14)">小</a> <small> 点击:</small><span id="vvclick"> 加载中 </span> </div><!-- /info --> <div class="content"> <table width="100%"> <tr><td><div id="contents"> </p> <p><br/>   毛泽东的&ldquo;大杀几批&rdquo;,到底是个什么概念呢?比较毛泽东的这个新的计划,各地领导人的思想明显地跟不上趟了。为了使各地主要负责人切实了解他的想法,同时进一步督促和鼓动各地抓紧这千载一时之机,他不得不开始分别给各地具体下达处死反革命分子的指标了。1月21日,他在给上海市委的电报当中,明确告诉后者:&ldquo;在上海这样的大城市,在今年一年内,恐怕需要处决一二千人,才能解决问题。在春季处决三五百人,压低敌焰,伸张民气,是很必要的。南京方面,请华东局指导该市市委好好布置侦捕审讯,争取在春季处决一二百个最重要的反动分子&rdquo;。</p> <p><br/>   1月22日,他电告华南分局广东方面负责人称:&ldquo;你们已杀了3700多,这很好,再杀三四千人&rdquo;,&ldquo;今年可以杀八九千人为目标&rdquo;。届时看情况再定下一步的镇压计划。1月29日,见到公安部对中南军政委员会公安部逮捕19823人,在省级机关内亦逮捕160人,担心如此内外不分地实施逮捕,容易引起广大干部的恐慌与思想波动的报告时,毛泽东亦明确告诫公安部:&ldquo;湖北做得很对,不要去泼冷水。&rdquo;</p> <p><br/>   2月5日,中共中央西北局报告,两个月已捕500多人,并杀了500多人,虽然总体看&ldquo;杀得不狠,处理缓慢&rdquo;,但&ldquo;执行镇反计划,一定求稳,批准杀人一律在省上&rdquo;,毛泽东对此却批示道:&ldquo;其判死刑者则经专署批准执行&rdquo;即可。</p> <p><br/>   由于各地高层领导人责任大、任务重,顾虑相对较多,毛泽东这时甚至还亲自批示要求各地县委书记都直接与他通信,汇报各县市镇反运动的开展情况。用这种方法,来推动各地领导人解放思想,切实跟上他的要求。</p> <p><br/>   毛泽东的直接推动和部署,迅速引起了地方的反响。各地区及省、地、市领导人自然纷纷表态拥护,主动多报处死反革命分子计划。但是,显而易见,由于没有统一的标准,各地方数字差异很大,而且多数实际仍旧达不到毛泽东的要求。</p> <p><br/>   在平衡了各地方上报的处死反革命分子计划之后,毛泽东很快就计算出了一个各地应处死反革命分子的比例数来了。按照他的设想,一般城市处死反革命分子至少应达到当地人口总数的0.5&permil;,敌情严重的地区,可以达到1&permil;,个别地区亦可突破,但不应超过1.5&permil;。据此,毛泽东明确指示上海和南京方面的负责人说:&ldquo;上海是一个600万人口的大城市,按照上海已捕2万余人仅杀200余人的情况,我认为1951年一年内至少应当杀掉罪大的匪首、惯匪、恶霸、特务及会门头子3000人左右。而在上半年至少应杀掉1500人左右。这个数字是否适当,请你们加以斟酌。南京方面,据2月3日柯庆施同志给饶漱石同志的电报,已杀72人,拟再杀1500人,这个数目似太少。南京是一个50万人口的大城市,国民党的首都,应杀的反动分子似不止200多人。&rdquo;&ldquo;南京杀人太少,应在南京多杀&rdquo;。</p> <p><br/>   各地过去在处死反革命分子的问题上之所以手脚放不开,除了以往一些历史教训和进城以后过多地考虑到统战需要以外,一个很重要的原因,就是受到了司法形式的束缚。中共进城之前,就公开宣告废除了国民党的&ldquo;六法&rdquo;体系。但进城之后,并未能马上建立起自己的法律体系,甚至也没有着手制订适合于全国范围的刑法。各地沿用的在不同时期和不同根据地颁布实施的个别法律条文与行政法规等等,既未整合统一,也没有明令宣布当以何者为准。再加上抗战时期根据地的一些法律法规,其基本依据也或多或少地参考过&ldquo;六法&rdquo;,结果,虽然形式上废除了&ldquo;六法&rdquo;,实际上人们在涉及到司法问题时,往往仍旧有意无意地沿袭着&ldquo;六法&rdquo;的思路考虑问题。特别是在定罪、量刑的问题上,几乎无法不考虑旧的法律观念上许多通行的标准。而正是因为受到这些通行的标准,诸如&ldquo;已遂&rdquo;、&ldquo;未遂&rdquo;之类的一些量刑尺度的束缚,各地领导人及其相关机构要想轻易定人死罪,就变得极为困难。