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Now he’s facing his own reckoning","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","height":450,"url":"https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_1.0347%2C$multiply_0.7554%2C$ratio_1.777778%2C$width_1059%2C$x_0%2C$y_0/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/dc110c61fc2287e743b847a72ddb2471b76a3ab7","width":800},"keywords":"","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https://www.theage.com.au/national/for-decades-power-protected-alan-jones-now-he-s-facing-his-own-reckoning-20241119-p5krwc.html","@type":"WebPage"},"publisher":{"@type":"Organization","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","height":"628","url":"https://www.theage.com.au/theage.png","width":"1200"},"name":"The Age"},"isAccessibleForFree":false,"hasPart":{"@type":"WebPageElement","isAccessibleForFree":false,"cssSelector":".paywall"},"isPartOf":{"@type":["CreativeWork","Product"],"name":"The Age","productID":"theage.com.au:webonly"}}</script><title data-rh="true">Alan Jones: Behind the power of Sydney’s most powerful 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href="https://www.drive.com.au">Drive</a></li></ul></div></nav></div></div><main id="content"><div class="_26jpU OK924"><div class="_34z61 _3NRDZ"><div class="container"><div class="adWrapper _2UMq- noPrint" data-testid="ad"><small class="_3ToRr">Advertisement</small><div class="_2KSwt" id="adspot-728x90_970x250-pos1-desktop"></div></div></div></div><article class="_1Lygi"><header class="EDFVE"><div class="KB4wL"><div class="_2YAR2 _1XZ8d"><ul><li class="_1pMb9" data-testid="tag-name"><a title="Jones investigation" href="/topic/jones-investigation-6gd9">Jones investigation</a></li></ul><script type="application/ld+json">{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"BreadcrumbList","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"item":{"@id":"https://www.theage.com.au/topic/jones-investigation-6gd9","name":"Jones investigation"}}]}</script></div><h1 class="_1jo-A _1AsGk" data-testid="headline" itemProp="headline">For decades, power protected Alan Jones. Now he’s facing his own reckoning</h1><div class="_2aOXX"><p class="_3zAB3">Once The Man Who Ran Sydney, Jones’ grip loosened as society changed, and he refused to change with it.</p><div class="_6i3so"><p><span class="_1lQQp">By </span><span class="_2tp9v"><span><span data-testid="byline"><a href="/by/jordan-baker-h0zh4a" title="Articles by Jordan Baker">Jordan Baker</a></span></span></span></p><time class="_2_zR-" data-testid="datetime" dateTime="2024-11-23T05:45:00+11:00">November 23, 2024</time></div></div></div></header><div class="_3GK7Q"><div><div class="_1665V _169fS _2IOn6" data-testid="body-content"><div class="KUxeH _5JLqO"><div class="_1Ld7U" id="beyondwords-player"></div><div class="_3Fhwk" data-testid="showPlayerOverlay"></div></div><div class="_HX-E noPrint"><div class="_15gOL AkZ3C"><iframe class="_16-Dw AkZ3C LntZY" data-testid="embed-iframe" frameBorder="0" height="157" data-src="https://www.smh.com.au/interactive/modules/autoplay-video-loop/live/index.html?resizable=true&v=423&configUrl=https://www.smh.com.au/interactive/hub/configs/video-loop/37180.json&v=0.8058818551925142" title="Embedded iFrame"></iframe></div></div><div class="_1MKLG noPrint"><div class="_1sd7j"><div class="_3hbis hLTvJ _2XcOi"><button aria-checked="false" aria-describedby="saveTooltip" aria-label="Save article to read later" class="_31ZN0" role="switch" type="button"><svg aria-hidden="true" class="QMY9O _11R7m" focusable="false" height="1em" width="1em"><use xlink:href="#icon-save"></use></svg><span class="_3-fU6">Save</span></button><div aria-hidden="true" class="_1lwFz uXbxr" id="saveTooltip" role="tooltip"><button>Log in</button>,<!-- --> <a data-testid="login-register" href="https://theage.myfairfax.com.au/channel/4vLxp6nBuWVKEPLaQuUKwA/members/signups/new?callback_uri=">register</a> <!-- -->or <a href="https://subscribe.theage.com.au/?promote_channel=HI_HL_GNL">subscribe</a> <!-- -->to save articles for later.</div><div><div aria-hidden="true" class="_1lwFz WUf_a _1pHo1" id="onboardingTooltip" role="tooltip"><h3>Save articles for later</h3><p>Add articles to your saved list and come back to them any time.</p><button class="_2YSi8 _17BTN _3_hLE" data-ffx-event-action="cta click" data-ffx-event-category="save onboarding" data-ffx-event-label="got it - part 1" data-ffx-hittype="event">Got it</button></div></div></div><div class="_3hSOH _2Cn91"><div class="_2KkCz"><button class="_30X7v _2-NUy" data-ffx-event-action="cta click" data-ffx-event-category="component" data-ffx-event-label="font size normal" data-ffx-event-value="0" data-ffx-hittype="event">Normal text size</button><button class="_3Rq_0" data-ffx-event-action="cta click" data-ffx-event-category="component" data-ffx-event-label="font size large" data-ffx-event-value="0" data-ffx-hittype="event">Larger text size</button><button class="_3VkdU" data-ffx-event-action="cta click" data-ffx-event-category="component" data-ffx-event-label="font size extra large" data-ffx-event-value="0" data-ffx-hittype="event">Very large text size</button></div></div></div></div><p>Back when he lived in Newtown, Alan Jones had a wall covered in photographs of himself with the Pick and Stick crew. There were football players, political allies, celebrities and billionaires; the “Moses of the airwaves” had cultivated a powerful fellowship over his first 20-odd years on air, and still had half his radio career to run. Yet even then, some in his orbit had misgivings about getting too close to Jones. “The last place you wanted to end up was on his wall,” said one.</p><p>Being close to Jones was, as one former staffer put it, “an exhausting thing”. It was like being smiled upon by a capricious emperor. The anointed ones, who ranged from sports stars to musicians to prime ministers and premiers, were graced with favours and largesse. But they had to pay homage or risk it all. Jones’ warning that a failure to respond to a request would “be the end of our friendship”, was ominous indeed.</p><p>This patronage was one of myriad ways Jones transformed himself from an everyday shock jock into The Man Who Ran Sydney. In the era when talkback was king and he had a 20 per cent audience share, he used his intellect, charisma and money to exploit the platform like no one else. “His power isn’t explained by the size of his audience,” says Chris Masters, author of<em> Jonestown</em>. “It’s explained more by how he used it as leverage to advocate for his own interests and the interests of his powerful mates.”</p><p>For decades, power protected Jones. He bullied his staff, bulldozed elected officials, and was perceived to favour handsome young men. Few were game to challenge him. Those who did paid the price. Jones was a man “drunk on power”, said one former staffer, and “did not know when to stop”. But his grip loosened as society changed and Jones refused to change with it, as advertisers became reluctant to align themselves with his increasingly fringe views, and as movements such as #MeToo put the anatomy of power under the microscope.