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separation and balance of powers in the state</title> <meta name="description" content="Search results for: the separation and balance of powers in the state"> <meta name="keywords" content="the separation and balance of powers in the state"> <meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width, initial-scale=1, minimum-scale=1, maximum-scale=1, user-scalable=no"> <meta charset="utf-8"> <link href="https://cdn.waset.org/favicon.ico" type="image/x-icon" rel="shortcut icon"> <link href="https://cdn.waset.org/static/plugins/bootstrap-4.2.1/css/bootstrap.min.css" rel="stylesheet"> <link href="https://cdn.waset.org/static/plugins/fontawesome/css/all.min.css" rel="stylesheet"> <link href="https://cdn.waset.org/static/css/site.css?v=150220211555" rel="stylesheet"> </head> <body> <header> <div class="container"> <nav class="navbar navbar-expand-lg navbar-light"> <a class="navbar-brand" href="https://waset.org"> <img src="https://cdn.waset.org/static/images/wasetc.png" alt="Open Science Research 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</div> </div> <h1 class="mt-3 mb-3 text-center" style="font-size:1.6rem;">Search results for: the separation and balance of powers in the state</h1> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10091</span> Resolving Conflicts of Constitutional Nature: Inside the Romanian Constitutional Court's Rulings on the Role and Competencies of the Public Authorities</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Marieta%20Safta">Marieta Safta</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The separation and balance of state powers constitute the basis of the rule of law. Observance of this principle requires framing of public authorities within the limits of competence established by the Constitution and the law, as well as loyal cooperation between them. From this perspective, the attribution of the constitutional courts for settling legal conflicts of a constitutional nature is an important tool for correcting the tendencies of violation of these limits, as well as for identifying solutions for situations that do not find an explicit regulation in the constitutional texts. The present study analyzes the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court of Romania in the field of legal conflicts of a constitutional nature, revealing, together with the presentation of conflict situations, the vulnerabilities of the constitutional reference texts. It is also highlighted the role of the constitutional courts in the evolution of constitutional law institutions, even in terms of defining and redefining the regime of the forms of government. The conclusion of the study, beyond the subject of legal conflicts of a constitutional nature, bears on the necessity, even more so in this matter, of the certainty of jurisdictional interpretation. This certainty cannot be achieved as long as the interpretation is not authoritative; consequently, the assurance of the effectiveness of constitutional justice constitute a key issue of the rule of law. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=legal%20conflicts%20of%20constitutional%20nature" title="legal conflicts of constitutional nature">legal conflicts of constitutional nature</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=the%20Constitutional%20Court%20of%20Romania" title=" the Constitutional Court of Romania"> the Constitutional Court of Romania</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=the%20separation%20and%20balance%20of%20powers%20in%20the%20state" title=" the separation and balance of powers in the state"> the separation and balance of powers in the state</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=the%20effectiveness%20of%20constitutional%20justice" title=" the effectiveness of constitutional justice"> the effectiveness of constitutional justice</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/98902/resolving-conflicts-of-constitutional-nature-inside-the-romanian-constitutional-courts-rulings-on-the-role-and-competencies-of-the-public-authorities" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/98902.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">129</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10090</span> Separation of Powers and Judicial Review vis-a-vis Judicial Overreach in South Africa: A Critical Analysis</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Linda%20Muswaka">Linda Muswaka</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 ranks the Constitution as the Supreme law of the Republic. Law or conduct, inconsistent with the provisions of the Constitution is invalid to the extent of the inconsistency. The Constitution binds all persons and legislative, executive and judicial organs of the State at all levels of government. The Constitution embodies a Bill of Rights and expressly allows for judicial review. The introduction of a chapter of rights requires the judiciary to examine the decisions of the legislature and the executive. In a situation where these conflicts with the Bill of Rights, the judiciary have the constitutional power to overrule such decisions. In exercising its adjudicatory and interpretative powers, the judiciary sometimes arrives at unpopular decisions and accusations of judicial overreach are made. A problem, therefore, emerges on the issue of the separation of powers and judicial review. This paper proposes to, through the South African perspective, investigate the application of the doctrine of separation of powers and judicial review. In this regard, the qualitative method of research will be employed. The reason is that it is best suited to this type of study which entails a critical analysis of legal issues. The following findings are made: (i) a complete separation of powers is not possible. This is because some overlapping of the functions of the three branches of state are unavoidable; (ii) the powers vested in the judiciary does not make it more powerful than the executive and the legislature; (iii) interference by the judiciary in matters concerning other branches is not automatically, judicial overreach; and (iv) if both the executive and legislative organs of government adhere to their constitutional obligations there would be a decrease in the need for judicial interference through court adjudication. The researcher concludes by submitting that the judiciary should not derogate from their constitutionally mandated function of judicial review. The rationale being that that if the values contained in the Constitution are not scrupulously observed and their precepts not carried out conscientiously, the result will be a constitutional crisis of great magnitude. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution" title="constitution">constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=judicial%20review" title=" judicial review"> judicial review</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=judicial%20overreach" title=" judicial overreach"> judicial overreach</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=separation%20of%20powers" title=" separation of powers"> separation of powers</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/86532/separation-of-powers-and-judicial-review-vis-a-vis-judicial-overreach-in-south-africa-a-critical-analysis" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/86532.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">216</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10089</span> An Examination of the Powers of the Executive to Continued Detention of Suspects in Disobedience to Court Orders</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Chukwuemeka%20Castro%20Nwabuzor">Chukwuemeka Castro Nwabuzor</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The 2015 Administration of Criminal Justice Act in Nigeria clearly sets out conditions for bail for felonies, lesser offenses and capital offenses. Even where the conditions for bail are met, granting an application for bail is not automatic as it is subject to the discretion of the court. Where the court, however, grants bail to an accused, the detaining authority which usually is the executive arm of government is bound to comply with the order of the court. This paper discusses the constitutionality of the continued detention of criminal suspects in disobedience to an order of the court and in the absence of an appeal. Particularly, the paper looks at the rights to personal liberty, the dignity of the human person and also the presumption of innocence which remains one of the crucial pillars of our criminal jurisprudence. The paper analyses the reasons posed by the executive for the continued detention of a suspect including State security and security of the suspect and questions whether the reasons are reasonable justifiable in a constitutional democratic society and whether they breach the principles of separation of powers. The paper concludes that the continued detention criminal of suspects in disobedience to court orders constitutes contempt of court and dishonours the principles of separation of powers enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution. This paper makes a strong case for the donation of more enforceable powers to the judiciary particularly with regards to the granting of compensation orders against the executive and ensuring compliance by the executive to bail orders. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=breach%20of%20fundamental%20rights" title="breach of fundamental rights">breach of fundamental rights</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=contempt%20of%20court" title=" contempt of court"> contempt of court</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=discretion%20of%20court" title=" discretion of court"> discretion of court</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=right%20to%20bail" title=" right to bail"> right to bail</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=separation%20of%20powers" title=" separation of powers"> separation of powers</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/89683/an-examination-of-the-powers-of-the-executive-to-continued-detention-of-suspects-in-disobedience-to-court-orders" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/89683.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">165</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10088</span> Save Balance of Power: Can We?</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Swati%20Arun">Swati Arun</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The present paper argues that Balance of Power (BOP) needs to conjugate with certain contingencies like geography. It is evident that sea powers (‘insular’ for better clarity) are not balanced (if at all) in the same way as land powers. Its apparent that artificial insularity that the US has achieved reduces the chances of balancing (constant) and helps it maintain preponderance (variable). But how precise is this approach in assessing the dynamics between China’s rise and reaction of other powers and US. The ‘evolved’ theory can be validated by putting China and US in the equation. Systemic Relation between the nations was explained through the Balance of Power theory much before the systems theory was propounded. The BOP is the crux of functionality of ‘power relation’ dynamics which has played its role in the most astounding ways leading to situations of war and peace. Whimsical; but true that, the BOP has remained a complicated and indefinable concepts since Hans. Morganthau to Kenneth Waltz. A challenge of the BOP, however remains; “ that it has too many meanings”. In the recent times it has become evident that the myriad of expectations generated by BOP has not met the practicality of the current world politics. It is for this reason; the BoP has been replaced by Preponderance Theory (PT) to explain prevailing power situation. PT does provide an empirical reasoning for the success of this theory but fails in a abstract logical reasoning required for making a theory universal. Unipolarity clarifies the current system as one where balance of power has become redundant. It seems to reach beyond the contours of BoP, where a superpower does what it must to remain one. The centrality of this arguments pivots around - an exception, every time BOP fails to operate, preponderance of power emerges. PT does not sit well with the primary logic of a theory because it works on an exception. The evolution of such a pattern and system where BOP fails and preponderance emerges is absent. The puzzle here is- if BOP really has become redundant or it needs polishing. The international power structure changed from multipolar to bipolar to unipolar. BOP was looked at to provide inevitable logic behind such changes and answer the dilemma we see today- why US is unchecked, unbalanced? But why was Britain unchecked in 19th century and why China was unbalanced in 13th century? It is the insularity of the state that makes BOP reproduce “imbalance of power”, going a level up from off-shore balancer. This luxury of a state to maintain imbalance in the region of competition or threat is the causal relation between BOP’s and geography. America has applied imbalancing- meaning disequilibrium (in its favor) to maintain the regional balance so that over time the weaker does not get stronger and pose a competition. It could do that due to the significant parity present between the US and the rest. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=balance%20of%20power" title="balance of power">balance of power</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=china" title=" china"> china</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=preponderance%20of%20power" title=" preponderance of power"> preponderance of power</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=US" title=" US"> US</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/30527/save-balance-of-power-can-we" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/30527.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">278</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10087</span> Juxtaposing Constitutionalism and Democratic Process in Nigeria Vis a Vis the South African Perspective</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Onyinyechi%20Lilian%20Uche">Onyinyechi Lilian Uche</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Limiting arbitrariness and political power in governance is expressed in the concept of constitutionalism. Constitutionalism acknowledges the necessity for government but insists upon a limitation being placed upon its powers. It is therefore clear that the essence of constitutionalism is obviation of arbitrariness in governance and maximisation of liberty with adequate and expedient restraint on government. The doctrine of separation of powers accompanied by a system of checks and balances in Nigeria like many other African countries is marked by elements of ‘personal government’ and this has raised questions about whether the apparent separation of powers provided for in the Nigerian Constitution is not just a euphemism for the hegemony of the executive over the other two arms of government; the legislature and the judiciary. Another question raised in the article is whether the doctrine is merely an abstract philosophical inheritance that lacks both content and relevance to the realities of the country and region today? The current happenings in Nigeria and most African countries such as the flagrant disregard of court orders by the Executive, indicate clearly that the concept constitutionalism ordinarily goes beyond mere form and strikes at the substance of a constitution. It, therefore, involves a consideration of whether there are provisions in the constitution which limit arbitrariness in the exercise of political powers by providing checks and balances upon such exercise. These questions underscore the need for Africa to craft its own understanding of the separation of powers between the arms of government in furtherance of good governance as it has been seen that it is possible to have a constitution in place which may just be a mere statement of unenforceable ‘rights’ or may be bereft of provisions guaranteeing liberty or adequate and necessary restraint on exercise of government. This paper seeks to expatiate on the importance of the nexus between constitutionalism and democratic process and a juxtaposition of practices between Nigeria and South Africa. The article notes that an abstract analysis of constitutionalism without recourse to the democratic process is meaningless and also analyses the structure of government of some selected African countries. These are examined the extent to which the doctrine operates within the arms of government and concludes that it should not just be regarded as a general constitutional principle but made rigid or perhaps effective and binding through law and institutional reforms. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=checks%20and%20balances" title="checks and balances">checks and balances</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitutionalism" title=" constitutionalism"> constitutionalism</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=democratic%20process" title=" democratic process"> democratic process</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=separation%20of%20power" title=" separation of power"> separation of power</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/82772/juxtaposing-constitutionalism-and-democratic-process-in-nigeria-vis-a-vis-the-south-african-perspective" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/82772.