</p> <p><br/>   要便利各地放开手脚处死反革命分子,必须另定一套统一的标准。&ldquo;双十&rdquo;指示虽然明确提出了要以政务院颁布的惩治反革命条例为依据,但制定这样一套标准仍旧颇费周折。直到毛泽东提出了新的处死反革命分子计划之后,政务院才于1951年2月21日根据中共中央的要求,正式颁布了《中华人民共和国惩治反革命条例》(以下简称《条例》)。《条例》根据毛泽东的指示精神,为了使地方上能够放开手脚,有意对反革命罪的解释变得相当宽泛,所规定的处刑标准掌握起来更是有相当的自由度。《条例》根本上否定了&ldquo;已遂&rdquo;、&ldquo;未遂&rdquo;的概念,规定:只要有勾结帝国主义,策动、勾引、收买公职人员、武装部队或民兵叛变,持械聚众叛乱,参加特务或间谍组织,以反革命为目的组织或利用封建会门,抢劫、破坏公私财产和公共设施,投毒杀人,伪造公文证件,煽动群众对抗政府和挑拨团结,制造散布谣言,以及偷越国境、劫狱越狱、窝藏包庇反革命罪犯等项行为,甚或意图之一者,不论&ldquo;已遂&rdquo;、&ldquo;未遂&rdquo;,均可定为反革命罪。至于该杀不该杀,则主要取决于是否首要分子,或是否情节严重,二者占其一者,均可判处死刑或无期徒刑。但什么叫&ldquo;勾结帝国主义&rdquo;,什么叫&ldquo;以反革命为目的&rdquo;,什么叫&ldquo;情节严重&rdquo;,等等,《条例》却并无具体的解释。</p> <p><br/>   《条例》甫一颁布,毛泽东即发出指示,全力督促各地抓紧实施镇压。其电报称:&ldquo;各大城市除东北外,镇压反革命的工作,一般地说来,还未认真地严厉地大规模地实行。从现在起应当开始这样做,不能再迟了。这些城市主要是北京、天津、青岛、上海、南京、广州、汉口、重庆及各省省城,这是反革命组织的主要巢穴,必须有计划地布置侦察和逮捕。在几个月内,大杀几批罪大有据的反革命分子。&rdquo;</p> <p><br/>   毛泽东这时之所以敢于一反其开始时小心谨慎的态度,采用这样一种方式来推动镇反,前提自然也还是建立在其再三强调的&ldquo;只要我们不杀错&rdquo;的基础上的。依照毛泽东内定的原则:首先是&ldquo;对全区性、全县性的恶霸必须全部杀掉,全乡性的恶霸必须一部或大部杀掉,不这样不能解决问题,而且有些恶霸必须先杀掉,否则群众不敢起来。&rdquo;只是,镇压反革命的运动一旦走上了以鼓动和宣传群众为目的,仅仅着眼于打击特务、间谍和《条例》所列举的那些已遂或未遂的&ldquo;现行&rdquo;分子,就明显地不够了。因为,鼓动和宣传群众,必须以群众的直接利益为着眼点。一般的特务、间谍和《条例》所列举的多数罪行,与群众的利害关系往往并不直接,结果也就很难达到鼓动和宣传群众的目的。因此,镇压反革命作为一种群众运动被掀动起来,从一开始就不能不着眼于打杀那些直接与普通民众有着切身利害关系,即是有较大民愤的恶霸分子和有血债的历史反革命。也就是说,要着重打杀那些让群众痛恨或恐惧的分子。</p> <p><br/>   但是,什么人可以算是恶霸呢?民愤大小又以什么为标准呢?十分明显,离开了具体的法律标准,单纯靠各级干部凭借主观判断来具体落实,远不是一件容易的事情。一些地区就反映说:他们那里很少有很大民愤的所谓恶霸分子,相反,&ldquo;群众对于直接对他们的利益有妨碍的小偷、流氓、二流子一类人的愤慨倒比较普遍。&rdquo;而且,罪多少为&ldquo;大&rdquo;,恶多大为&ldquo;极&rdquo;,多少&ldquo;民&rdquo;有&ldquo;愤&rdquo;即可算&ldquo;很大&rdquo;,实在难有确切的尺度来衡量。包括血债问题,一些地方找不到多少历史上杀害共产党或善良百姓的人和事,便把过去有过人命官司的,统统视同&ldquo;血债&rdquo;,结果包括&ldquo;在解放前曾攻打伪军,杀死伪军数名&rdquo;,&ldquo;因与人通奸致使其妻气愤投河自尽&rdquo;之类,也都被当作反革命血债看待了。不难想像,在这种情况下,还在运动开始之际,一些地区很早就出现了杀人由心的情况。根据一些地方报告,</p> <p><br/>   只因为要完成镇反任务,不少被定性为恶霸者,连具体罪行都罗列不出,只因有人指认,便被草率杀掉。较典型的河南陕州,完全由县乡两级干部说了算,不到一个月就捕了五六千人,半个月就杀掉了七八百人。</p> <p><br/>   毛泽东并非不了解农村的情况,因此,他并没有忘记提醒那些在杀、关、管的计划上胃口显得特别大,或处死反革命分子的比例已经很大的农村地区,不要草率从事。