</p><figure class="_3yDuP wgCJ2"><picture class=""><source media="(min-width: 1024px)" srcSet="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.326%2C$multiply_1.0582%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_2/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/06ffeb528407440bf973d3f83d577a0c18d16aa5, https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.326%2C$multiply_2.1164%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_2/t_crop_custom/q_62%2Cf_auto/06ffeb528407440bf973d3f83d577a0c18d16aa5 2x" height="534" width="800"/><source media="(min-width: 768px)" srcSet="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.326%2C$multiply_0.9206%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_2/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/06ffeb528407440bf973d3f83d577a0c18d16aa5, https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.326%2C$multiply_1.8413%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_2/t_crop_custom/q_62%2Cf_auto/06ffeb528407440bf973d3f83d577a0c18d16aa5 2x" height="464" width="696"/><img alt="Power protected Alan Jones, seen here departing after giving evidence during the inquiry into the cash for comment scandal." src="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.326%2C$multiply_0.7725%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_2/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/06ffeb528407440bf973d3f83d577a0c18d16aa5" height="390" width="584" srcSet="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.326%2C$multiply_0.7725%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_2/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/06ffeb528407440bf973d3f83d577a0c18d16aa5, https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.326%2C$multiply_1.545%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_2/t_crop_custom/q_62%2Cf_auto/06ffeb528407440bf973d3f83d577a0c18d16aa5 2x"/></picture><figcaption class="_1gvGj"><p><span class="">Power protected Alan Jones, seen here departing after giving evidence during the inquiry into the cash for comment scandal.</span><cite class=""><span class="_1AtOE">Credit: </span>Brendan Esposito</cite></p></figcaption></figure><p>Last year, Jones faced his own reckoning. The <em>Herald’s</em> chief investigative reporter Kate McClymont <a href="/link/follow-20170101-p5epry">revealed allegations </a>that he had used his power for sexual gratification, by groping and indecently assaulting young men, including one of his producers, without their consent. One of the men, who has since died, alleged that he “forces himself on young men and uses his power in a predatory way”. Another man, an employee, says he was groped by Jones. “He knew I wasn’t gay so it was about power dynamics,” he said. Police investigated. This week,<a href="/link/follow-20170101-p5krr5"> Jones was charged</a> with 26 offences involving nine alleged victims. He says he is innocent. The charges are before the courts.</p></div><div class="_1KKxV"><div class="container"><div class="adWrapper _2UMq- noPrint" data-testid="ad"><small class="_3ToRr">Advertisement</small><div class="" id="adspot-728x90_970x250-pos2-desktop"></div></div></div></div><div class="_1665V _169fS _2IOn6" data-testid="body-content"><p>When one family contacted police a few years ago to raise allegations that Jones had indecently touched a relative, the officers were blunt. It would be the word of a social colossus against that of an ordinary person. Jones was not, the family recalled one of them saying, “Joe Blow from Bunnings”.</p><p>Talkback radio used to be the only way ordinary people could speak directly to politicians, even if the host controlled microphone. It was a win-win; listeners on so-called Struggle Street could get their problems addressed, politicians could talk directly to the people, and broadcasters were the powerbrokers in the middle. “Forget the press gallery,” prime minister Paul Keating once said. “If you educate [broadcaster] John Laws, you educate Australia.”</p><p>Articulate, relentless, merciless Jones outclassed all his rivals when he first fired up on air in 1985. He was an unlikely success story; a cross between a priest and a schoolmaster, who would sermonise and patronise in a voice so grating he was nicknamed The Parrot. Yet listeners loved it. “He played all the tabloid tricks,” says Masters. “Flatter your public, tell them ‘my listeners are my best researchers’. He ended up generating a kind of cultist following.”</p><p>He slept three hours a day and seemed to devote the remaining 21 to work. He’d insist that his office reply to every letter. He’d often dictate them himself to his typist. In 1999, he wrote 3000 letters to the government in eight months, the<em> Herald</em> learnt under freedom of information laws. Almost 140 of those were to the prime minister, premier, and a handful of ministers. He expected recipients to reply promptly. Failure to do so risked an on-air dressing down.</p><p>Premiers and prime ministers would put a staff member in charge of responding within 24 hours. They were dubbed the Minister for Alan Jones.</p><figure class="_3yDuP wgCJ2"><picture class=""><source media="(min-width: 1024px)" srcSet="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.378%2C$multiply_1.0582%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_22/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/f79be89db8b59e89f30f2fa7be3d5a32ac2eb0f4, https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.378%2C$multiply_2.1164%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_22/t_crop_custom/q_62%2Cf_auto/f79be89db8b59e89f30f2fa7be3d5a32ac2eb0f4 2x" height="534" width="800"/><source media="(min-width: 768px)" srcSet="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.378%2C$multiply_0.9206%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_22/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/f79be89db8b59e89f30f2fa7be3d5a32ac2eb0f4, https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.378%2C$multiply_1.8413%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_22/t_crop_custom/q_62%2Cf_auto/f79be89db8b59e89f30f2fa7be3d5a32ac2eb0f4 2x" height="464" width="696"/><img alt="Alan Jones was a prolific correspondent with prime ministers, including friend John Howard, premiers and MPs. " loading="lazy" src="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.378%2C$multiply_0.7725%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_22/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/f79be89db8b59e89f30f2fa7be3d5a32ac2eb0f4" height="390" width="584" srcSet="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.378%2C$multiply_0.7725%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_22/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/f79be89db8b59e89f30f2fa7be3d5a32ac2eb0f4, https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.378%2C$multiply_1.545%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_22/t_crop_custom/q_62%2Cf_auto/f79be89db8b59e89f30f2fa7be3d5a32ac2eb0f4 2x"/></picture><figcaption class="_1gvGj"><p><span class="">Alan Jones was a prolific correspondent with prime ministers, including friend John Howard, premiers and MPs. </span><cite class=""><span class="_1AtOE">Credit: </span>Dallas Kilponen</cite></p></figcaption></figure><p>The line between policy and personal blurred. Once, he was pulled over by NSW Police highway patrol on a trip to Canberra and didn’t realise he was crossing two lanes of the Hume to get to the kerb. He was almost hit by a truck. The next day, he wrote to then-police minister Paul Whelan, attempting to get the “cowboy” officer sacked. “I’m sick and tired of defending the police force when it’s peopled by yahoos like this,” he wrote.