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">125</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10086</span> Strategy of Balancing in Russian Energy Diplomacy toward Middle East</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Davood%20Karimipour">Davood Karimipour</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Since long ago, Russia has been one of the most influential actors in regional equations in South West Asia. The geographic affinity of its vital interests with Western Asia has caused Moscow to have a high sensitivity to the balance of power in the Middle East, as its role in the Syrian crisis clearly demonstrated the importance. In recent years, Moscow has tried to use the energy diplomacy tool in maintaining the balance of power between the major powers in the region. The paper, based on the qualitative case study method, investigates how Russia’s energy diplomacy plays a role in the balance of regional forces in the Middle East, studying the country’s conduct towards Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Israel. The hypothesis presented that Russia, using energy tools, is trying to push the regional powers toward cooperation in order to increase the influence in the region, increase power in global markets, and controlling the US to restore power balance in the region. Its cooperation in the Iranian gas industry, the country’s relations with Saudis in the framework of OPEC, cooperation with the Turkish Kurds and the presence in the Israeli gas industry are an example of these Russian energy diplomacy initiatives in West Asia, which is the common point of the Moscow approach to South West Asia. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Russia" title="Russia">Russia</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=balance%20of%20power" title=" balance of power"> balance of power</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=energy%20diplomacy" title=" energy diplomacy"> energy diplomacy</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Middle%20East" title=" Middle East"> Middle East</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/135223/strategy-of-balancing-in-russian-energy-diplomacy-toward-middle-east" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/135223.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">165</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10085</span> Groundwater Recharge Estimation of Fetam Catchment in Upper Blue Nile Basin North-Western Ethiopia</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Mekonen%20G.">Mekonen G.</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Sileshi%20M."> Sileshi M.</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Melkamu%20M."> Melkamu M.</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Recharge estimation is important for the assessment and management of groundwater resources effectively. This study applied the soil moisture balance and Baseflow separation methods to estimate groundwater recharge in the Fetam Catchment. It is one of the major catchments understudied from the different catchments in the upper Blue Nile River basin. Surface water has been subjected to high seasonal variation; due to this, groundwater is a primary option for drinking water supply to the community. This research has been conducted to estimate groundwater recharge by using fifteen years of River flow data for the Baseflow separation and ten years of daily meteorological data for the daily soil moisture balance recharge estimating method. The recharge rate by the two methods is 170.5 and 244.9mm/year daily soil moisture and baseflow separation method, respectively, and the average recharge is 207.7mm/year. The average value of annual recharge in the catchment is almost equal to the average recharge in the country, which is 200mm/year. So, each method has its own limitations, and taking the average value is preferable rather than taking a single value. Baseflow provides overestimated result compared to the average of the two, and soil moisture balance is the list estimator. The recharge estimation in the area also should be done by other recharge estimation methods. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=groundwater" title="groundwater">groundwater</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=recharge" title=" recharge"> recharge</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=baseflow%20separation" title=" baseflow separation"> baseflow separation</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=soil%20moisture%20balance" title=" soil moisture balance"> soil moisture balance</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Fetam%20catchment" title=" Fetam catchment"> Fetam catchment</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/162990/groundwater-recharge-estimation-of-fetam-catchment-in-upper-blue-nile-basin-north-western-ethiopia" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/162990.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">363</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10084</span> The State in Africa and the twenty-First Century Global Economic Relations</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Sunday%20Ofum%20Ogon">Sunday Ofum Ogon</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The 1648 Westphalia Conference in Europe ushered in the state as the only legal entity with powers to engage in interstate relations on matters that bothers on the development need of her citizens. This epochal entry of the state reshaped global relations with the curtailment of the powers of individual and groups in external relations as the state became the only entity that acted on behalf of any individual or non-state actors like NGOs residing within the parameters of such a country. Thus, the paper interrogated the extent at which the state determines her Politico-Economic relations with regards to development and growth within the state. To achieve these objectives, the paper relied on documentary evidences wherein the qualitative descriptive method was used for data collection and analysis. The paper exploited the facilities of the Rentier State theory as a guide to the study. It was revealed at the end of the study that the 21st century global economic relations is largely determine by international organizations as exemplified by the World Bank and the International Monitory Fund (IMF) where their activities in the continent has undermined state sovereignty. Hence the paper recommended amongst others that states should look inward for development strategies rather than relying on handout from supra-national organizations which has infringe on their sovereignty. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=State" title="State ">State </a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Global" title=" Global "> Global </a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Rentier%20state" title=" Rentier state"> Rentier state</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Twenty-First%20Century" title=" Twenty-First Century"> Twenty-First Century</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/121845/the-state-in-africa-and-the-twenty-first-century-global-economic-relations" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/121845.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">273</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10083</span> Study on the Situation between France and the South China Sea from the Perspective of Balance of Power Theory</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Zhenyi%20Chen">Zhenyi Chen</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> With the rise of China and the escalation of tension between China and the United States, European countries led by Great Britain, France, and Germany pay increasing attention to the regional situation in the Asia-Pacific (now known as "Indo-Pacific"). Among them, the South China Sea (SCS) is one of the main areas disputed by China, the United States, Southeast Asian countries and some European countries. Western countries are worried that the rise of China's military power will break the stability of the situation in SCS and alter the balance of power among major powers. Therefore, they tried to balance China's rise through alliance. In France's Indo-Pacific strategy, France aims to build a regional order with the alliance of France, India and Australia as the core, and regularly carry out military exercises targeting SCS with the United States, Japan and Southeast Asian countries. For China, the instability of the situation in SCS could also threaten the security of the southeast coastal areas and Taiwan, affect China's peaceful development process, and pose a threat to China's territorial sovereignty. This paper aims to study the activities and motivation of France in the South China Sea, and put the situation in SCS under the perspective of Balance of Power Theory, focusing on China, America and France. To be more specific, this paper will first briefly introduce Balance of Power Theory, then describe the new trends of France in recent years, followed with the analysis on the motivation of the increasing trend of France's involvement in SCS, and finally analyze the situation in SCS from the perspective of "balance of power" theory. It will be argued that great powers are carefully maintaining the balance of military power in SCS, and it is highly possible that this trend would still last in the middle and long term, particularly via military deployment and strategic alliances. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=South%20China%20Sea" title="South China Sea">South China Sea</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=France" title=" France"> France</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=China" title=" China"> China</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=balance%20of%20power%20theory" title=" balance of power theory"> balance of power theory</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Indo-Pacific" title=" Indo-Pacific"> Indo-Pacific</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/141357/study-on-the-situation-between-france-and-the-south-china-sea-from-the-perspective-of-balance-of-power-theory" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/141357.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">175</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10082</span> Conditionality in the European Union as a New Instrument to Guarantee the Principle of Separation of Powers</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Ana%20Neves">Ana Neves</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The European Union’s multi-level constitutionalism is grounded in an intricate network of vertical and horizontal legal relationships among different levels and types of public authorities. In a very significant way since the 2008 crisis, evolving institutional arrangements and institutional dynamics in the European Union have been progressively impacting Member States and the terms under which national public authorities are organised, interact and exercise their powers. This impact occurs in both macro and micro dimensions. Several examples are relevant here, such as the involvement of national Parliaments in the activities of the European Union, the enhanced integration of public administrations, the side effects of the Council framework decision on the European Arrest Warrant, the European Union Justice Scoreboard, the protection of whistle-blowers regulation, the enhanced cooperation on the establishment of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, the regime for the protection of the Union budget and the European Rule of Law Mechanism. A common trend or denominator underlies the deepening of institutional interdependence and the increased interactions between the European Union, Member States, and public authorities at different levels. This seems to be conditionality as a general principle. The European multi-level constitutionalism must be considered in the light of this conditionality principle, which does not “imply a relationship of command and obedience”. Nevertheless, it might be more effective or be a very compelling principle. It is as if the extension of the shared rule is being accompanied by a contrapuntal dialogue. The different public authorities at various levels are being called to rethink and readjust themselves within a broader and more plural framework concerning understanding the limitation of power. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=european%20union%20-" title="european union -">european union -</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=multi-level%20hierarchy" title=" multi-level hierarchy"> multi-level hierarchy</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=conditionality" title=" conditionality"> conditionality</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=separation%20of%20powers" title=" separation of powers"> separation of powers</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/160240/conditionality-in-the-european-union-as-a-new-instrument-to-guarantee-the-principle-of-separation-of-powers" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/160240.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">107</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10081</span> Implications of Social Rights Adjudication on the Separation of Powers Doctrine: Colombian Case</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Mariam%20%20Begadze">Mariam Begadze</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Separation of Powers (SOP) has often been the most frequently posed objection against the judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights. Although a lot has been written to refute those, very rarely has it been assessed what effect the current practice of social rights adjudication has had on the construction of SOP doctrine in specific jurisdictions. Colombia is an appropriate case-study on this question. The notion of collaborative SOP in the 1991 Constitution has affected the court’s conception of its role. On the other hand, the trends in the jurisprudence have further shaped the collaborative notion of SOP. Other institutional characteristics of the Colombian constitutional law have played its share role as well. Tutela action, particularly flexible and fast judicial action for individuals has placed the judiciary in a more confrontational relation vis-à-vis the political branches. Later interventions through abstract review of austerity measures further contributed to that development. Logically, the court’s activism in this sphere has attracted attacks from political branches, which have turned out to be unsuccessful precisely due to court’s outreach to the middle-class, whose direct reliance on the court has turned into its direct democratic legitimacy. Only later have the structural judgments attempted to revive the collaborative notion behind SOP doctrine. However, the court-supervised monitoring process of implementation has itself manifested fluctuations in the mode of collaboration, moving into more managerial supervision recently. This is not surprising considering the highly dysfunctional political system in Colombia, where distrust seems to be the default starting point in the interaction of the branches. The paper aims to answer the question, what the appropriate judicial tools are to realize the collaborative notion of SOP in a context where the court has to strike a balance between the strong executive and the weak and largely dysfunctional legislative branch. If the recurrent abuse lies in the indifference and inaction of legislative branches to engage with political issues seriously, what are the tools in the court’s hands to activate the political process? The answer to this question partly lies in the court’s other strand of jurisprudence, in which it combines substantive objections with procedural ones concerning the operation of the legislative branch. The primary example is the decision on value-added tax on basic goods, in which the court invalidated the law based on the absence of sufficient deliberation in Congress on the question of the bills’ implications on the equity and progressiveness of the entire taxing system. The decision led to Congressional rejection of an identical bill based on the arguments put forward by the court. The case perhaps is the best illustration of the collaborative notion of SOP, in which the court refrains from categorical pronouncements, while does its bit for activating political process. This also legitimizes the court’s activism based on its role to counter the most perilous abuse in the Colombian context – failure of the political system to seriously engage with serious political questions. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Colombian%20constitutional%20court" title="Colombian constitutional court">Colombian constitutional court</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=judicial%20review" title=" judicial review"> judicial review</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=separation%20of%20powers" title=" separation of powers"> separation of powers</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=social%20rights" title=" social rights"> social rights</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/123155/implications-of-social-rights-adjudication-on-the-separation-of-powers-doctrine-colombian-case" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/123155.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">104</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10080</span> Armed Forces Special Powers Act and Human Rights in Nagaland</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Khrukulu%20Khusoh">Khrukulu Khusoh</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The strategies and tactics used by governments throughout the world to counter terrorism and insurgency over the past few decades include the declaration of states of siege or martial law, enactment of anti-terrorist legislation and strengthening of judicial powers. Some of these measures taken have been more successful than the other, but some have proved counterproductive, alienating the public from the authorities and further polarizing an already fractured political environment. Such cases of alienation and polarization can be seen in the northeastern states of India. The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act which was introduced to curb insurgency in the remote jungles of the far-flung areas has remained a telling tale of agony in the north east India. Grievous trauma to humans through encounter killings, custodial deaths, unwarranted torture, exploitation of women and children in several ways have been reported in Nagaland, Manipur and other northeastern states where the Indian army has been exercising powers under the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. While terrorism and the insurgency are destructive of human rights, counter-terrorism does not necessarily