3月初,他对山东省就有电报强调:&ldquo;草率从事错捕错杀了人,则影响很坏。请你们对镇反工作,实行严格控制,务必谨慎从事,务必纠正一切草率从事的偏向。我们一定要镇压一切反革命,但是一定不可捕错杀错。&rdquo;&ldquo;在那些已经实现了彻底镇压方针的地方,则要停一下,不要多捉多杀了。&rdquo;但与此同时,毛泽东也并不真的想要限制各地处死反革命分子的比例,比如他就不认为1&permil;是一个绝对不可逾越的底线。对那些强调情况特殊,申请超出比例者,他也都表示赞同,只是会强调说:&ldquo;别地自不应援例也杀这样多,但有些情况相似者,亦可仿照办理。&rdquo;</p> <p><br/>   与农村的情况相比较,毛泽东显然更重视城市中镇反的规模和群众动员的情况。他始终认为城市的镇反规模和对民众的发动与教育还差得很远。公安部长罗瑞卿按照毛泽东的要求去各地考察之后提交的报告,印证了毛泽东的这种担心,因而受到毛泽东的高度重视。报告指出:&ldquo;第一,有些同志对城市反革命估计不足,认为城市与乡村不同,乡村有大量的土匪、恶霸,城市只有特务。第二,对城市镇压反革命可能引起的震动估计过高,加重了自己的顾虑,决心动动摇摇,硬是杀不下去。第三,过于相信自己的一点侦察工作基础,忽视了广大群众反奸的伟大力量,不敢放手发动群众,小手小脚,跳不出狭隘的圈子。第四,特情关系太滥,又缺乏严格的控制和监督。第五,大中城市的公安干部量小质弱,管理应加强,否则应付复杂而尖锐的斗争确实是有困难的。&rdquo;毛泽东据此批示说:&ldquo;大城市是反革命分子及其领导机关潜藏的最主要的巢穴,必须用很大的力量去对付,必须认真研究,周密布置,大杀几批,才能初步地解决问题。&rdquo;</p> <p>  怎样才能大杀反革命,动员群众,而又不致造成中间分子的恐惧和不满呢?2月17日,北京市在罗瑞卿的指挥下,一夜之间逮捕反革命675人,次日即公开处决了58人。注意到枪毙人犯有数万群众围观,而且兴高采烈,罗瑞卿明确认为,今后执行死刑前完全可以召开人民代表会议和群众大会等,报告反革命罪行,激发群众对反革命的仇恨心理。随后,北京市又进一步于3月7日夜一举逮捕了1050人。紧接着,北京市公安局专门在各界人民代表会议协商委员会扩大会议以及市区两级人民代表扩大联席会议,宣布反革命分子罪行,提交与会代表讨论惩治办法。经过一系列宣传工作之后,市公安局于25日当天分别在三处一次性就枪决了 199人。</p> <p><br/>   北京利用人民代表会议和群众大会,发动群众起来投入&ldquo;镇反&rdquo;运动的方式,给了毛泽东相当的信心。已经在&ldquo;镇反&rdquo;运动方面走在前列的天津市,也采取了相同的做法。不仅如此,它还在3月间进一步提出了一个具有相当气魄的补充计划,即准备在已经处决掉150人的基础上,再处决1500人。毛泽东对此高度赞赏,马上转发各地,兴奋地宣称:&ldquo;人民说,杀反革命比下一场透雨还痛快&rdquo;。&ldquo;我希望上海、南京、青岛、广州、武汉及其他大城市、中等城市,都有一个几个月至今年年底的切实的镇反计划&rdquo;,&ldquo;都能大杀几批反革命&rdquo;。</p> <p><br/>   终于,一直顾虑上海的工商业中心地位,担心震动太大的上海市委,也&ldquo;深刻检讨了&rdquo;前此放手不足的偏向。按照毛泽东的建议,上海市委报告中央说:上海决心在已经捕了1068人,处死100余人的基础上,再放手捕10000人,杀3000,关4000,管3000。</p> <p><br/>   上海既是中国最大的工商业中心,也是历史上三教九流藏污纳垢之地,更是中国资产阶级和知识分子最集中的地方,因此毛泽东一直格外关注上海的镇反问题,已再三督促。上海终于放开手脚,毛泽东自然高度肯定。电称:&ldquo;如果你们能逮捕万余,杀掉三千,将对各城市的镇反工作发生很大的推动作用。你们注意在逮捕之后迅速审讯,大约在半个月内就应杀掉第一批,然后每隔若干天判处一批。群众才会相信我们肯杀反革命,积极起来帮助我们。&rdquo;考虑到上海市委的顾虑,他还特别推荐了北京和天津的做法,要上海领导人注意看3月下旬北京、天津两地的报纸,参考京津镇压反革命的经验。即先开上百人的代表会,再开上千人的各界会议,最后召开上万人的公审和控诉大会,刺激起群众的义愤,使之自觉地拥护&ldquo;镇反&rdquo;。他断言:由北京的经验看来,只要我们的工作做得好,民主人士和资产阶级是可以取得他们拥护的。