</p></div><div class="_1KKxV"><div class="container"><div class="adWrapper _2UMq- noPrint" data-testid="ad"><small class="_3ToRr">Advertisement</small><div class="" id="adspot-728x90_970x250-pos3-desktop"></div></div></div></div><div class="_1665V _169fS _2IOn6" data-testid="body-content"><p>He would text politicians at all hours, furiously criticising their decisions and offering unsolicited advice about how those decisions would end in disaster. Once, he flamed a senior NSW minister for what he described as unforgivable ignorance. “Who the f--- do you think you are?” the radio broadcaster told the elected member of parliament.</p><p>A response that pleased him could lead to benevolence. Another letter, obtained by <em>The Guardian</em> under a similar FOI request 20 years later, involved a back-and-forth with then-Coalition sports minister Stuart Ayres about a sailing issue. Jones approved of Ayres’ actions. “That’s why you are a very good minister,” he wrote. “Is everything OK in the electorate? Yell out if I can help. With best wishes, Alan.”</p><p>Many argue Jones, himself a failed political candidate for the Liberal Party, was only able to hold so much power because politicians surrendered it to him. Yet those who resisted grovelling found themselves in a bind. “It wasn’t that the ministers lacked courage,” said one former senior NSW Coalition minister. “It’s that you couldn’t convince a cabinet or party room to stand up to him too.” Taking on Jones about one thing meant the broadcaster would attack everything else that minister tried to do. “It subverted your ability to do other things,” he said. “It wasn’t worth the fight.”</p><p>When Coalition premier Mike Baird backflipped on his plan to shut down greyhound racing after a sustained campaign by Jones, he was photographed arriving at Jones’ apartment at Circular Quay for a dinner of humble pie to win back support. Jones told his listeners the next day that the government would receive “full marks” from him if it reversed the ban.</p><figure class="_3yDuP wgCJ2"><picture class=""><source media="(min-width: 1024px)" srcSet="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.154%2C$multiply_1.0582%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_0/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/f035cffbf78db6267ed785232a45868d0dfe45df, https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.154%2C$multiply_2.1164%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_0/t_crop_custom/q_62%2Cf_auto/f035cffbf78db6267ed785232a45868d0dfe45df 2x" height="534" width="800"/><source media="(min-width: 768px)" srcSet="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.154%2C$multiply_0.9206%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_0/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/f035cffbf78db6267ed785232a45868d0dfe45df, https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.154%2C$multiply_1.8413%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_0/t_crop_custom/q_62%2Cf_auto/f035cffbf78db6267ed785232a45868d0dfe45df 2x" height="464" width="696"/><img alt="Alan Jones addresses a 2011 rally in Canberra with then opposition leader Tony Abbott." loading="lazy" src="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.154%2C$multiply_0.7725%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_0/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/f035cffbf78db6267ed785232a45868d0dfe45df" height="390" width="584" srcSet="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.154%2C$multiply_0.7725%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_0/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/f035cffbf78db6267ed785232a45868d0dfe45df, https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.154%2C$multiply_1.545%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_0/t_crop_custom/q_62%2Cf_auto/f035cffbf78db6267ed785232a45868d0dfe45df 2x"/></picture><figcaption class="_1gvGj"><p><span class="">Alan Jones addresses a 2011 rally in Canberra with then opposition leader Tony Abbott.</span><cite class=""><span class="_1AtOE">Credit: </span>Andrew Meares</cite></p></figcaption></figure><p>Jones would frequently shower praise on his long-time friend Tony Abbott: the broadcaster was one of two speakers at an event last year marking 10 years since Abbott became prime minister. When Abbott was in the top job, Jones would send him a weekly missive with about 30 dot points, offering advice, warnings, and tips on who was white-anting him, said one person close to him. Staff heard him dictate a sign-off: “Go for the jugular, Tony.” Abbott denies the story. “Mr Abbott ran his own political strategy and famously wrote his own speeches and personally signed off his own media releases,” said a spokesman.</p><p>Politicians found their own ways of managing him. “There were certain techniques that worked with Alan, like going into the studio in person,” the former minister said. “It was harder for him to be mean to you if you were right in front of him. Colleagues used to say they would take a young male staffer with them [to put Jones in a good mood], like a burnt offering. Writing him a handwritten note; he’d write to you, and what I learnt was that you had to write back yourself, and give him answers to keep him [from speaking about the issue on radio].”</p></div><div class="_1KKxV"><div class="container"><div class="adWrapper _2UMq- noPrint" data-testid="ad"><small class="_3ToRr">Advertisement</small><div class="" id="adspot-728x90_970x250-pos4-desktop"></div></div></div></div><div class="_1665V _169fS _2IOn6" data-testid="body-content"><p>The aim was to keep their issue off-air, said the politician. Being lauded could be as dangerous as being rubbished. “If you got praised by him, it was probably because you leaked to him, so your colleagues would be suspicious – and generally rightly so. Alan never did anything without a reason.”</p><p>Jones might have left politicians so intimidated that they couldn’t sleep before an interview, but no one was more attuned to the vagaries of his mood than those who worked for him. The former teacher and rugby union coach was an exacting boss. One producer remembers sitting in the car park before work in the wee hours of the morning, wondering if he could face it all again that day. “I don’t think he ever said hello to me in all the years I worked for him,” he said. “Every day started with incredible tension.”