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Search results for: voters
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method="get" action="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search"> <div id="custom-search-input"> <div class="input-group"> <i class="fas fa-search"></i> <input type="text" class="search-query" name="q" placeholder="Author, Title, Abstract, Keywords" value="voters"> <input type="submit" class="btn_search" value="Search"> </div> </div> </form> </div> </div> <div class="row mt-3"> <div class="col-sm-3"> <div class="card"> <div class="card-body"><strong>Commenced</strong> in January 2007</div> </div> </div> <div class="col-sm-3"> <div class="card"> <div class="card-body"><strong>Frequency:</strong> Monthly</div> </div> </div> <div class="col-sm-3"> <div class="card"> <div class="card-body"><strong>Edition:</strong> International</div> </div> </div> <div class="col-sm-3"> <div class="card"> <div class="card-body"><strong>Paper Count:</strong> 64</div> </div> </div> </div> <h1 class="mt-3 mb-3 text-center" style="font-size:1.6rem;">Search results for: voters</h1> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">64</span> An Empirical Analysis of the Perception of First Time Voters in Pakistan on the Upcoming General Election 2018, Relationships between Voters and Factors That Affect Voter Priorities</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Syed%20Muhammad%20Wajih%20ul%20Hassan">Syed Muhammad Wajih ul Hassan</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> This research looks at the perception of first-time voters in Pakistan on the political dynamics of the country. This paper shall review the researches that were conducted by Gallup Pakistan and compare it with our findings regarding the voter behavior and factors that affect the priorities of the voters. A country where democracy has just completed its 2 consecutive tenures for the first time, one would always want to know about the voting trends among youth where young population makes 60% of the population in the country. In that case, it is not only a big task to find out voter patterns and trends voters might adhere to while a general election is approaching. Also, the paper discovers the psychology of young Pakistani voters on the upcoming election of 2018 but also the factors that influence the voting decisions of a voter. This research tries to study the relations among voters and how they view each other in general. The paper also explores the views of voters on the factors that impact decision making of a voter while casting his/her vote in Pakistan. The paper thoroughly studies the expectations of the voters from the current system that prevails in the country. The reason this research was conducted is that this kind of positive approach towards finding out the voter perception is heavily untouched in Pakistani academia. This study can benefit a lot of institutions and professions in the future too. The constraints and obstacles that came while this research was being conducted are also identified in the paper. The mode of research is primary research as it was impossible to find out the perceptions of first-time voters without going on the field and carrying out the research. The research was conducted in one of the most reputable and liberal educational institutions of Pakistan. This research is based on a survey that was conducted through questionnaires where responses were collected through a mix process of random and convenient sampling. The major findings of the study show that young voters have a realistic perspective about the electoral process in the country. The research also articulates the factors that affect the priorities of young voters, and also how young voters view other voters that belong from other sections of the society. To conclude, we can say that this research will give us a perspective that can define and identify the voter priorities of the future in Pakistan. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=first%20time%20voters" title="first time voters">first time voters</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=general%20election%202018" title=" general election 2018"> general election 2018</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Pakistan" title=" Pakistan"> Pakistan</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=young" title=" young"> young</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/95463/an-empirical-analysis-of-the-perception-of-first-time-voters-in-pakistan-on-the-upcoming-general-election-2018-relationships-between-voters-and-factors-that-affect-voter-priorities" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/95463.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">223</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">63</span> Usability and Biometric Authentication of Electronic Voting System</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Nighat%20Ayub">Nighat Ayub</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Masood%20Ahmad"> Masood Ahmad</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> In this paper, a new voting system is developed and its usability is evaluated. The main feature of this system is the biometric verification of the voter and then a few easy steps to cast a vote. As compared to existing systems available, e.g dual vote, the new system requires no training in advance. The security is achieved via multiple key concept (another part of this project). More than 100 student voters were participated in the election from University of Malakanad, Chakdara, PK. To achieve the reliability, the voters cast their votes in two ways, i.e. paper based and electronic based voting using our new system. The results of paper based and electronic voting system are compared and it is concluded that the voters cast their votes for the intended candidates on the electronic voting system. The voters were requested to fill a questionnaire and the results of the questionnaire are carefully analyzed. The results show that the new system proposed in this paper is more secure and usable than other systems. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=e-voting" title="e-voting">e-voting</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=security" title=" security"> security</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=usability" title=" usability"> usability</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=authentication" title=" authentication"> authentication</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/68301/usability-and-biometric-authentication-of-electronic-voting-system" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/68301.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">392</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">62</span> The Role of Social Media on Political Behaviour in Malaysia</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Ismail%20Sualman">Ismail Sualman</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Mohd%20Khairuddin%20Othman"> Mohd Khairuddin Othman</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> General Election has been the backbone of democracy that permits people to choose their representatives as they deem fit. The support preferences of the voter differ from one to another, particularly in a plural society like Malaysia. The turning up of high numbers of young voters during the Malaysia 14th General Election has been said to have been caused by social media including Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, Instagram, YouTube and Telegram, WeChat and SMS/MMs. It has been observed that, besides using social media as an interaction tool among social friends, it is also an important source of information to know about issues, politics and politicians. This paper exhibits the role of social media in providing political information to young voters, before an election and during the election campaign. This study examines how this information is being translated into election support. A total of 799 Malay young respondents in Selangor have been surveyed and interviewed. This study revealed that social media has become the source of political information among Malay young voters. This research suggested that social media had a significant effect on the support during the election. Social media plays an important role in carrying information such as current issues, voting trends, candidate imagery and matters that may influence the view of young voters. The information obtained from social media has been translated into a voting decision. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=social%20media" title="social media">social media</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=political%20behaviour" title=" political behaviour"> political behaviour</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=voters%E2%80%99%20choice" title=" voters’ choice"> voters’ choice</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=election." title=" election."> election.</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/152936/the-role-of-social-media-on-political-behaviour-in-malaysia" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/152936.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">146</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">61</span> Political Agency of Women Voters in India: Dependent or Independent Voters</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Priyanka%20Sharma">Priyanka Sharma</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The women voter turnout in India is increasing. The rising female voter turnout is explained in part by men intimidating women in the household to vote. Women are more likely than men to be guided before voting. What is perhaps more significant is that the gender gap has shrunk significantly over the years. However, there are layers and categories of women voters in India. Some women are much more likely than the average woman to follow advice. Against this backdrop, this paper investigates the variation among women voters during the national elections of 2019 in India. The central question of this research paper is whether or not the development of greater political opinion among women would offset guided voting and allow them to emerge as more independent voters. So the independent variable of the study is Indian women’s opinion on politics, and the dependent variable is their voting behavior. The methodology used in this paper is both quantitative and qualitative. This study investigated and examined Lokniti’s election survey data. The sample size used in this survey is 11568. The analysis of this study has revealed that there is a considerable impact of women having a political opinion on their voting behavior. The Bivariate analysis of the variables states that 83% of Indian women who have opinions on political issues do not seek advice while going to vote. This proves the hypothesis of this paper that women with an opinion on politics are more likely to be independent voters. To check the statistical significance of the finding, a chi-square test was done and the p-value found is 0.009737, which shows it is statistically significant. Furthermore, a regression test has been done by controlling certain variables like age, educational qualification, caste, and financial position of the women to probe the influence on the dependent variable. The findings provide worthwhile insights into the relationship between these control variables and the women voting behavior in India. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=dependent%20voter" title="dependent voter">dependent voter</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=independent%20voter" title=" independent voter"> independent voter</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=political%20opinion" title=" political opinion"> political opinion</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=voting%20behavior" title=" voting behavior"> voting behavior</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=women%20voter" title=" women voter"> women voter</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/153742/political-agency-of-women-voters-in-india-dependent-or-independent-voters" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/153742.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">83</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">60</span> Election Administration for Pakistan’s Overseas Voters: An Interview Study</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Adnan%20Skhawat%20Ali">Adnan Skhawat Ali</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Overseas voting was a long debatable issue in Pakistan because major political parties claimed that their overseas voters could not participate in the electoral system. In the history of Pakistan, the first time Election Management body- Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), gave political rights to overseas Pakistanis in 2018 and promoted the true spirit of democracy to give political rights to those people who are living abroad. The main aim of this study is to highlight the crucial factors that are the main hindrance to overseas voting registration. This study conducted purposive sampling and held overseas voters’, from all over the world interviewed for the deep understanding of their behavior towards national politics and elections. This study highlighted the factors which are hindrances in the registration of overseas voters and election administration. These factors are lack of mass media campaign, lack of technical knowledge, complicated registration process, and no information sharing cells in concerned embassies and consulates. ECP should disseminate information about overseas voting via foreign embassies or consulate generals because these are more effective ways to provide information to the Pakistani community/overseas and conduct mass media awareness campaigns to properly inform citizens. Citizens have not only supported the country in terms of remittances but have also made the country’s image in front of other country’s citizens. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=election%20administration" title="election administration">election administration</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=political%20parties" title=" political parties"> political parties</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=election%20management%20body" title=" election management body"> election management body</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=overseas%20Pakistanis" title=" overseas Pakistanis"> overseas Pakistanis</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=elections" title=" elections"> elections</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=registration%20of%20overseas%20voters" title=" registration of overseas voters"> registration of overseas voters</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/195393/election-administration-for-pakistans-overseas-voters-an-interview-study" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/195393.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">0</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">59</span> Trends of Change of Political Participation of Young Voters in Indonesia</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Najmuddin%20Rasul">Najmuddin Rasul</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The purpose of this study is to determine whether media usage and change of citizenship norms influence trends of change of political participation of young voters in Indonesia. The focus of this study is to examine citizenship norms in the context of the development of information and communication technology influence political participation in the context of Indonesia's transition to democracy. The main theoretical framework is media and political participation. For data gathering, 384 young voters between the ages of 17 to 40 years were interviewed in Padang, West Sumatra, Indonesia. The results of this study reveal that gender, age and educational background of respondents did not influence significantly media usage and citizenship norms. The results also show that educational background is not a factor that distinguishes media usage but it becomes differentiating factor in citizenship norms. The results further show that media usage has a significant correlation with citizenship norms and citizenship norms has a significant relationship with political participation. In addition, media usage and citizenship norm significantly influence political participation. The sub-dimensions the citizenship norms (compliance, duty, and engaged citizenship) provides a significant contribution to the sub-dimensions of political participation (traditional political participation, modern political participation, civic political participation). Based on the findings it can be concluded that the political euphoria in the era of transition to democracy has changed pattern of media usage and citizenship norms among the young generation in Indonesia. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=political%20participation" title="political participation">political participation</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=media" title=" media"> media</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=citizenship%20norms" title=" citizenship norms"> citizenship norms</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=democracy" title=" democracy"> democracy</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=young%20voters" title=" young voters"> young voters</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Indonesia" title=" Indonesia"> Indonesia</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/85841/trends-of-change-of-political-participation-of-young-voters-in-indonesia" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/85841.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">211</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">58</span> First Time Voters Representation of Leadership as Exemplified by 2016 Presidentiables</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Fevy%20Kae%20Mateo">Fevy Kae Mateo</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Kimberly%20Javier"> Kimberly Javier</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Alyzza%20Marie%20Palles"> Alyzza Marie Palles</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Leadership is a process of relationship involving interaction with other people. Leaders emphasise authority, which executes and implements regulations, maintains the rules and leads to a better future. The First Time voters are very significant because there are the stakeholders of the type of leader to be deployed. They also have the capacity of engaging the government and can be the agents of change. The objective of the study is to identify the strengths and weaknesses of leader. Moreover, the study identifies the qualities of a leader. Finally, the study determines first-time voter’s representation of a leader. Focus Group Discussion was carried out into two groups of first time voter’s ages 18 to 21 years old. Verbatim transcripts of the discussion were analyzed using Thematic Analysis. Overall results showed super ordinate themes for weaknesses of leader: Lace of transparency in the government, poor communication strategy, and valuing experience over potential and other contributory factor; for strength of a leader: analytical skill, emotional intelligence in political work, analytical ability and economic status on political participation; finally, in the representation of a leader: positive representation of a leader and negative representation of a leader. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=first%20time%20voters" title="first time voters">first time voters</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=focus%20group%20discussion" title=" focus group discussion"> focus group discussion</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=leadership" title=" leadership"> leadership</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=qualitative%20research%20design" title=" qualitative research design"> qualitative research design</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/64076/first-time-voters-representation-of-leadership-as-exemplified-by-2016-presidentiables" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/64076.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">251</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">57</span> Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology in Evaluating Voters' Intention Towards the Adoption of Electronic Forensic Election Audit System</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Sijuade%20A.%20A.">Sijuade A. A.</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Oguntoye%20J.%20P."> Oguntoye J. P.</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Awodoye%20O.%20O."> Awodoye O. O.</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Adedapo%20O.%20A."> Adedapo O. A.</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Wahab%20W.%20B."> Wahab W. B.</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Okediran%20O.%20O."> Okediran O. O.</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Omidiora%20E.%20O."> Omidiora E. O.</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Olabiyisi%20S.%20O."> Olabiyisi S. O.</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Electronic voting systems have been introduced to improve the efficiency, accuracy, and transparency of the election process in many countries around the world, including Nigeria. However, concerns have been raised about the security and integrity of these systems. One way to address these concerns is through the implementation of electronic forensic election audit systems. This study aims to evaluate voters' intention to the adoption of electronic forensic election audit systems using the Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT) model. In the study, the UTAUT model which is a widely used model in the field of information systems to explain the factors that influence individuals' intention to use a technology by integrating performance expectancy, effort expectancy, social influence, facilitating conditions, cost factor and privacy factor to voters’ behavioural intention was proposed. A total of 294 sample data were collected from a selected population of electorates who had at one time or the other participated in at least an electioneering process in Nigeria. The data was then analyzed statistically using Partial Least Square Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM). The results obtained show that all variables have a significant effect on the electorates’ behavioral intention to adopt the development and implementation of an electronic forensic election audit system in Nigeria. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=election%20Audi" title="election Audi">election Audi</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=voters" title=" voters"> voters</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=UTAUT" title=" UTAUT"> UTAUT</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=performance%20expectancy" title=" performance expectancy"> performance expectancy</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=effort%20expectancy" title=" effort expectancy"> effort expectancy</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=social%20influence" title=" social influence"> social influence</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=facilitating%20condition%20social%20influence" title=" facilitating condition social influence"> facilitating condition social influence</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=facilitating%20conditions" title=" facilitating conditions"> facilitating conditions</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=cost%20factor" title=" cost factor"> cost factor</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=privacy%20factor" title=" privacy factor"> privacy factor</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=behavioural%20intention" title=" behavioural intention"> behavioural intention</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/173994/unified-theory-of-acceptance-and-use-of-technology-in-evaluating-voters-intention-towards-the-adoption-of-electronic-forensic-election-audit-system" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/173994.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">73</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">56</span> Political Behavior and Democratic Values: Framing Analysis of Political Discussion Programs in Pakistan</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Umair%20Nadeem">Umair Nadeem</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Sidra%20Umair"> Sidra Umair</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Political behavior of voters and democratic values have been observed an emerging phenomenon in recent years in Pakistan. Privatized TV news channels are taking one sided position on the political issues, corresponding with respective political parties. Since last decade, TV News Channels have undermined this monopoly. Elections 2013 were unique in Pakistan with reference to political behavior and democratic values. Partisan narratives and counter narratives have been witnessed on different TV channels, in last few years. These mediated events seem very important to study the political behavior and democratic values as the country is approaching towards elections 2018. This endeavor is an attempt to capture the framing of the parties, issues in the partisan media culture and framing effects on political behavior of voters. Data for this research come from two data set. Content analysis of selected representative talks shows broadcast on mainstream news channels provide an assessment of the framing while quantitative survey of the discussion program’s viewers from Lahore city provide an evidence of framing effects on political behavior on voters and on democratic values. Regression results help us to argue that the highly partisan shows are strong predictors of polarized views among the audience. Study also grasp the attention of scholars towards the implications of this phenomenon. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=democratic%20values" title="democratic values">democratic values</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=partisan%20media" title=" partisan media"> partisan media</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=polarized%20views" title=" polarized views"> polarized views</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=political%20behavior" title=" political behavior"> political behavior</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/97569/political-behavior-and-democratic-values-framing-analysis-of-political-discussion-programs-in-pakistan" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/97569.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">183</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">55</span> Voting Behavior in an Era of Turbulent Race Relations: Revisiting Church Attendance and Turnout</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=JoVontae%20Butts">JoVontae Butts</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> A central and enduring theme in the study of American politics is political participation, which indicates the health of a democracy, citizen buy-in, and fair political representation. Though voting push factors have been thoroughly researched and are becoming better understood, the effect of those same push factors often varies for marginalized people. Black voters begun to cast votes at a steadily increasing rate following the 1996 election, gradually growing to its highest level in the 2012 presidential election, even surpassing white voter participation rates. The thirty-year growth period of Black voter engagement concluded in the 2016 election, with the number of participating Black voters stumbling by approximately 7% while other demographics remained roughly the same. Theories for the shift in Black voter behavior range from vote suppression to discouragement due to Barack Obama’s concluding tenure in office. Furthermore, Black voter engagement rebounded in the 2020 election, leaving turnout and race scholars to speculate even further, predicting that disapproval of Trump energized the Black voter bloc. Though there is much conjecture regarding the changes in Black voter behavior, there is truly little empirical evidence to vet those suppositions. This study engages and quantifies speculations for the changes in Black voter engagement in recent elections using 2016 and 2020 American National Election Studies Pilot Study data. Additionally, this study expands upon McGregor’s theory of political hypervigilance by exploring differences in political engagement for church-attending Black voters and those that do not. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=race" title="race">race</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=religion" title=" religion"> religion</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=evangelicalism" title=" evangelicalism"> evangelicalism</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=political%20engagement" title=" political engagement"> political engagement</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/149568/voting-behavior-in-an-era-of-turbulent-race-relations-revisiting-church-attendance-and-turnout" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/149568.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">81</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">54</span> Evaluation and Analysis of the Secure E-Voting Authentication Preparation Scheme</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Nidal%20F.%20Shilbayeh">Nidal F. Shilbayeh</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Reem%20A.%20Al-Saidi"> Reem A. Al-Saidi</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Ahmed%20H.%20Alsswey"> Ahmed H. Alsswey</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> In this paper, we presented an evaluation and analysis of E-Voting Authentication Preparation Scheme (EV-APS). EV-APS applies some modified security aspects that enhance the security measures and adds a strong wall of protection, confidentiality, non-repudiation and authentication requirements. Some of these modified security aspects are Kerberos authentication protocol, PVID scheme, responder certificate validation, and the converted Ferguson e-cash protocol. Authentication and privacy requirements have been evaluated and proved. Authentication guaranteed only eligible and authorized voters were permitted to vote. Also, the privacy guaranteed that all votes will be kept secret. Evaluation and analysis of some of these security requirements have been given. These modified aspects will help in filtering the counter buffer from unauthorized votes by ensuring that only authorized voters are permitted to vote. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=e-voting%20preparation%20stage" title="e-voting preparation stage">e-voting preparation stage</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=blind%20signature%20protocol" title=" blind signature protocol"> blind signature protocol</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Nonce%20based%20authentication%20scheme" title=" Nonce based authentication scheme"> Nonce based authentication scheme</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Kerberos%20Authentication%20Protocol" title=" Kerberos Authentication Protocol"> Kerberos Authentication Protocol</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=pseudo%20voter%20identity%20scheme%20PVID" title=" pseudo voter identity scheme PVID"> pseudo voter identity scheme PVID</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/48108/evaluation-and-analysis-of-the-secure-e-voting-authentication-preparation-scheme" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/48108.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">299</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">53</span> Voters' Acceptance of Anti-guardians' Narratives: Electoral Politics in Establishmentarian Democracies</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Rai%20Mansoor%20Imtiaz">Rai Mansoor Imtiaz</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Guardians in hybrid regimes fragment opposition parties and ban their political leaders, and disenfranchise their voters' political participation. When guardians in hybrid regimes are so powerful that they remain decisive on electoral politics of states, and have powers to ban political parties and their leadership, then "why do political parties backed by those powerful guardians lose elections" and "how do anti-establishment parties make electoral inroads at the local and national levels." These two questions are interrelated with the key research question of my research "why do people vote for political parties rejected by powerful guardians in establishmentarian democracies." Furthermore, this research question is important to be explored for two reasons. First, existing literature only reflects the electoral victories of opposition parties or defeats of military-sponsored parties (see Thailand and Turkey) but remains silent on political change that led the anti-military parties to win the elections. Second, why is it a case that people belonging to the countries where militaries remain popular among the public (see Turkey and Pakistan) have started putting their trust in anti-establishment politicians who criticise the military against their intervention in politics? For instance, in Pakistan, where commenting against the military is meant to comment against the state –– an anti-military narrative is getting popular support. The conceptual framework of hybrid states in this research relies on the concept of a 'reserved domain/tutelary body' (guardians of hybrid states). However, this research makes a case that hybrid states are not consolidated separate political entities but rather vacillated states that fluctuate between democratic and authoritarian practices. This paper, therefore, uses the term establishmentarian democracy as a subtype of the hybrid regime, which is more consolidated than a hybrid democracy. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Guardians" title="Guardians">Guardians</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Hybrid%20Regimes" title=" Hybrid Regimes"> Hybrid Regimes</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Voters" title=" Voters"> Voters</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Elections" title=" Elections"> Elections</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Democracy" title=" Democracy"> Democracy</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=South%20Asia" title=" South Asia"> South Asia</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/158166/voters-acceptance-of-anti-guardians-narratives-electoral-politics-in-establishmentarian-democracies" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/158166.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">107</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">52</span> Consumers and Voters’ Choice: Two Different Contexts with a Powerful Behavioural Parallel</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Valentina%20Dolmova">Valentina Dolmova</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> What consumers choose to buy and who voters select on election days are two questions that have captivated the interest of both academics and practitioners for many decades. The importance of understanding what influences the behavior of those groups and whether or not we can predict or control it fuels a steady stream of research in a range of fields. By looking only at the past 40 years, more than 70 thousand scientific papers have been published in each field – consumer behavior and political psychology, respectively. From marketing, economics, and the science of persuasion to political and cognitive psychology - we have all remained heavily engaged. The ever-evolving technology, inevitable socio-cultural shifts, global economic conditions, and much more play an important role in choice-equations regardless of context. On one hand, this makes the research efforts always relevant and needed. On the other, the relatively low number of cross-field collaborations, which seem to be picking up only in more in recent years, makes the existing findings isolated into framed bubbles. By performing systematic research across both areas of psychology and building a parallel between theories and factors of influence, however, we find that there is not only a definitive common ground between the behaviors of consumers and voters but that we are moving towards a global model of choice. This means that the lines between contexts are fading which has a direct implication on what we should focus on when predicting or navigating buyers and voters’ behavior. Internal and external factors in four main categories determine the choices we make as consumers and as voters. Together, personal, psychological, social, and cultural create a holistic framework through which all stimuli in relation to a particular product or a political party get filtered. The analogy “consumer-voter” solidifies further. Leading academics suggest that this fundamental parallel is the key to managing successfully political and consumer brands alike. However, we distinguish additional four key stimuli that relate to those factor categories (1/ opportunity costs; 2/the memory of the past; 3/recognisable figures/faces and 4/conflict) arguing that the level of expertise a person has determines the prevalence of factors or specific stimuli. Our efforts take into account global trends such as the establishment of “celebrity politics” and the image of “ethically concerned consumer brands” which bridge the gap between contexts to an even greater extent. Scientists and practitioners are pushed to accept the transformative nature of both fields in social psychology. Existing blind spots as well as the limited number of research conducted outside the American and European societies open up space for more collaborative efforts in this highly demanding and lucrative field. A mixed method of research tests three main hypotheses, the first two of which are focused on the level of irrelevance of context when comparing voting or consumer behavior – both from the factors and stimuli lenses, the third on determining whether or not the level of expertise in any field skews the weight of what prism we are more likely to choose when evaluating options. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=buyers%E2%80%99%20behaviour" title="buyers’ behaviour">buyers’ behaviour</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=decision-making" title=" decision-making"> decision-making</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=voters%E2%80%99%20behaviour" title=" voters’ behaviour"> voters’ behaviour</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=social%20psychology" title=" social psychology"> social psychology</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/141445/consumers-and-voters-choice-two-different-contexts-with-a-powerful-behavioural-parallel" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/141445.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">154</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">51</span> Structural Barriers to Voting among Young Voters: an Intersectional Approach</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Ryo%20Sato">Ryo Sato</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The United States and many other countries witness alarmingly low voting rates among youths, skewing democratic representation. Many scholars and pundits have ascribed to this trend young voters' laziness, indifference, and self-centeredness and placed blame on them. However, a growing body of research is focusing on structural barriers to voting, which are defined as built-in obstacles lying in electoral laws and procedures. Drawing on national survey data from 891 young adults in 2020 and extant literature on structural barriers to voting, the project aims to develop a framework for analyzing systematic obstacles to voting experienced by young people and offer tangible policy recommendations. The preliminary findings presented at this conference include an intersectional analysis of the survey data, focusing on how different social categories — race, gender, socioeconomic status, immigration status, and others — in combination create unique voting experiences and barriers. This project offers a critical framework to combat the individualized understanding of low voting rates among youths and inform pathways to functional democracy. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=youth%20voting%20behavior" title="youth voting behavior">youth voting behavior</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=structural%20barriers" title=" structural barriers"> structural barriers</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=intersectionality" title=" intersectionality"> intersectionality</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=democratic%20participation" title=" democratic participation"> democratic participation</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=S" title=" S"> S</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/183013/structural-barriers-to-voting-among-young-voters-an-intersectional-approach" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/183013.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">58</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">50</span> Sentiment Analysis of Social Media Responses: A Comparative Study of (NDA) and Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) during Indian General Elections 2024</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Pankaj%20Dhiman">Pankaj Dhiman</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Simranjeet%20Kaur"> Simranjeet Kaur</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> This research paper presents a comprehensive sentiment analysis of social media responses to videos on Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, and Instagram during the 2024 Indian general elections. The study focuses on the sentiment patterns of voters towards the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and The Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) on these platforms. The analysis aims to understand the impact of social media on voter sentiment and its correlation with the election outcome. The study employed a mixed-methods approach, combining both quantitative and qualitative methods. With a total of 200 posts analysed during general election-2024 final phase, the sentiment analysis was conducted using natural language processing (NLP) techniques, including sentiment dictionaries and machine learning algorithms. The results show that NDA received significantly more positive sentiment responses across all platforms, with a positive sentiment score of 47% compared to INDIA's score of 38.98 %. The analysis also revealed that Twitter and YouTube were the most influential platforms in shaping voter sentiment, with 60% of the total sentiment score coming from these two platforms. The study's findings suggest that social media sentiment analysis can be a valuable tool for understanding voter sentiment and predicting election outcomes. The results also highlight the importance of social media in shaping public opinion and the need for political parties to engage effectively with voters on these platforms. The study's implications are significant, as they indicate that social media can be a key factor in determining the outcome of elections. The findings also underscore the need for political parties to develop effective social media strategies to engage with voters and shape public opinion. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Indian%20Elections-2024" title="Indian Elections-2024">Indian Elections-2024</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=NDA" title=" NDA"> NDA</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=INDIA" title=" INDIA"> INDIA</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=sentiment%20analysis" title=" sentiment analysis"> sentiment analysis</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=social%20media" title=" social media"> social media</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=democracy" title=" democracy"> democracy</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/186815/sentiment-analysis-of-social-media-responses-a-comparative-study-of-nda-and-indian-national-developmental-inclusive-alliance-india-during-indian-general-elections-2024" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/186815.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">52</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">49</span> Use of Social Media in Political Communications: Example of Facebook</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Havva%20Nur%20Tarakci">Havva Nur Tarakci</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Bahar%20Urhan%20Torun"> Bahar Urhan Torun</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The transformation that is seen in every area of life by technology, especially internet technology changes the structure of political communications too. Internet, which is at the top of new communication technologies, affects political communications with its structure in a way that no traditional communication tools ever have and enables interaction and the channel between receiver and sender, and it becomes one of the most effective tools preferred among the political communication applications. This state as a result of technological convergence makes Internet an unobtainable place for political communication campaigns. Political communications, which means every kind of communication strategies that political parties called 'actors of political communications' use with the aim of messaging their opinions and party programmes to their present and potential voters who are a target group for them, is a type of communication that is frequently used also among social media tools at the present day. The electorate consisting of different structures is informed, directed, and managed by social media tools. Political parties easily reach their electorate by these tools without any limitations of both time and place and also are able to take the opinions and reactions of their electorate by the element of interaction that is a feature of social media. In this context, Facebook, which is a place that political parties use in social media at most, is a communication network including in our daily life since 2004. As it is one of the most popular social networks today, it is among the most-visited websites in the global scale. In this way, the research is based on the question, “How do the political parties use Facebook at the campaigns, which they conduct during the election periods, for informing their voters?” and it aims at clarifying the Facebook using practices of the political parties. In direction of this objective the official Facebook accounts of the four political parties (JDP–AKParti, PDP–BDP, RPP-CHP, NMP-MHP), which reach their voters by social media besides other communication tools, are treated, and a frame for the politics of Turkey is formed. The time of examination is constricted with totally two weeks, one week before the mayoral elections and one week after the mayoral elections, when it is supposed that the political parties use their Facebook accounts in full swing. As a research method, the method of content analysis is preferred, and the texts and the visual elements that are gotten are interpreted based on this analysis. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Facebook" title="Facebook">Facebook</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=political%20communications" title=" political communications"> political communications</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=social%20media" title=" social media"> social media</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=electrorate" title=" electrorate"> electrorate</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/10031/use-of-social-media-in-political-communications-example-of-facebook" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/10031.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">383</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">48</span> Political Party Mobilization Strategies in Ghana: A Comparative Analysis of Three Constituencies</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=F.%20Agbele">F. Agbele</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Elections are core democratic institutions. Consequently, voter participation during elections is paramount to democratic governance as it serves as a medium to legitimize authority and make the privileges of electoral democracy meaningful to citizens. To this effect, the topic of voter mobilization and subsequent turnout level have been largely studied in advanced democracies. In young and consolidating democracies, the debate has, however, revolves around the huge reliance on ethnic and regional appeals. According to the Author’s knowledge, studies on electoral mobilization especially within the African context have argued the use of ethnic linkages by political parties to mobilize voters during elections. Literature has however not differentiated between the level of democratic dispensation among African countries and the use of ethnic linkages. The question, however, is whether the state of the country’s democracy determines the strategies employed by political parties to induce voter participation. In other words, do parties simply play ethno-regional cards as strongly suggested by literature or will consider an arrayed of strategies to mobilize voters? Additionally, studies have not differentiated the impact of mobilization strategy within a country, i.e. between high to low turnout areas. They have also not distinguished between strategies employed by an incumbent or an opposition party. This paper, therefore, is a comparative analysis of voter mobilization in Ghana. It uses original survey and interview data from three constituencies in Ghana: Nanton, Assin North, and Ellembelle, which are typical cases of high, average and low turnout areas, respectively. The data were concurrently collected during fieldworks conducted in November 2016 to February 2017, and again from July to August 2017. The study found that political parties within a consolidating democracy employ a blend of strategies to ensure turnout by both parties’ faithful and swing voters. The dominant strategies used depends on whether the party is an incumbent or in opposition. While an incumbent may depend more on personalistic and clientelistic strategies, parties in opposition will largely use programmatic strategies, which entails making many campaign promises. Additionally, opposition parties do use clientelistic tactics, but not on the same level as the incumbent. Similarly, within the context of this study, the use of ethnic linkage by political parties to mobilize voters has not been found to be as strong as suggested in the literature. Further, location was key in determining the strategy to use. In all, the consolidation process of a democratic country like Ghana means the change of mobilization strategies used by political parties, which entail a gradual shift from ethnic linkages to programmatic and other forms of non-programmatic strategies. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=comparative%20analysis" title="comparative analysis">comparative analysis</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=elections" title=" elections"> elections</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=mobilization%20strategies" title=" mobilization strategies"> mobilization strategies</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=voter%20turnout" title=" voter turnout"> voter turnout</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/96979/political-party-mobilization-strategies-in-ghana-a-comparative-analysis-of-three-constituencies" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/96979.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">172</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">47</span> The Effectiveness of Congressional Redistricting Commissions: A Comparative Approach Investigating the Ability of Commissions to Reduce Gerrymandering with the Wilcoxon Signed-Rank Test</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Arvind%20Salem">Arvind Salem</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Voters across the country are transferring the power of redistricting from the state legislatures to commissions to secure “fairer” districts by curbing the influence of gerrymandering on redistricting. Gerrymandering, intentionally drawing distorted districts to achieve political advantage, has become extremely prevalent, generating widespread voter dissatisfaction and resulting in states adopting commissions for redistricting. However, the efficacy of these commissions is dubious, with some arguing that they constitute a panacea for gerrymandering, while others contend that commissions have relatively little effect on gerrymandering. A result showing that commissions are effective would allay these fears, supplying ammunition for activists across the country to advocate for commissions in their state and reducing the influence of gerrymandering across the nation. However, a result against commissions may reaffirm doubts about commissions and pressure lawmakers to make improvements to commissions or even abandon the commission system entirely. Additionally, these commissions are publicly funded: so voters have a financial interest and responsibility to know if these commissions are effective. Currently, nine states place commissions in charge of redistricting, Arizona, California, Colorado, Michigan, Idaho, Montana, Washington, and New Jersey (Hawaii also has a commission but will be excluded for reasons mentioned later). This study compares the degree of gerrymandering in the 2022 election (“after”) to the election in which voters decided to adopt commissions (“before”). The before-election provides a valuable benchmark for assessing the efficacy of commissions since voters in those elections clearly found the districts to be unfair; therefore, comparing the current election to that one is a good way to determine if commissions have improved the situation. At the time Hawaii adopted commissions, it was merely a single at-large district, so it is before metrics could not be calculated, and it was excluded. This study will use three methods to quantify the degree of gerrymandering: the efficiency gap, the percentage of seats and the percentage of votes difference, and the mean-median difference. Each of these metrics has unique advantages and disadvantages, but together, they form a balanced approach to quantifying gerrymandering. The study uses a Wilcoxon Signed-Rank Test with a null hypothesis that the value of the metrics is greater than or equal to after the election than before and an alternative hypothesis that the value of these metrics is greater in the before the election than after using a 0.05 significance level and an expected difference of 0. Accepting the alternative hypothesis would constitute evidence that commissions reduce gerrymandering to a statistically significant degree. However, this study could not conclude that commissions are effective. The p values obtained for all three metrics (p=0.42 for the efficiency gap, p=0.94 for the percentage of seats and percentage of votes difference, and p=0.47 for the mean-median difference) were extremely high and far from the necessary value needed to conclude that commissions are effective. These results halt optimism about commissions and should spur serious discussion about the effectiveness of these commissions and ways to change them moving forward so that they can accomplish their goal of generating fairer districts. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=commissions" title="commissions">commissions</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=elections" title=" elections"> elections</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=gerrymandering" title=" gerrymandering"> gerrymandering</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=redistricting" title=" redistricting"> redistricting</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/162685/the-effectiveness-of-congressional-redistricting-commissions-a-comparative-approach-investigating-the-ability-of-commissions-to-reduce-gerrymandering-with-the-wilcoxon-signed-rank-test" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/162685.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">73</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">46</span> To Ensure Maximum Voter Privacy in E-Voting Using Blockchain, Convolutional Neural Network, and Quantum Key Distribution</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Bhaumik%20Tyagi">Bhaumik Tyagi</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Mandeep%20Kaur"> Mandeep Kaur</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Kanika%20Singla"> Kanika Singla</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The advancement of blockchain has facilitated scholars to remodel e-voting systems for future generations. Server-side attacks like SQL injection attacks and DOS attacks are the most common attacks nowadays, where malicious codes are injected into the system through user input fields by illicit users, which leads to data leakage in the worst scenarios. Besides, quantum attacks are also there which manipulate the transactional data. In order to deal with all the above-mentioned attacks, integration of blockchain, convolutional neural network (CNN), and Quantum Key Distribution is done in this very research. The utilization of blockchain technology in e-voting applications is not a novel concept. But privacy and security issues are still there in a public and private blockchains. To solve this, the use of a hybrid blockchain is done in this research. This research proposed cryptographic signatures and blockchain algorithms to validate the origin and integrity of the votes. The convolutional neural network (CNN), a normalized version of the multilayer perceptron, is also applied in the system to analyze visual descriptions upon registration in a direction to enhance the privacy of voters and the e-voting system. Quantum Key Distribution is being implemented in order to secure a blockchain-based e-voting system from quantum attacks using quantum algorithms. Implementation of e-voting blockchain D-app and providing a proposed solution for the privacy of voters in e-voting using Blockchain, CNN, and Quantum Key Distribution is done. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=hybrid%20blockchain" title="hybrid blockchain">hybrid blockchain</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=secure%20e-voting%20system" title=" secure e-voting system"> secure e-voting system</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=convolutional%20neural%20networks" title=" convolutional neural networks"> convolutional neural networks</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=quantum%20key%20distribution" title=" quantum key distribution"> quantum key distribution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=one-time%20pad" title=" one-time pad"> one-time pad</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/160604/to-ensure-maximum-voter-privacy-in-e-voting-using-blockchain-convolutional-neural-network-and-quantum-key-distribution" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/160604.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">94</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">45</span> The Politics of Cinema: Representation of Rising Nationalism in Indian Cinema in the Election Year of 2019</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Paawani%20Tewari">Paawani Tewari</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Oishik%20Dasgupta"> Oishik Dasgupta</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Cinema and politics have often intertwined in India. Movies have become a mainstream method of communication with audiences and voters subliminally and directly. Indian film industry on average produces over a thousand films in a year, and during the election year of 2019, India witnessed the release of several highly political movies. Movies such as Uri: The Surgical Strike, Accidental Prime Minister, and PM Modi, et cetera, which are the sample of this study have tried to depict an ideal character of political stalwart leaders with the plausibility to inspire and aiming to change ideological orientations of viewers and the potent voters. This study tries to understand the major links between nationalism, its representation, and its manifestation in Indian cinema and how it is instrumental in shaping the character and orientations of its citizens towards nation, nationalism, and nationhood. Our work aims to highlight how nationalistic assumptions that are swaddled in the Hindi movies released during January 2019 – May 2019 affect the political mood of the nation and, in totality, the democratic system. The authors also try to throw light on how films being a powerful tool, are now being used to shape ideas, brainwashing and swaying opinions for political mileage. Hence it becomes essential for us to explore the dynamics between the quintessential definitions of what nationalism is for a common man in India versus of what has been represented in cinema, especially during the time of the elections. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=political%20governance%20and%20political%20analysis" title="political governance and political analysis">political governance and political analysis</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=political%20and%20public%20administration" title=" political and public administration"> political and public administration</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=election" title=" election"> election</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=public%20choice" title=" public choice"> public choice</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/145044/the-politics-of-cinema-representation-of-rising-nationalism-in-indian-cinema-in-the-election-year-of-2019" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/145044.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">164</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">44</span> Exploring Public Trust in Democracy</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Yaron%20Katz">Yaron Katz</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The investigation of immigrants' electoral choices has remained relatively uncharted territory despite the fact that numerous nations extend political rights to their expatriates. This paper centers its attention on the matter of public trust in democracy, with a focus on the intricacies of Israeli politics as a divided system. It delves into the potential implications of political and social transformations stemming from the involvement of expatriate voters in elections taking place in their country of origin. In doing so, the article endeavors to explore a pathway for resolving a persistent challenge facing the stability of the Israeli political landscape over the past decade: the difficulty in forming a resilient government that genuinely represents the majority of voters. An examination is conducted into the role played by a demographic with the capacity to exert significant influence on election outcomes, namely, individuals residing outside of Israel. The objective of this research is to delve into this subject, dissecting social developments and political prospects that may shape the country's trajectory in the coming decades. This inquiry is especially pertinent given the extensive engagement of migrants in Israeli politics and the link between Israelis living abroad and their home country. Nevertheless, the study's findings reveal that while former citizens exhibit extensive involvement in Israeli politics and are cognizant of the potential consequences of permitting them to participate in elections, they maintain steadfastly unfavorable views regarding the inclusion of Israelis living overseas in their home country's electoral processes. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=trust" title="trust">trust</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=globalization" title=" globalization"> globalization</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=policy" title=" policy"> policy</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=democracy" title=" democracy"> democracy</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/180657/exploring-public-trust-in-democracy" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/180657.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">45</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">43</span> Euthanasia Reconsidered: Voting and Multicriteria Decision-Making in Medical Ethics</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=J.