restore and safeguard human rights. This special law has not proven effective particularly in dealing with terrorism and insurgency. The insurgency has persisted in the state of Nagaland even after sixty years notwithstanding the presence of a good number of special laws. There is a need to fight elements that threaten the security of a nation, but the methods chosen should be measured, otherwise the fight is lost. There has been no review on the effectiveness or failure of the act to realize its intended purpose. Nor was there any attempt on the part of the state to critically look at the violation of rights of innocent citizens by the state agencies. The Indian state keeps enacting laws, but none of these could be effectively applied as there was the absence of clarity of purpose. Therefore, every new law which has been enacted time and again to deal with security threats failed to bring any solution for the last six decades. The Indian state resorts to measures which are actually not giving anything in terms of strategic benefits but are short-term victories that might result in long-term tragedies. Therefore, right thinking citizens and human rights activists across the country feel that introduction of Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act was as much violation of human rights and its continuation is undesirable. What worried everyone is the arbitrary use, or rather misuse of power by the Indian armed forces particularly against the weaker sections of the society, including women. After having being subjected to indiscriminate abuse of that law, people of the north-east India have been demanding its revocation for a long time. The present paper attempts to critically examine the violation of human rights under Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. It also attempts to bring out the impact of Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act on the Naga people. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=armed%20forces" title="armed forces">armed forces</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=insurgency" title=" insurgency"> insurgency</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=special%20laws" title=" special laws"> special laws</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=violence" title=" violence"> violence</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/27596/armed-forces-special-powers-act-and-human-rights-in-nagaland" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/27596.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">495</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10079</span> State Power Monopolization and Its Implications on Democratic Consolidation in Africa: The Realities of the Gambia</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Essa%20Njie">Essa Njie</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> One of the challenges that Africa needs to overcome for the sustenance of its democratic gains is to separate the state from the ruling party to avoid the latter’s attempt in monopolizing the former’s resources and institutions for political supremacy. But this separation must go along with the process of depoliticizing the civil services (separation from partisan politics) which have been politicized by incumbents to register electoral successes. While researches conducted on the Gambia’s democratic reality tend to have looked at a wide range of challenges confronting the country’s democratic progress, this paper focuses on state power monopolization and its impediment to democratic governance in the country. The paper explores the involvement of civil/public servants in partisan politics in the Gambia. It looks at the intertwined nature of the state and the ruling party as state resources could not be separated from that of the ruling party (lack of separation between political and non-political resources) in both Dawda Jawara and Yahya Jammeh eras, and how such affected the country’s democratic credential. The paper in particular addresses the need for the current government to depoliticize the country’s civil service and concomitantly separate the state from the ruling party by not monopolizing the former’s resources and institutions to galvanize political support. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=civil%20service" title="civil service">civil service</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=democratic%20consolidation" title=" democratic consolidation"> democratic consolidation</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=monopolisation" title=" monopolisation"> monopolisation</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=multi-party%20elections" title=" multi-party elections"> multi-party elections</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=public%20institutions" title=" public institutions"> public institutions</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=ruling%20party" title=" ruling party"> ruling party</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=state%20resources" title=" state resources"> state resources</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/97903/state-power-monopolization-and-its-implications-on-democratic-consolidation-in-africa-the-realities-of-the-gambia" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/97903.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">142</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10078</span> The Trend of Competitive Balance in Turkish Football Super League</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Tugbay%20Inan">Tugbay Inan</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Competitive balance is known to have an important effect in determining the result of football matches. The degree of competitiveness is referred as competitive balance in football. Sports economics are the extent to which overall league attendances will be raised by measures, such as media effect, home advantage, revenue sharing, which aim to improve competitive balance. The purpose of present study was to measure the competitive balance in the football league of Turkey. In this study, by using long term competitive balance analysis, some facing problems and precautions were discussed through the seasons (1987-2014) in Turkish Football Super League (TSL). Within the practice of this study, The way that competitive balance level followed was determined in the history of super league (27 years). Based on this purpose, C5 Competitive Balance Index (C5CBI) and a Herfindahl index of competitive balance (HICB) were used. Finally, it is seen that in Super League, competitive balance factor took place time to time, however in total, a view apart from competitive balance is obviously seen. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=competitive%20balance" title="competitive balance">competitive balance</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=turkish%20football" title=" turkish football"> turkish football</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=c5%20competitive%20balance%20index" title=" c5 competitive balance index"> c5 competitive balance index</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Herfindahl-Hirschman%20Index" title=" Herfindahl-Hirschman Index"> Herfindahl-Hirschman Index</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/27980/the-trend-of-competitive-balance-in-turkish-football-super-league" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/27980.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">559</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10077</span> Critical Analysis of the Caspian: The Role of Identity in Russia's Foreign Policy</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Aidana%20Arynbek">Aidana Arynbek</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> This paper attempts to offer an alternative to the explanation of the politics of great powers in Caspian politics. Since many researchers have analysed the politics of great powers in the region with the focus on materialism, this paper attempts to bring a sociological inquiry into analysing inter-state behaviour. The constructivist concept of Alexander Wendt will be applied to analyse Russia’s relation with The United States, China and Iran; the main argument is emphasis on the power of ideational forces over material ones. Moreover, the innovative contribution of Wendt regarding the understanding of anarchy to the study of International Relations (IR) will be applied; in his words, ‘anarchy is what states make of it’. A neo-realist perspective implies that with the structure of international politics, Russia treats all great powers as rivals through engagement in power politics; however, Wendt’s approach is able to explain the reason behind the state’s behaviour towards power politics, and this is about not only international structure, but also identity. The understanding of identity answers the question of how Russia came about to follow different actions in relation to Iran and China in contrast to The United States. This paper will be divided into five chapters. The first chapter will explain the constructivism of Alexander Wendt; the second chapter will give a brief background to The Caspian Sea Region (CSR); the third chapter will explain the formation of Russia’s identity towards The United States, and this will be applied to analyse Russia’s relation to The U.S in The CSR. Similarly with China, the fourth chapter will explain Russia’s identity and its relations in The CSR, and finally, the fifth chapter will show Russia’s identity towards Iran and its relation to Iran in The CSR. It will be concluded that the analysis of the politics between great powers in seeking to access one of the richest regions, The Caspian Basin, will show that international politics is not fixed, but constructed by human action and cognition. Reality in the politics of great powers in The Caspian Sea Region is socially constructed. This paper is not interested in how things are, but how they became what they are. That is to say, how Russia’s foreign policies towards great powers became what they are. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Alexander%20Wendt" title="Alexander Wendt">Alexander Wendt</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Caspian%20sea" title=" Caspian sea"> Caspian sea</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=identity" title=" identity"> identity</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Russia" title=" Russia"> Russia</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=socially%20constructed" title=" socially constructed"> socially constructed</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/48387/critical-analysis-of-the-caspian-the-role-of-identity-in-russias-foreign-policy" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/48387.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">298</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10076</span> Insights into The Oversight Functions of The Legislative Power Under The Nigerian Constitution</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Olanrewaju%20O.%20Adeojo">Olanrewaju O. Adeojo</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The constitutional system of government provides for the federating units of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the States and the Local Councils under a governing structure of the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary with attendant distinct powers and spheres of influence. The legislative powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and of a State are vested in the National Assembly and House of Assembly of the State respectively. The Local council exercises legislative powers in clearly defined matters as provided by the Constitution. Though, the executive as constituted by the President and the Governor are charged with the powers of execution and administration, the legislature is empowered to ensure that such powers are duly exercised in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. The vast areas do not make oversight functions indefinite and more importantly the purpose for the exercise of the powers are circumscribed. It include, among others, any matter with respect to which it has power to make laws. Indeed, the law provides for the competence of the legislature to procure evidence, examine all persons as witnesses, to summon any person to give evidence and to issue a warrant to compel attendance in matters relevant to the subject matter of its investigation. The exercise of functions envisaged by the Constitution seem to an extent to be literal because it lacks power of enforcing the outcome. Furthermore, the docility of the legislature is apparent in a situation where the agency or authority being called in to question is part of the branch of government to enforce sanctions. The process allows for cover up and obstruction of justice. The oversight functions are not functional in a situation where the executive is overbearing. The friction, that ensues, between the Legislature and the Executive in an attempt by the former to project the spirit of a constitutional mandate calls for concern. It is needless to state a power that can easily be frustrated. To an extent, the arm of government with coercive authority seems to have over shadowy effect over the laid down functions of the legislature. Recourse to adjudication by the Judiciary had not proved to be of any serious utility especially in a clime where the wheels of justice grinds slowly, as in Nigeria, due to the nature of the legal system. Consequently, the law and the Constitution, drawing lessons from other jurisdiction, need to insulate the legislative oversight from the vagaries of the executive. A strong and virile Constitutional Court that determines, within specific time line, issues pertaining to the oversight functions of the legislative power, is apposite. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution" title="constitution">constitution</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=legislative" title=" legislative"> legislative</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=oversight" title=" oversight"> oversight</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=power" title=" power"> power</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/121148/insights-into-the-oversight-functions-of-the-legislative-power-under-the-nigerian-constitution" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/121148.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">130</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10075</span> Independence of the Judiciary in South Africa: An Assessment After Twenty Years of Democracy</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Serges%20Djoyou%20Kamga">Serges Djoyou Kamga</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Gerard%20Emmanuel%20Kamdem%20Kamga"> Gerard Emmanuel Kamdem Kamga</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Any serious constitutionalism entails a system of government characterised by the separation of powers between the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary. The latter is generally in charge of upholding the rule of law and the respect for human rights which are vital for the functioning of any democracy. Therefore, for the judiciary to play its role as a watchdog, it should be independent from other branches of government. The aim of this paper is to examine the independence of the judiciary in South Africa after 20 of democracy. Defining judicial independence as the courts’ ability ‘to decide cases on the basis of established law and the merits of the case, without interference from other political or governmental agents’, the paper examines the extent to which the South African judiciary is independent after twenty years of democracy. As part of assessing the independence of the judiciary, the paper begins by looking at the situation during apartheid, then proceeds with an examination of the post-apartheid legal order. It also examines the institutional independence of the judiciary by looking into its day to day activities which revolve around its self-governance, or administrative and financial independence. In addition, the paper assesses the judges’ individual independence by examining whether judicial appointment, security of tenure, judges’ remuneration and disciplinary actions and the removal of judges from office do not contain loopholes that can hinder judicial independence. Ultimately, the chapter argues that although the South African model of judicial independence is yet to be perfect, it is a good practice that can be emulated by other African countries. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=judical%20independence" title="judical independence">judical independence</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=South%20Africa" title=" South Africa"> South Africa</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=democracy" title=" democracy"> democracy</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=separation%20of%20powers" title=" separation of powers"> separation of powers</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/25558/independence-of-the-judiciary-in-south-africa-an-assessment-after-twenty-years-of-democracy" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/25558.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">415</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10074</span> Bowen Ratio in Western São Paulo State, Brazil</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Elaine%20Cristina%20Barboza">Elaine Cristina Barboza</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Antonio%20Jaschke%20Machado"> Antonio Jaschke Machado</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> This paper discusses micrometeorological aspects of the urban climate in three cities in Western São Paulo State: Presidente Prudente, Assis, and Iepê. Particular attention is paid to the method used to estimate the components of the energy balance at the surface. Estimates of convective fluxes showed that the Bowen ratio was an indicator of the local climate and that its magnitude varied between 0.3 and 0.7. Maximum values for the Bowen ratio occurred earlier in Iepê (11:00 am) than in Presidente Prudente (4:00 pm). The results indicate that the Bowen ratio is modulated by the radiation balance at the surface and by different clusters of vegetation. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Bowen%20ratio" title="Bowen ratio">Bowen ratio</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=medium-sized%20cities" title=" medium-sized cities"> medium-sized cities</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=surface%20energy%20balance" title=" surface energy balance"> surface energy balance</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=urban%20climate" title=" urban climate"> urban climate</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/29606/bowen-ratio-in-western-sao-paulo-state-brazil" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/29606.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">602</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10073</span> Ground State Properties of Neutron Magic Isotones</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=G.%20Saxena">G. Saxena</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=M.%20Kaushik"> M. Kaushik</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> In the present investigation, we have employed RMF+BCS (relativistic mean-field plus BCS) approach to carry out a systematic study for the ground state properties of the entire chains of even-even neutron magic nuclei represented by isotones of traditional neutron magic numbers N = 8, 20, 40, 50, 82, and 126. The main body of the results of our calculations includes the binding energy, deformation, two proton separation energies, rms radii of the proton and neutron distributions as well as the proton and neutron density profiles etc. Several of these results have been given in the form of a series of graphs for a ready reference. In addition, the possible locations of the proton and neutron drip-lines as well as the (Z,N) values for the shell closures as suggested by the detailed analyzes of the single particle spectra, and the two proton and two-neutron separation energies for the different isotonic chains are also discussed in detail. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=relativistic%20mean%20field%20theory" title="relativistic mean field theory">relativistic mean field theory</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=neutron%20magic%20nuclei" title=" neutron magic nuclei"> neutron magic nuclei</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=shell%20closure" title=" shell closure"> shell closure</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=separation%20energy" title=" separation energy"> separation energy</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=deformation" title=" deformation"> deformation</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/13497/ground-state-properties-of-neutron-magic-isotones" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/13497.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">404</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10072</span> Developing the Methods for the Study of Static and Dynamic Balance</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=K.%20Abuzayan">K. Abuzayan</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=H.%20Alabed"> H. Alabed</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=J.%20Ezarrugh"> J. Ezarrugh</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=M.%20Agila"> M. Agila</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Static and dynamic balance are essential in daily and sports life. Many factors have been identified as influencing static balance control. Therefore, the aim of this study was to apply the (XCoM) method and other relevant variables (CoP, CoM, Fh, KE, P, Q, and, AI) to investigate sport related activities such as hopping and jumping. Many studies have represented the CoP data without mentioning its accuracy, so several experiments were done to establish the agreement between the CoP and the projected CoM in a static condition. Five male healthy (Mean ± SD:- age 24.6 years ±4.5, height 177 cm ± 6.3, body mass 72.8 kg ± 6.6) participated in this study. Results found that The implementation of the XCoM method was found to be practical for evaluating both static and dynamic balance. The general findings were that the CoP, the CoM, the XCoM, Fh, and Q were more informative than the other variables (e.g. KE, P, and AI) during static and dynamic balance. The XCoM method was found to be applicable to dynamic balance as well as static balance. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=centre%20of%20mass" title="centre of mass">centre of mass</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=static%20balance" title=" static balance"> static balance</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=dynamic%20balance" title=" dynamic balance"> dynamic balance</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=extrapolated%20centre%20of%20mass" title=" extrapolated centre of mass"> extrapolated centre of mass</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/3232/developing-the-methods-for-the-study-of-static-and-dynamic-balance" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/3232.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">420</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10071</span> Consensus, Federalism and Inter-State Water Disputes in India</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Amrisha%20Pandey">Amrisha Pandey</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> Indian constitution has distributed the powers to govern and legislate between the centre and the state governments based on the list of subject-matter provided in the seventh schedule. By that schedule, the states are authorized to regulate the water resource within their territory. However, the centre/union government is authorized to regulate the inter-state water disputes. The powers entrusted to the union government mainly deals with the sharing of river water which flows through the territory of two or more states. For that purpose, a provision enumerated in Article 262 of the Constitution of India which empowers the parliament to resolve any such inter-state river water dispute. Therefore, the parliament has enacted the - ‘Inter-State River Water Dispute Tribunal, Act’, which allows the central/union government to constitute the tribunal for the adjudication of the disputes and expressly bars the jurisdiction of the judiciary in the concerned matter. This arrangement was intended to resolve the dispute using political or diplomatic means, without deliberately interfering with the sovereign power of the states to govern the water resource. The situation in present context is complicated and sensitive. Due to the change in climatic conditions; increasing demand for the limited resource; and the advanced understanding of the freshwater cycle, which is missing from the existing legal regime. The obsolete legal and political tools, the existing legislative mechanism and the institutional units do not seem to accommodate the rising challenge to regulate the resource. Therefore, resulting in the rise of the politicization of the inter-state water disputes. Against this background, this paper will investigate the inter-state river water dispute in India and will critically analyze the ability of the existing constitutional, and institutional units involved in the task. Moreover, the competence of the tribunal as the adjudicating body in present context will be analyzed using the long ongoing inter-state water dispute in India – The Cauvery Water Dispute, as the case study. To conduct the task undertaken in this paper the doctrinal methodology of the research is adopted. The disputes will also be investigated through the lens of sovereignty, which is accorded to the states using the theory of ‘separation of power’ and the ‘grant of internal sovereignty’, to its federal units of governance. The issue of sovereignty in this paper is discussed in two ways: 1) as the responsibility of the state - to govern the resource; and 2) as the obligation of the state - to govern the resource, arising from the sovereign power of the state. Furthermore, the duality of the sovereign power coexists in this analysis; the overall sovereign authority of the nation-state, and the internal sovereignty of the states as its federal units of governance. As a result, this investigation will propose institutional, legislative and judicial reforms. Additionally, it will suggest certain amendments to the existing constitutional provisions in order to avoid the contradictions in their scope and meaning in the light of the advanced hydrological understanding. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=constitution%20of%20India" title="constitution of India">constitution of India</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=federalism" title=" federalism"> federalism</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=inter-state%20river%20water%20dispute%20tribunal%20of%20India" title=" inter-state river water dispute tribunal of India"> inter-state river water dispute tribunal of India</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=sovereignty" title=" sovereignty"> sovereignty</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/86621/consensus-federalism-and-inter-state-water-disputes-in-india" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/86621.