</p><p>For their first six months, Jones would put a new producer to a kind of loyalty test involving verbal abuse and the rubbishing of their work. “It was routine humiliation,” said one. Once, when Jones was dissatisfied with the performance of his staff, he made them write to the finance department to say they didn’t deserve to be paid for their day’s work. Another time, Jones found some faxes that had not been replied to, and made staff cancel leave to write back.</p><figure class="_3yDuP wgCJ2"><picture class=""><source media="(min-width: 1024px)" srcSet="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.378%2C$multiply_1.0582%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_0/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/4288d2a5f58c18d25163fbcbc532824074dd658a, https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.378%2C$multiply_2.1164%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_0/t_crop_custom/q_62%2Cf_auto/4288d2a5f58c18d25163fbcbc532824074dd658a 2x" height="534" width="800"/><source media="(min-width: 768px)" srcSet="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.378%2C$multiply_0.9206%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_0/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/4288d2a5f58c18d25163fbcbc532824074dd658a, https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.378%2C$multiply_1.8413%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_0/t_crop_custom/q_62%2Cf_auto/4288d2a5f58c18d25163fbcbc532824074dd658a 2x" height="464" width="696"/><img alt="Alan Jones was a money spinner who called the shots at the stations that employed him." loading="lazy" src="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.378%2C$multiply_0.7725%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_0/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/4288d2a5f58c18d25163fbcbc532824074dd658a" height="390" width="584" srcSet="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.378%2C$multiply_0.7725%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_0/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/4288d2a5f58c18d25163fbcbc532824074dd658a, https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.378%2C$multiply_1.545%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_0%2C$y_0/t_crop_custom/q_62%2Cf_auto/4288d2a5f58c18d25163fbcbc532824074dd658a 2x"/></picture><figcaption class="_1gvGj"><p><span class="">Alan Jones was a money spinner who called the shots at the stations that employed him.</span><cite class=""><span class="_1AtOE">Credit: </span>Nick Moir</cite></p></figcaption></figure><p>“The way he blew up at people was a craft,” said another former producer, who – like many people interviewed for this story – spoke on the condition of anonymity because he still feared Jones’ impact on his career. “He never swore, but it was an articulate spray that was like being lashed by lightning. It was personal, it was cruel, it was demeaning. But it wasn’t someone losing control. The sprays were directed at staff, at salespeople, at CEOs. There was no one at 2GB that Jones felt he couldn’t stand over.”</p><p>Jones was the station’s money-spinner. “What he wanted, he got,” says Mike Carlton, who worked with Jones at 2UE before the breakfast presenter jumped ship to 2GB. “He would just send in his manager, ‘Alan wants this, Alan wants this done’, and management would cave because they were desperate to keep him on side.”</p><p>Working for Jones was intense. Yet Jones kept staff loyal, partly with occasional explosions of generosity. A Christmas card with $500 inside. Tickets to Wimbledon. A lavish dinner. There was also the sense that, beyond the bullying, the program was doing some good. “A lot of the stuff he pointed out related to stupid government policy, and a lot of it ended up benefiting people who deserved a result,” said a former producer. “That’s where it gets a little bit tricky; without an aggressive champion, they would never have got the result they deserved.”</p></div><div class="_1KKxV"><div class="container"><div class="adWrapper _2UMq- noPrint" data-testid="ad"><small class="_3ToRr">Advertisement</small><div class="" id="adspot-728x90_970x250-pos5-desktop"></div></div></div></div><div class="_1665V _169fS _2IOn6" data-testid="body-content"><p>Many wondered what drove him so relentlessly. It wasn’t money for its own sake; those close to him estimate he has given away millions over the years. He would pay friends’ children’s school fees, give them money to buy their first property and cover their health bills. He still pays for the reunions of school football teams he coached in the 1960s. “He’d give it to people who were broke, who needed money for legal fees,” said one person who worked with Jones.</p><p>He would also allow people to stay in his opulent homes, in Sydney, the Southern Highlands, Brisbane and the Gold Coast. The guest list raised eyebrows; one former producer recalls dropping some briefs over and meeting the “procession of [male] athletes who would stay there”, he says. “Many of them were emotionally needy; quite a few had come from broken homes, and didn’t have supportive family relationships. There was a bit of a theme going through that. Part of it was he didn’t want to be alone.”</p><p>Jones’ sexuality was scuttlebutt for decades, raised publicly only in double entendre. Jones never commented, not even after being arrested in a London public toilet – that was also a gay beat – for “outraging public decency” (he was cleared). He once told this masthead’s David Leser that he didn’t “believe people should be asked to [comment] in relation to their private lives”.</p><p>But many, like Masters, believe Jones’ sexuality may be key to understanding his accumulation of power. He grew up in Queensland when homosexuality was illegal, and moved in worlds in which it was spurned, such as schoolboys’ boarding houses when he was a teacher, and rugby union when he was a coach. “There were good reasons for him to don the mask,” says Masters. “We’ve seen this in other powerful men from that era, the power base was built around them as a protective screen. It’s the manipulations – where to go, who you know, who can pull strings – that keeps you safe.”</p><p>As his power grew, Jones became complacent. His staff and his acolytes were afraid to challenge him. He didn’t verify information he’d been given before presenting it on air, and got things wrong. The end began with his 2012 attacks on Julia Gillard – who stood opposite his good friend Abbott in the parliamentary chamber – when he said she should be tied in a chaff bag and dumped at sea. Within a week of <em>The Sunday Telegraph</em> reporting Jones’ comments to a Young Liberal dinner that Gillard’s father, who had passed away not long before, had “died of shame”, around 70 advertisers backed away from his show and Mercedes-Benz confiscated Jones’ $250,000 sponsored car.