%20Hakula">J. Hakula</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Discussion on euthanasia is a continuous process. Euthanasia is defined as 'deliberately ending a patient's life by administering life-ending drugs at the patient's explicit request'. With few exceptions, worldwide in most countries human societies have not been able to agree on some fundamental issues concerning ultimate decisions of life and death. Outranking methods in voting oriented social choice theory and multicriteria decision-making (MCDM) can be applied to issues in medical ethics. There is a wide range of voting methods, and using different methods the same group of voters can end up with different outcomes. In the MCDM context, decision alternatives can be substituted for candidates, and criteria for voters. The view chosen here is that of a single decision-maker. Initially, three alternatives and three criteria are chosen. Pairwise and basic positional voting rules - plurality, anti-plurality and the Borda count - are applied. In the MCDM solution, criteria are put weights by giving them the more 'votes'; the more important the decision-maker ranks them. A hypothetical example on evaluating properties of euthanasia consists of three alternatives A, B, and C, which are ranked according to three criteria - the patient’s willingness to cooperate, general action orientation (active/passive), and cost-effectiveness - the criteria having weights 7, 5, and 4, respectively. Using the plurality rule and the weights given to criteria, A is the best alternative, B and C thereafter. In pairwise comparisons, both B and C defeat A with weight scores 7 to 9. On the other hand, B is defeated by C with weights 11 to 5. Thus, C (i.e. the so-called Condorcet winner) defeats both A and B. The best alternative using the plurality principle is not necessarily the best in the pairwise sense, the conflict remaining unsolved with or without additional weights. Positional rules are sensitive to variations in alternative sets. In the example above, the plurality rule gives the rank ABC. If we leave out C, the plurality ranking between A and B results in BA. Withdrawing B or A the ranking is CA and CB, respectively. In pairwise comparisons an analogous problem emerges when the number of criteria is varied. Cyclic preferences may lead to a total tie, and no (rational) choice between the alternatives can be made. In conclusion, the choice of the best commitment to re-evaluate euthanasia, with criteria left unchanged, depends entirely on the evaluation method used. The right strategies matter, too. Future studies might concern the problem of an abstention - a situation where voters do not vote - and still their best candidate may win. Or vice versa, actively giving the ballot to their first rank choice might lead to a total loss. In MCDM terms, a decision might occur where some central criteria are not actively involved in the best choice made. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=medical%20ethics" title="medical ethics">medical ethics</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=euthanasia" title=" euthanasia"> euthanasia</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=voting%20methods" title=" voting methods"> voting methods</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=multicriteria%20decision-making" title=" multicriteria decision-making"> multicriteria decision-making</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/87390/euthanasia-reconsidered-voting-and-multicriteria-decision-making-in-medical-ethics" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/87390.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">157</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">42</span> Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms in Crisis as Viewed during Bangladesh Parliamentary Election-2018 and Afterwards: A Contestant's Perspective on Social Measures</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Mohammad%20S.%20Islam">Mohammad S. Islam</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Elections in Bangladesh are always controversial, and sometimes it becomes a violent affair when state power is combined with politics. Despite the commitment of the ruling party- the polling government to ensure free, fair, and credible elections, the participants of opposition parties and the general voters became very disappointed, terribly frustrated, and severely shocked. It happened when numerous claims of serious irregularities of vote rigging and violence came out in broad daylight during the election. This paper addresses the issues of how the ruling party created frightening and a horror situation to make people silent over electoral fraud and violent incidents, including gang rape. It also seeks to demonstrate that election-2018 was simply the deceptive action of the ruling party to legitimate their power, but not to provide a minimum opportunity for voters to exercise their fundamental right to vote. The fundamental freedom and the rule of law seemed to be ignored completely in this election process and afterwards. With the help of state machinery, the government of the ruling party violated human rights, restricted fundamental freedoms, and humiliated social protection & dignity. The contestant’s views as witnessed and relevant literatures are cited first for conceptual understanding. Then, the paper will examine how a new dimension of circumstantial social measures related to sustained protection can reduce all kinds of violence against humanity towards establishing a peaceful democratic society. Finally, this paper interprets the key findings and considers wider implications. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=electoral%20fraud" title="electoral fraud">electoral fraud</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=human%20rights" title=" human rights"> human rights</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=sustained%20protection" title=" sustained protection"> sustained protection</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=social%20measures" title=" social measures"> social measures</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=vote%20rigging" title=" vote rigging"> vote rigging</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/134693/human-rights-and-fundamental-freedoms-in-crisis-as-viewed-during-bangladesh-parliamentary-election-2018-and-afterwards-a-contestants-perspective-on-social-measures" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/134693.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">188</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">41</span> The End a Two-Party Hegemony</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Mary%20Chidiebere%20Asoya">Mary Chidiebere Asoya</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The dominance of two parties in multiparty democracies is a phenomenon that has come to be taken for granted. It has led to deepening corruption and redundant governance in many countries as politicians in the two dominating parties are aware of and exploit the fact that power must rotate between the two parties. As a result, politicians in two dominating parties can hobnob and frequently inter-marry between the two parties in a way that appears to suggest they are running a single dominating party. This paper explores what could end this hegemony by projecting a third party into the limelight. The argument is that long-standing frustration with corruption and increasing revolutionary tendencies could move voters away from the two dominating parties, ending the dominance of the parties. The case study is the February 25, 2023, Presidential elections in Nigeria. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=democracy" title="democracy">democracy</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=political%20party" title=" political party"> political party</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=election" title=" election"> election</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=nigeria" title=" nigeria"> nigeria</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=political%20science" title=" political science"> political science</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/167484/the-end-a-two-party-hegemony" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/167484.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">92</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">40</span> Podemos Party Origin: From Social Protest to Spanish Parliament</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=V%C3%ADctor%20Manuel%20Mu%C3%B1oz-S%C3%A1nchez">Víctor Manuel Muñoz-Sánchez</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Antonio%20Manuel%20P%C3%A9rez-Flores"> Antonio Manuel Pérez-Flores</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> This paper analyzes the institutionalization of social protest in Spain. In the current crisis Podemos party seems to represent the political positions of the most affected citizens by the economic situation. It studies using quantitative techniques (statistical bivariate analysis), focusing on the exploitation of several bases of statistics data from the Center for Sociological and Research of Spanish Government, 15M movement characterization to its institutionalization in the Podemos party. Making a comparison between the participant's profile by the 15M and the social bases of Podemos votes. Data on the transformation of the socio-demographic profile of the fans, connoisseurs and 15M participants and voters are given. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=collective%20action" title="collective action">collective action</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=emerging%20parties" title=" emerging parties"> emerging parties</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=political%20parties" title=" political parties"> political parties</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=social%20protest" title=" social protest"> social protest</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/40320/podemos-party-origin-from-social-protest-to-spanish-parliament" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/40320.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">386</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">39</span> Golden Dawn's Rhetoric on Social Networks: Populism, Xenophobia and Antisemitism</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Georgios%20Samaras">Georgios Samaras</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> New media such as Facebook, YouTube and Twitter introduced the world to a new era of instant communication. An era where online interactions could replace a lot of offline actions. Technology can create a mediated environment in which participants can communicate (one-to-one, one-to-many, and many-to-many) both synchronously and asynchronously and participate in reciprocal message exchanges. Currently, social networks are attracting similar academic attention to that of the internet after its mainstream implementation into public life. Websites and platforms are seen as the forefront of a new political change. There is a significant backdrop of previous methodologies employed to research the effects of social networks. New approaches are being developed to be able to adapt to the growth of social networks and the invention of new platforms. Golden Dawn was the first openly neo-Nazi party post World War II to win seats in the parliament of a European country. Its racist rhetoric and violent tactics on social networks were rewarded by their supporters, who in the face of Golden Dawn’s leaders saw a ‘new dawn’ in Greek politics. Mainstream media banned its leaders and members of the party indefinitely after Ilias Kasidiaris attacked Liana Kanelli, a member of the Greek Communist Party, on live television. This media ban was seen as a treasonous move by a significant percentage of voters, who believed that the system was desperately trying to censor Golden Dawn to favor mainstream parties. The shocking attack on live television received international coverage and while European countries were condemning this newly emerged neo-Nazi rhetoric, almost 7 percent of the Greek population rewarded Golden Dawn with 18 seats in the Greek parliament. Many seem to think that Golden Dawn mobilised its voters online and this approach played a significant role in spreading their message and appealing to wider audiences. No strict online censorship existed back in 2012 and although Golden Dawn was openly used neo-Nazi symbolism, it was allowed to use social networks without serious restrictions until 2017. This paper used qualitative methods to investigate Golden Dawn’s rise in social networks from 2012 to 2019. The focus of the content analysis was set on three social networking platforms: Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, while the existence of Golden Dawn’s website, which was used as a news sharing hub, was also taken into account. The content analysis included text and visual analyses that sampled content from their social networking pages to translate their political messaging through an ideological lens focused on extreme-right populism. The absence of hate speech regulations on social network platforms in 2012 allowed the free expression of those heavily ultranationalist and populist views, as they were employed by Golden Dawn in the Greek political scene. On YouTube, Facebook and Twitter, the influence of their rhetoric was particularly strong. Official channels and MPs profiles were investigated to explore the messaging in-depth and understand its ideological elements. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=populism" title="populism">populism</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=far-right" title=" far-right"> far-right</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=social%20media" title=" social media"> social media</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Greece" title=" Greece"> Greece</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=golden%20dawn" title=" golden dawn"> golden dawn</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/136880/golden-dawns-rhetoric-on-social-networks-populism-xenophobia-and-antisemitism" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/136880.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">148</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">38</span> The Winning Possibility of Female Candidate in Korea</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Minjeoung%20Kim">Minjeoung Kim</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The majority of Korean female members of parliament(MPs) had been elected from the proportional representation till the 19th assemblies but in the 20th general election women MPs of the district representation is slightly more than women MPs of the proportional representation. The chance of women candidates to win is not as low as we assume. Therefore this study aims to reveal which factors influence the election of women candidates, other factors except the political party, because the effect of political party is already well known. Gangnam Eul is selected because female candidate was elected in spite of the low percentage of vote won by her political party. According to the survey, the female candidate was elected thanks to her policies and election pledges. Therefore, women candidates can be elected when they are nominated as candidates by their party in a safe constituency but also they can be elected with their good policies and election pledges in an unsafe constituency. And also the degree of the education, the age and the profession of voters influenced the support of female candidate. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=women%20candidates" title="women candidates">women candidates</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=20th%20general%20election" title=" 20th general election"> 20th general election</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=winning%20in%20the%20district%20representation" title=" winning in the district representation"> winning in the district representation</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=policies%20and%20election%20pledges" title=" policies and election pledges"> policies and election pledges</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/62232/the-winning-possibility-of-female-candidate-in-korea" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/62232.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">254</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">37</span> Secure E-Voting Using Blockchain Technology</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Barkha%20Ramteke">Barkha Ramteke</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Sonali%20Ridhorkar"> Sonali Ridhorkar</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> An election is an important event in all countries. Traditional voting has several drawbacks, including the expense of time and effort required for tallying and counting results, the cost of papers, arrangements, and everything else required to complete a voting process. Many countries are now considering online e-voting systems, but the traditional e-voting systems suffer a lack of trust. It is not known if a vote is counted correctly, tampered or not. A lack of transparency means that the voter has no assurance that his or her vote will be counted as they voted in elections. Electronic voting systems are increasingly using blockchain technology as an underlying storage mechanism to make the voting process more transparent and assure data immutability as blockchain technology grows in popularity. The transparent feature, on the other hand, may reveal critical information about applicants because all system users have the same entitlement to their data. Furthermore, because of blockchain's pseudo-anonymity, voters' privacy will be revealed, and third parties involved in the voting process, such as registration institutions, will be able to tamper with data. To overcome these difficulties, we apply Ethereum smart contracts into blockchain-based voting systems. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=blockchain" title="blockchain">blockchain</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=AMV%20chain" title=" AMV chain"> AMV chain</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=electronic%20voting" title=" electronic voting"> electronic voting</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=decentralized" title=" decentralized"> decentralized</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/145724/secure-e-voting-using-blockchain-technology" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/145724.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">138</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">36</span> Electoral Violence and Women in Politics: A Case Study of Pakistan</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Mariam%20Arif">Mariam Arif</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The objective of the current study is to find out the electoral violence against women and its implications on their political participation. This paper is a qualitative study to get an in-depth analysis of the phenomenon. This study used questionnaires and interviews for findings. This paper attempts to study electoral violence and women in politics in Pakistan. The study concluded that women are subjected to different categories of violence defined as physical violence that involves sexual and bodily harm to a politically active woman or to people associated with her. Social and psychological violence includes class difference, stress, social limitations, family pressure and character assassination. Economic violence is defined as a systematic restriction of access to economic resources available to women thus hinder women active participation in politics (elections). All these violence against women in elections are threat to the integrity of the electoral process of the country that eventually affects women’s participation as voters, party candidates, election officials and political party leaders. It also undermines the free and fair democratic process. This qualitative paper shows a significant negative relationship between electoral violence and women participation in politics. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=elections" title="elections">elections</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=politics" title=" politics"> politics</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=violence" title=" violence"> violence</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=women" title=" women"> women</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/99271/electoral-violence-and-women-in-politics-a-case-study-of-pakistan" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/99271.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">159</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">35</span> New Media and Deliberative Democracy in Malaysia</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Rosyidah%20Muhamad">Rosyidah Muhamad</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> This article seeks to access the democratic implication of new media in Malaysia through three important key points of deliberative democracy; information access, rational critical deliberation and mechanism of vertical accountability. The article suggests that the Internet is expanding political opportunity in which contributed to a more diverse discourse. It is depending on how users used it; for democratic or non-democratic outcome. The Internet has been a key instrument in exposing human rights abuse, corruption, organizing protests and mobilizing voters during election campaigns. It therefore pushes for transparency and accountability and thus increasing the rise of deliberative democracy in Malaysia. While there are some elements of an emerging deliberative politics, it is also clear that the Malaysian online political discourse is acting as moderate forms of discourse as the sphere increasingly exist in a chaotic and diversified online discourse. Yet, the online sphere still allows citizens to discuss public affairs. When the public opinion is strong enough, it can influence public policies to ensure that they reflect the public interest. It is suggesting an increased space of negotiation and contestation among the previously muzzled offline situation. This is a big step in the progress democracy in Malaysia. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Keywords%3A%20New%20Media" title="Keywords: New Media">Keywords: New Media</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=democratization" title=" democratization"> democratization</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=deliberative%20democracy" title=" deliberative democracy"> deliberative democracy</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Malaysian%20politics" title=" Malaysian politics"> Malaysian politics</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/7593/new-media-and-deliberative-democracy-in-malaysia" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/7593.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span 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