</p> <p><br/>   注意到北京和天津的经验,毛泽东这时开始根本调整几个月前中共中央强调注重策略,反对集中报道,造成紧张空气的指示精神,重申&ldquo;大张旗鼓&rdquo;。他一面提醒各地:大张旗鼓地镇压反革命,&ldquo;必须严格限制在匪首、惯匪、恶霸、特务、反动会门头子等项范围之内,不能将小偷、吸毒犯、普通地主、普通国民党党团员、普通国民党军官也包括在内&rdquo;。一面致电各中央局称:&ldquo;最近一时期的镇反工作有两个突出的经验:第一,有计划有准备地大规模地在同一时间内搜捕大批反革命分子,从北京、天津、河北、平原、察哈尔的实际行动,证明这是一种搜捕社会反革命的有效的不可少的步骤。&hellip;&hellip;第二,北京、天津、张家口等城市的经验证明,召开城市中市级和区级的各界代表会和协商委员会扩大会,并有各民主党派、民主人士、少数民族、宗教界、工商界的许多代表人物参加,以揭露反革命罪恶,宣传镇反政策,消除民主人士的思想疑虑,动员各阶层坚决镇压反革命的方法,是成功的。综合这几个地方的经验&hellip;&hellip;是负责人首先亲自主持,公安机关作镇反情况报告,有准备地分类作案件介绍,只介绍重大案件和首恶人犯,不是报告所有人犯。用活人、活事讲解政策,激发对反革命的仇恨,取得各界人士的拥护。&rdquo;目前各地&ldquo;对反革命分子的活动,报纸揭露太少。对引导广大人民群众各界民主人士参加镇反工作,真正与闻其事,各地做得太少。很多地方,畏首畏尾,不敢大张旗鼓杀反革命。这种情况必须立即改变。北京天津两市最近两星期来大有进步,对镇反大张旗鼓,广泛宣传,普遍揭露,利用几十人,百余人,几百人,几千人乃至万余人的会议,利用报纸和广播电台,利用展览会,大肆宣传,使家喻户晓,使全体人民及各界民主人士均参加镇反工作,粉碎了神秘主义,小手小脚,畏首畏尾的作风,收获非常之大&rdquo;。</p> <p><br/>   在毛泽东的极力推动下,全国各大中城市从3月开始,陆续实施了有计划的,极具震慑性的大逮捕和处决的行动。此举在各个城市都造成了相当强烈的震撼性效果。</p> <p><br/>   据较早开始这一行动的太原市委报告,他们3月13日开始实施大逮捕行动,紧接着&ldquo;学习京津的经验,于四月五日召开了市、区各界人民代表的扩大联席会议,专门讨论了镇压反革命和控诉反革命罪行,当场宣布处死了一批反革命&rdquo;,并于5~6两日分批分区执行。公审大会采取了会场和会外相结合的方式,&ldquo;全市五千多架收音机全部开放,重要街道及群众集中场所均安置了喇叭,据不完全统计,群众在十万人以上。很多商店居民把收音机摆在街头,三百一群,五百一伙,聚精会神收听大会上的报告和控诉。十四个大中学校的统计即有七千多人收听。大会宣布为死难烈士同胞致哀时,收听广播的群众也低头致哀:大会喊口号,群众也喊。山大医学院六百五十人听到农民控诉时哭不成声,很多人也流下泪来&rdquo;。</div></td></tr> <tr><td><br>来源:</small> 江淮文史 | 来源日期:2011年第1期 | 责任编辑:王科力 </td></tr> </table> </div><!-- /content --> <div class="dede_pages"> <ul class="pagelist"> <li><a>共5页: </a></li><li><a href="article_2012050959268_2.html">上一页</a></li><li><a href="article_2012050959268.html">1</a></li><li><a href="article_2012050959268_2.html">2</a></li><li class="thisclass"><a href="#">3</a></li><li><a href="article_2012050959268_4.html">4</a></li><li><a href="article_2012050959268_5.html">5</a></li><li><a href="article_2012050959268_4.html">下一页</a></li> </ul> </div><!-- /pages --> <div class="dede_pages"> <ul class="pagelist"> 【把文章分享到 <script 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