</p><figure class="_3yDuP wgCJ2"><picture class=""><source media="(min-width: 1024px)" srcSet="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.661%2C$multiply_1.0582%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_247%2C$y_101/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/7a8017e391ed8dfc2c07e194f2c43544623f6540, https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.661%2C$multiply_2.1164%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_247%2C$y_101/t_crop_custom/q_62%2Cf_auto/7a8017e391ed8dfc2c07e194f2c43544623f6540 2x" height="534" width="800"/><source media="(min-width: 768px)" srcSet="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.661%2C$multiply_0.9206%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_247%2C$y_101/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/7a8017e391ed8dfc2c07e194f2c43544623f6540, https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.661%2C$multiply_1.8413%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_247%2C$y_101/t_crop_custom/q_62%2Cf_auto/7a8017e391ed8dfc2c07e194f2c43544623f6540 2x" height="464" width="696"/><img alt="Jones apologising for his remarks about Julia Gillard's father dying of shame in 2012." loading="lazy" src="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.661%2C$multiply_0.7725%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_247%2C$y_101/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/7a8017e391ed8dfc2c07e194f2c43544623f6540" height="390" width="584" srcSet="https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.661%2C$multiply_0.7725%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_247%2C$y_101/t_crop_custom/q_86%2Cf_auto/7a8017e391ed8dfc2c07e194f2c43544623f6540, https://static.ffx.io/images/$zoom_0.661%2C$multiply_1.545%2C$ratio_1.5%2C$width_756%2C$x_247%2C$y_101/t_crop_custom/q_62%2Cf_auto/7a8017e391ed8dfc2c07e194f2c43544623f6540 2x"/></picture><figcaption class="_1gvGj"><p><span class="">Jones apologising for his remarks about Julia Gillard's father dying of shame in 2012.</span><cite class=""><span class="_1AtOE">Credit: </span>Dean Sewell</cite></p></figcaption></figure><p>The editor who published <em>The Sunday Telegraph</em>’s story, Neil Breen – who is now a television reporter for Nine, owner of this masthead – paid the price for challenging Jones. “From that day on, it always had an effect on my career,” he said. It angered some of Jones’ supporters at News Limited. It prompted Jones to run interference when Breen worked in radio. It disrupted relationships that still haven’t recovered. “You were just up against forces,” he said. “He was a significant foe.” </p></div><div class="_1KKxV"><div class="container"><div class="adWrapper _2UMq- noPrint" data-testid="ad"><small class="_3ToRr">Advertisement</small><div class="" id="adspot-728x90_970x250-pos6-desktop"></div></div></div></div><div class="_1665V _169fS _2IOn6" data-testid="body-content"><p>Jones’ final, self-inflicted blow came in 2019, when he told then-prime minister Scott Morrison to “shove a sock” down the throat of New Zealand’s then-prime minister, Jacinda Ardern. The condemnation was swift and significant, and advertisers – whose business covered his $4 million salary – fled. Jones was already on thin ice due to his alliances with fringe politicians such as then-MP Craig Kelly, and a mammoth defamation payout for blaming a family for the deadly Grantham floods. He resigned from 2GB in 2020. Without his platform, Jones’ power rapidly dwindled.</p><p>Even if he had stayed on air, his influence may not have protected him from the indecent assault allegations. Over the past decade, abuse of power accusations have all but ended the careers of other once-untouchable men even if they are eventually cleared, like the late cardinal George Pell. The world has changed. Power is a less effective cocoon. While speaking up still requires enormous courage, victims are no longer stigmatised. Where allegations of predatory behaviour were once stifled, police now take so-called silent crimes seriously. Where stars were once allowed to behave as they wanted as long as they brought in money, companies must now actively protect their workers.</p><div class="ymInT _3uJpn noPrint"><span class="_2wzgv D5idv _3lVFK"><span class="_29Qt8"></span><span class="_3qqDc">Loading</span></span></div><p>“There’s been a very important shift in how we operate as a society,” says academic and former journalist Catharine Lumby, who once had a piece critiquing Jones pulled when she wrote for <em>The Bulletin</em>, which was owned by Jones’ good friend Kerry Packer. “The avenues of survivors of assault and harassment are more educated; there’s been a sea change in attitudes.”</p><p>Those who knew Jones say he would have stayed in front of a microphone until he died if he could have, holding on to the power that kept him safe and the busyness that kept him from introspection. The haunted, brilliant, flawed man “was scared of what came next”, says a former staffer. “He didn’t want any time to look in the mirror. He wanted to fill every day so there was no time for self-reflection.”</p><p><b><i>Start the day with a summary of the day’s most important and interesting stories, analysis and insights. <a href="/link/follow-20170101-p57ogt">Sign up for our Morning Edition newsletter</a>.</i></b></p></div></div><div class="_1OAkC _3urrx"><h4>correction</h4><div><p>This article has been updated to reflect that Alan Jones resigned from 2GB in 2020, not 2021 as first reported.</p></div></div></div><div></div><div class="_22FRK _3jghV"><section class="aKWhn noPrint" id="endOfArticle"><div class="dLGbc"><div class="hLTvJ _2XcOi"><button aria-checked="false" aria-describedby="saveTooltip" aria-label="Save article to read later" class="_31ZN0" role="switch" type="button"><svg aria-hidden="true" class="QMY9O _11R7m" focusable="false" height="1em" width="1em"><use xlink:href="#icon-save"></use></svg><span class="_3-fU6">Save</span></button><div aria-hidden="true" class="_1lwFz uXbxr" id="saveTooltip" role="tooltip"><button>Log in</button>,<!-- --> <a data-testid="login-register" href="https://theage.myfairfax.com.au/channel/4vLxp6nBuWVKEPLaQuUKwA/members/signups/new?callback_uri=">register</a> <!-- -->or <a href="https://subscribe.theage.com.au/?promote_channel=HI_HL_GNL">subscribe</a> <!-- -->to save articles for later.</div></div><div class="_8Cum8"><a class="_4oUp_" href="https://professional.licensing-publishing.nine.com.au/C.aspx?VP3=CMS3&VF=FXJFXT_3">License this article</a></div><div class="ZFgNO"><ul class="_3Nz34"><li><a class="_2Tz1_" href="/topic/jones-investigation-6gd9">Jones investigation</a></li><li><a class="_2Tz1_" href="/topic/alan-jones-1vz">Alan Jones</a></li><li><a class="_2Tz1_" href="/topic/media-and-marketing-5z7">Media & marketing</a></li><li><a class="_2Tz1_" href="/topic/sydney-crime-62n">Crime</a></li><li><a class="_2Tz1_" href="/subscriber-centre">For subscribers</a></li><li><a class="_2Tz1_" href="/topic/features-6h6o">Features</a></li><li><button class="_3Fcyd">More…</button></li></ul></div></div></section><div class="_2Cg_3"><div class="iQMz1" hidden=""><div class="_1Oml5"><a class="_3NFLJ" title="Articles by Jordan Baker" href="/by/jordan-baker-h0zh4a">Jordan Baker</a> is Chief Reporter of The Sydney Morning Herald. 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The Man Who Ran Sydney, Jones\\u2019 grip loosened as society changed, and he refused to change with it.\",\"allowComments\":false,\"body\":\"<x-placeholder id=\\\"3169460aa78ab872eb18ccb3173bdea5d247c0f0\\\"></x-placeholder><p>Back when he lived in Newtown, Alan Jones had a wall covered in photographs of himself with the Pick and Stick crew. There were football players, political allies, celebrities and billionaires; the \\u201CMoses of the airwaves\\u201D had cultivated a powerful fellowship over his first 20-odd years on air, and still had half his radio career to run. Yet even then, some in his orbit had misgivings about getting too close to Jones. \\u201CThe last place you wanted to end up was on his wall,\\u201D said one.</p><p>Being close to Jones was, as one former staffer put it, \\u201Can exhausting thing\\u201D. It was like being smiled upon by a capricious emperor. The anointed ones, who ranged from sports stars to musicians to prime ministers and premiers, were graced with favours and largesse. But they had to pay homage or risk it all. Jones\\u2019 warning that a failure to respond to a request would \\u201Cbe the end of our friendship\\u201D, was ominous indeed.</p><p>This patronage was one of myriad ways Jones transformed himself from an everyday shock jock into The Man Who Ran Sydney. In the era when talkback was king and he had a 20 per cent audience share, he used his intellect, charisma and money to exploit the platform like no one else. \\u201CHis power isn\\u2019t explained by the size of his audience,\\u201D says Chris Masters, author of<em> Jonestown</em>. \\u201CIt\\u2019s explained more by how he used it as leverage to advocate for his own interests and the interests of his powerful mates.\\u201D</p><p>For decades, power protected Jones. He bullied his staff, bulldozed elected officials, and was perceived to favour handsome young men. Few were game to challenge him. Those who did paid the price. Jones was a man \\u201Cdrunk on power\\u201D, said one former staffer, and \\u201Cdid not know when to stop\\u201D. But his grip loosened as society changed and Jones refused to change with it, as advertisers became reluctant to align themselves with his increasingly fringe views, and as movements such as #MeToo put the anatomy of power under the microscope.</p><x-placeholder id=\\\"6de9670a82d8694c16cb684e6e4db20374bb56c0\\\"></x-placeholder><p>Last year, Jones faced his own reckoning. The <em>Herald\\u2019s</em> chief investigative reporter Kate McClymont <x-placeholder id=\\\"251df3a1d4263e841498d68187d39147411826e3\\\"></x-placeholder>that he had used his power for sexual gratification, by groping and indecently assaulting young men, including one of his producers, without their consent. One of the men, who has since died, alleged that he \\u201Cforces himself on young men and uses his power in a predatory way\\u201D. Another man, an employee, says he was groped by Jones. \\u201CHe knew I wasn\\u2019t gay so it was about power dynamics,\\u201D he said. Police investigated. This week,<x-placeholder id=\\\"81a6580a544b52fe6a7c3241b50b9a7ffeda5414\\\"></x-placeholder> with 26 offences involving nine alleged victims. He says he is innocent. The charges are before the courts.</p><p>When one family contacted police a few years ago to raise allegations that Jones had indecently touched a relative, the officers were blunt. It would be the word of a social colossus against that of an ordinary person. Jones was not, the family recalled one of them saying, \\u201CJoe Blow from Bunnings\\u201D.</p><p>Talkback radio used to be the only way ordinary people could speak directly to politicians, even if the host controlled microphone. It was a win-win; listeners on so-called Struggle Street could get their problems addressed, politicians could talk directly to the people, and broadcasters were the powerbrokers in the middle. \\u201CForget the press gallery,\\u201D prime minister Paul Keating once said. \\u201CIf you educate [broadcaster] John Laws, you educate Australia.\\u201D</p><p>Articulate, relentless, merciless Jones outclassed all his rivals when he first fired up on air in 1985. He was an unlikely success story; a cross between a priest and a schoolmaster, who would sermonise and patronise in a voice so grating he was nicknamed The Parrot. Yet listeners loved it. \\u201CHe played all the tabloid tricks,\\u201D says Masters. \\u201CFlatter your public, tell them \\u2018my listeners are my best researchers\\u2019. He ended up generating a kind of cultist following.\\u201D</p><p>He slept three hours a day and seemed to devote the remaining 21 to work. He\\u2019d insist that his office reply to every letter. He\\u2019d often dictate them himself to his typist. In 1999, he wrote 3000 letters to the government in eight months, the<em> Herald</em> learnt under freedom of information laws. Almost 140 of those were to the prime minister, premier, and a handful of ministers. He expected recipients to reply promptly. Failure to do so risked an on-air dressing down.</p><p>Premiers and prime ministers would put a staff member in charge of responding within 24 hours. They were dubbed the Minister for Alan Jones.</p><x-placeholder id=\\\"a87a66c0caf5dcf697f94f6eaec01b5e881ca387\\\"></x-placeholder><p>The line between policy and personal blurred. Once, he was pulled over by NSW Police highway patrol on a trip to Canberra and didn\\u2019t realise he was crossing two lanes of the Hume to get to the kerb. He was almost hit by a truck. The next day, he wrote to then-police minister Paul Whelan, attempting to get the \\u201Ccowboy\\u201D officer sacked. \\u201CI\\u2019m sick and tired of defending the police force when it\\u2019s peopled by yahoos like this,\\u201D he wrote.</p><p>He would text politicians at all hours, furiously criticising their decisions and offering unsolicited advice about how those decisions would end in disaster. Once, he flamed a senior NSW minister for what he described as unforgivable ignorance. \\u201CWho the f--- do you think you are?\\u201D the radio broadcaster told the elected member of parliament.</p><p>A response that pleased him could lead to benevolence. Another letter, obtained by <em>The Guardian</em> under a similar FOI request 20 years later, involved a back-and-forth with then-Coalition sports minister Stuart Ayres about a sailing issue. Jones approved of Ayres\\u2019 actions. \\u201CThat\\u2019s why you are a very good minister,\\u201D he wrote. \\u201CIs everything OK in the electorate? Yell out if I can help. With best wishes, Alan.\\u201D</p><p>Many argue Jones, himself a failed political candidate for the Liberal Party, was only able to hold so much power because politicians surrendered it to him. Yet those who resisted grovelling found themselves in a bind. \\u201CIt wasn\\u2019t that the ministers lacked courage,\\u201D said one former senior NSW Coalition minister. \\u201CIt\\u2019s that you couldn\\u2019t convince a cabinet or party room to stand up to him too.\\u201D Taking on Jones about one thing meant the broadcaster would attack everything else that minister tried to do. \\u201CIt subverted your ability to do other things,\\u201D he said. \\u201CIt wasn\\u2019t worth the fight.\\u201D</p><p>When Coalition premier Mike Baird backflipped on his plan to shut down greyhound racing after a sustained campaign by Jones, he was photographed arriving at Jones\\u2019 apartment at Circular Quay for a dinner of humble pie to win back support. Jones told his listeners the next day that the government would receive \\u201Cfull marks\\u201D from him if it reversed the ban.</p><x-placeholder id=\\\"47e3231fbaae45bf898fc8ef76ac55b2ae82d556\\\"></x-placeholder><p>Jones would frequently shower praise on his long-time friend Tony Abbott: the broadcaster was one of two speakers at an event last year marking 10 years since Abbott became prime minister. When Abbott was in the top job, Jones would send him a weekly missive with about 30 dot points, offering advice, warnings, and tips on who was white-anting him, said one person close to him. Staff heard him dictate a sign-off: \\u201CGo for the jugular, Tony.\\u201D Abbott denies the story. \\u201CMr Abbott ran his own political strategy and famously wrote his own speeches and personally signed off his own media releases,\\u201D said a spokesman.</p><p>Politicians found their own ways of managing him. \\u201CThere were certain techniques that worked with Alan, like going into the studio in person,\\u201D the former minister said. \\u201CIt was harder for him to be mean to you if you were right in front of him. Colleagues used to say they would take a young male staffer with them [to put Jones in a good mood], like a burnt offering. Writing him a handwritten note; he\\u2019d write to you, and what I learnt was that you had to write back yourself, and give him answers to keep him [from speaking about the issue on radio].\\u201D</p><p>The aim was to keep their issue off-air, said the politician. Being lauded could be as dangerous as being rubbished. \\u201CIf you got praised by him, it was probably because you leaked to him, so your colleagues would be suspicious \\u2013 and generally rightly so. Alan never did anything without a reason.\\u201D</p><p>Jones might have left politicians so intimidated that they couldn\\u2019t sleep before an interview, but no one was more attuned to the vagaries of his mood than those who worked for him. The former teacher and rugby union coach was an exacting boss. One producer remembers sitting in the car park before work in the wee hours of the morning, wondering if he could face it all again that day. \\u201CI don\\u2019t think he ever said hello to me in all the years I worked for him,\\u201D he said. \\u201CEvery day started with incredible tension.\\u201D</p><p>For their first six months, Jones would put a new producer to a kind of loyalty test involving verbal abuse and the rubbishing of their work. \\u201CIt was routine humiliation,\\u201D said one. Once, when Jones was dissatisfied with the performance of his staff, he made them write to the finance department to say they didn\\u2019t deserve to be paid for their day\\u2019s work. Another time, Jones found some faxes that had not been replied to, and made staff cancel leave to write back.</p><x-placeholder id=\\\"cd0ea8bf64229ba90a6f7b7db7d9160c45640b34\\\"></x-placeholder><p>\\u201CThe way he blew up at people was a craft,\\u201D said another former producer, who \\u2013 like many people interviewed for this story \\u2013 spoke on the condition of anonymity because he still feared Jones\\u2019 impact on his career. \\u201CHe never swore, but it was an articulate spray that was like being lashed by lightning. It was personal, it was cruel, it was demeaning. But it wasn\\u2019t someone losing control. The sprays were directed at staff, at salespeople, at CEOs. There was no one at 2GB that Jones felt he couldn\\u2019t stand over.\\u201D</p><p>Jones was the station\\u2019s money-spinner. \\u201CWhat he wanted, he got,\\u201D says Mike Carlton, who worked with Jones at 2UE before the breakfast presenter jumped ship to 2GB. \\u201CHe would just send in his manager, \\u2018Alan wants this, Alan wants this done\\u2019, and management would cave because they were desperate to keep him on side.\\u201D</p><p>Working for Jones was intense. Yet Jones kept staff loyal, partly with occasional explosions of generosity. A Christmas card with $500 inside. Tickets to Wimbledon. A lavish dinner. There was also the sense that, beyond the bullying, the program was doing some good. \\u201CA lot of the stuff he pointed out related to stupid government policy, and a lot of it ended up benefiting people who deserved a result,\\u201D said a former producer. \\u201CThat\\u2019s where it gets a little bit tricky; without an aggressive champion, they would never have got the result they deserved.\\u201D</p><p>Many wondered what drove him so relentlessly. It wasn\\u2019t money for its own sake; those close to him estimate he has given away millions over the years. He would pay friends\\u2019 children\\u2019s school fees, give them money to buy their first property and cover their health bills. He still pays for the reunions of school football teams he coached in the 1960s. \\u201CHe\\u2019d give it to people who were broke, who needed money for legal fees,\\u201D said one person who worked with Jones.</p><p>He would also allow people to stay in his opulent homes, in Sydney, the Southern Highlands, Brisbane and the Gold Coast. The guest list raised eyebrows; one former producer recalls dropping some briefs over and meeting the \\u201Cprocession of [male] athletes who would stay there\\u201D, he says. \\u201CMany of them were emotionally needy; quite a few had come from broken homes, and didn\\u2019t have supportive family relationships. There was a bit of a theme going through that. Part of it was he didn\\u2019t want to be alone.\\u201D</p><p>Jones\\u2019 sexuality was scuttlebutt for decades, raised publicly only in double entendre. Jones never commented, not even after being arrested in a London public toilet \\u2013 that was also a gay beat \\u2013 for \\u201Coutraging public decency\\u201D (he was cleared). He once told this masthead\\u2019s David Leser that he didn\\u2019t \\u201Cbelieve people should be asked to [comment] in relation to their private lives\\u201D.</p><p>But many, like Masters, believe Jones\\u2019 sexuality may be key to understanding his accumulation of power. He grew up in Queensland when homosexuality was illegal, and moved in worlds in which it was spurned, such as schoolboys\\u2019 boarding houses when he was a teacher, and rugby union when he was a coach. \\u201CThere were good reasons for him to don the mask,\\u201D says Masters. \\u201CWe\\u2019ve seen this in other powerful men from that era, the power base was built around them as a protective screen. It\\u2019s the manipulations \\u2013 where to go, who you know, who can pull strings \\u2013 that keeps you safe.\\u201D</p><p>As his power grew, Jones became complacent. His staff and his acolytes were afraid to challenge him. He didn\\u2019t verify information he\\u2019d been given before presenting it on air, and got things wrong. The end began with his 2012 attacks on Julia Gillard \\u2013 who stood opposite his good friend Abbott in the parliamentary chamber \\u2013 when he said she should be tied in a chaff bag and dumped at sea. Within a week of <em>The Sunday Telegraph</em> reporting Jones\\u2019 comments to a Young Liberal dinner that Gillard\\u2019s father, who had passed away not long before, had \\u201Cdied of shame\\u201D, around 70 advertisers backed away from his show and Mercedes-Benz confiscated Jones\\u2019 $250,000 sponsored car.</p><x-placeholder id=\\\"b00956452111039e9eb626b36f17bdb5de816faa\\\"></x-placeholder><p>The editor who published <em>The Sunday Telegraph</em>\\u2019s story, Neil Breen \\u2013 who is now a television reporter for Nine, owner of this masthead \\u2013 paid the price for challenging Jones. \\u201CFrom that day on, it always had an effect on my career,\\u201D he said. It angered some of Jones\\u2019 supporters at News Limited. It prompted Jones to run interference when Breen worked in radio. It disrupted relationships that still haven\\u2019t recovered. \\u201CYou were just up against forces,\\u201D he said. \\u201CHe was a significant foe.\\u201D </p><p>Jones\\u2019 final, self-inflicted blow came in 2019, when he told then-prime minister Scott Morrison to \\u201Cshove a sock\\u201D down the throat of New Zealand\\u2019s then-prime minister, Jacinda Ardern. The condemnation was swift and significant, and advertisers \\u2013 whose business covered his $4 million salary \\u2013 fled. Jones was already on thin ice due to his alliances with fringe politicians such as then-MP Craig Kelly, and a mammoth defamation payout for blaming a family for the deadly Grantham floods. He resigned from 2GB in 2020. Without his platform, Jones\\u2019 power rapidly dwindled.</p><p>Even if he had stayed on air, his influence may not have protected him from the indecent assault allegations. Over the past decade, abuse of power accusations have all but ended the careers of other once-untouchable men even if they are eventually cleared, like the late cardinal George Pell. The world has changed. Power is a less effective cocoon. While speaking up still requires enormous courage, victims are no longer stigmatised. Where allegations of predatory behaviour were once stifled, police now take so-called silent crimes seriously. Where stars were once allowed to behave as they wanted as long as they brought in money, companies must now actively protect their workers.</p><x-placeholder id=\\\"b3092adff11d95bfcbcddecc6bb447e56080bc3c\\\"></x-placeholder><p>\\u201CThere\\u2019s been a very important shift in how we operate as a society,\\u201D says academic and former journalist Catharine Lumby, who once had a piece critiquing Jones pulled when she wrote for <em>The Bulletin</em>, which was owned by Jones\\u2019 good friend Kerry Packer. \\u201CThe avenues of survivors of assault and harassment are more educated; there\\u2019s been a sea change in attitudes.\\u201D</p><p>Those who knew Jones say he would have stayed in front of a microphone until he died if he could have, holding on to the power that kept him safe and the busyness that kept him from introspection. The haunted, brilliant, flawed man \\u201Cwas scared of what came next\\u201D, says a former staffer. \\u201CHe didn\\u2019t want any time to look in the mirror. He wanted to fill every day so there was no time for self-reflection.\\u201D</p><p><b><i>Start the day with a summary of the day\\u2019s most important and interesting stories, analysis and insights. <x-placeholder id=\\\"8c94f0744f70ee1678cf592fa1f2abc46d3e5895\\\"></x-placeholder>.</i></b></p>\",\"bodyPlaceholders\":{\"251df3a1d4263e841498d68187d39147411826e3\":{\"data\":{\"id\":\"p5epry\",\"newTab\":false,\"noFollow\":false,\"text\":\"revealed allegations \"},\"type\":\"linkArticle\"},\"3169460aa78ab872eb18ccb3173bdea5d247c0f0\":{\"data\":{\"displayWidth\":\"CONTENT_WIDE\",\"url\":\"https://www.smh.com.au/interactive/modules/autoplay-video-loop/live/index.html?resizable=true&v=423&configUrl=https://www.smh.com.au/interactive/hub/configs/video-loop/37180.json&v=0.8058818551925142\"},\"type\":\"iframe\"},\"47e3231fbaae45bf898fc8ef76ac55b2ae82d556\":{\"data\":{\"altText\":\"\",\"animated\":false,\"aspect\":1.5,\"autoCrop\":false,\"caption\":\"Alan Jones addresses a 2011 rally in Canberra with then opposition leader Tony Abbott.\",\"credit\":\"Andrew Meares\",\"cropWidth\":756,\"fileName\":\"f035cffbf78db6267ed785232a45868d0dfe45df\",\"id\":\"f035cffbf78db6267ed785232a45868d0dfe45df\",\"mimeType\":\"image/jpeg\",\"offsetX\":0,\"offsetY\":0,\"originalHeight\":null,\"originalWidth\":null,\"source\":\"Fairfax Photographic\",\"zoom\":0.154},\"type\":\"image\"},\"6de9670a82d8694c16cb684e6e4db20374bb56c0\":{\"data\":{\"altText\":\"\",\"aspect\":1.5,\"autoCrop\":false,\"caption\":\"Power protected Alan Jones, seen here departing after giving evidence during the inquiry into the cash for comment scandal.\",\"credit\":\"Brendan Esposito\",\"cropWidth\":756,\"fileName\":\"06ffeb528407440bf973d3f83d577a0c18d16aa5\",\"id\":\"06ffeb528407440bf973d3f83d577a0c18d16aa5\",\"offsetX\":0,\"offsetY\":2,\"originalHeight\":null,\"originalWidth\":null,\"source\":\"Fairfax Media\",\"zoom\":0.326},\"type\":\"image\"},\"81a6580a544b52fe6a7c3241b50b9a7ffeda5414\":{\"data\":{\"id\":\"p5krr5\",\"newTab\":false,\"noFollow\":false,\"text\":\" Jones was charged\"},\"type\":\"linkArticle\"},\"8c94f0744f70ee1678cf592fa1f2abc46d3e5895\":{\"data\":{\"id\":\"p57ogt\",\"newTab\":false,\"noFollow\":false,\"text\":\"Sign up for our Morning Edition newsletter\"},\"type\":\"linkArticle\"},\"a87a66c0caf5dcf697f94f6eaec01b5e881ca387\":{\"data\":{\"altText\":\"\",\"aspect\":1.5,\"autoCrop\":false,\"caption\":\"Alan Jones was a prolific correspondent with prime ministers, including friend John Howard, premiers and MPs. \",\"credit\":\"Dallas Kilponen\",\"cropWidth\":756,\"fileName\":\"f79be89db8b59e89f30f2fa7be3d5a32ac2eb0f4\",\"id\":\"f79be89db8b59e89f30f2fa7be3d5a32ac2eb0f4\",\"offsetX\":0,\"offsetY\":22,\"originalHeight\":null,\"originalWidth\":null,\"source\":\"Sydney-Morning-Herald\",\"zoom\":0.378},\"type\":\"image\"},\"b00956452111039e9eb626b36f17bdb5de816faa\":{\"data\":{\"altText\":\"\",\"aspect\":1.5,\"autoCrop\":false,\"caption\":\"Jones apologising for his remarks about Julia Gillard's father dying of shame in 2012.\",\"credit\":\"Dean Sewell\",\"cropWidth\":756,\"fileName\":\"7a8017e391ed8dfc2c07e194f2c43544623f6540\",\"id\":\"7a8017e391ed8dfc2c07e194f2c43544623f6540\",\"offsetX\":247,\"offsetY\":101,\"originalHeight\":1333,\"originalWidth\":2000,\"source\":\"Sydney-Morning-Herald\",\"zoom\":0.661},\"type\":\"image\"},\"b3092adff11d95bfcbcddecc6bb447e56080bc3c\":{\"data\":{\"id\":\"p5ksw7\"},\"type\":\"relatedStory\"},\"cd0ea8bf64229ba90a6f7b7db7d9160c45640b34\":{\"data\":{\"altText\":\"\",\"aspect\":1.5,\"autoCrop\":false,\"caption\":\"Alan Jones was a money spinner who called the shots at the stations that employed him.\",\"credit\":\"Nick Moir\",\"cropWidth\":756,\"fileName\":\"4288d2a5f58c18d25163fbcbc532824074dd658a\",\"id\":\"4288d2a5f58c18d25163fbcbc532824074dd658a\",\"offsetX\":0,\"offsetY\":0,\"originalHeight\":null,\"originalWidth\":null,\"source\":\"Sydney-Morning-Herald\",\"zoom\":0.378},\"type\":\"image\"}},\"byline\":\"Jordan Baker\",\"closeComments\":false,\"headlines\":{\"headline\":\"For decades, power protected Alan Jones. 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