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">154</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10070</span> Hyper Presidentialism and First Year of the Turkish Type of Presidentialism</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Ahmet%20Ekinci">Ahmet Ekinci</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The new government system of Turkey can be described as hyper-presidentialism, this is because the president then becomes the arbiter of all powers. In another word, the power to enact decrees, appoint bureaucrats and judicial officials into offices, and the power to dissolve a parliament belongs solely to the president. As a strong presidency fuse with a disciplined party system as well as concurrent elections and 10 percent electoral threshold, the president possibly poses a great danger to the separation of powers. Additionally, with regards to the presidential term, the president constitutionally holds the power to be elected only for two terms in Turkey. However, Erdoğan and his supporters believe that the 2017 constitutional amendments that changed the system of government have reset the agenda. Thus, the 2017 amendments offered Erdoğan a secret opportunity to join the presidential election race for a third and even a fourth term. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=hyper-presidentialism" title="hyper-presidentialism">hyper-presidentialism</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Turkish%20presidentialism" title=" Turkish presidentialism"> Turkish presidentialism</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=presidential%20decree" title=" presidential decree"> presidential decree</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=concurrent%20election" title=" concurrent election"> concurrent election</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Erdogan%E2%80%99s%20term%20limit" title=" Erdogan’s term limit"> Erdogan’s term limit</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Turkish%20government%20system" title=" Turkish government system"> Turkish government system</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/130869/hyper-presidentialism-and-first-year-of-the-turkish-type-of-presidentialism" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/130869.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">139</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10069</span> A Constitutional Theory of the American Presidency</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Elvin%20Lim">Elvin Lim</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> This article integrates the debate about presidential powers with the debate about federalism, arguing that there are two ways of exercising presidential powers, one working in tandem with expanding federal powers, and the other working against it. Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson—the former a Federalist and the latter echoing the views of many Anti-Federalists—disagreed not only on the constitutional basis of prerogative, but also on the ends for which it should be deployed. This tension has always existed in American politics, and is reproduced today. Modern Democrats and Republicans both want a strong executive, but the Democrats who want a strong executive to pass legislation to expand the reach of the federal government; naturally, they must rely on an equally empowered Congress to do so. Republicans generally do not want an intrusive federal government, which is why their defense of a strong presidency does not come alongside a call for a strong Congress. This distinction cannot be explained without recourse to foundational yet opposing views about the appropriate role of federal power. When we bring federalism back in, we see that there are indeed two presidencies; one neo-Federalist, in favor of moderate presidential prerogative alongside a robust Congress directed collectively to a national state-building agenda and expanding the federal prerogative; another, neo-Anti-Federalist, in favor of expansive presidential prerogative and an ideologically sympathetic Congress equally suspicious of federal power to retard or roll back national state-building in favour of states rights. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=US%20presidency" title="US presidency">US presidency</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=federalism" title=" federalism"> federalism</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=prerogative" title=" prerogative"> prerogative</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=anti-federalism" title=" anti-federalism"> anti-federalism</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/149923/a-constitutional-theory-of-the-american-presidency" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/149923.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">116</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10068</span> A New Criterion for Removal of Fouling Deposit</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=D.%20B%C3%A4cker">D. Bäcker</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=H.%20Chaves"> H. Chaves</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The key to improve surface cleaning of the fouling is understanding of the mechanism of separation process of the deposit from the surface. The authors give basic principles of characterization of separation process and introduce a corresponding criterion. The developed criterion is a measure for the moment of separation of the deposit from the surface. For this purpose a new measurement technique is described. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=cleaning" title="cleaning">cleaning</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=fouling" title=" fouling"> fouling</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=separation" title=" separation"> separation</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=criterion" title=" criterion"> criterion</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/33125/a-new-criterion-for-removal-of-fouling-deposit" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/33125.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">455</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10067</span> Numerical Simulation and Experimental Validation of the Tire-Road Separation in Quarter-car Model</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Quy%20Dang%20Nguyen">Quy Dang Nguyen</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Reza%20Nakhaie%20Jazar"> Reza Nakhaie Jazar</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The paper investigates vibration dynamics of tire-road separation for a quarter-car model; this separation model is developed to be close to the real situation considering the tire is able to separate from the ground plane. A set of piecewise linear mathematical models is developed and matches the in-contact and no-contact states to be considered as mother models for further investigations. The bound dynamics are numerically simulated in the time response and phase portraits. The separation analysis may determine which values of suspension parameters can delay and avoid the no-contact phenomenon, which results in improving ride comfort and eliminating the potentially dangerous oscillation. Finally, model verification is carried out in the MSC-ADAMS environment. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=quarter-car%20vibrations" title="quarter-car vibrations">quarter-car vibrations</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=tire-road%20separation" title=" tire-road separation"> tire-road separation</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=separation%20analysis" title=" separation analysis"> separation analysis</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=separation%20dynamics" title=" separation dynamics"> separation dynamics</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=ride%20comfort" title=" ride comfort"> ride comfort</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=ADAMS%20validation" title=" ADAMS validation"> ADAMS validation</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/158498/numerical-simulation-and-experimental-validation-of-the-tire-road-separation-in-quarter-car-model" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/158498.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">92</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10066</span> Hydrothermal Synthesis of ZIF-7 Crystals and Their Composite ZIF-7/CS Membranes for Water/Ethanol Separation</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Kai-Sheng%20Ji">Kai-Sheng Ji</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Yi-Feng%20Lin"> Yi-Feng Lin</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The pervaporation process for solvent and water separation has attracted research attention due to its lower energy consumption compared with conventional distillation processes. The membranes used for the pervaporation approach should exhibit high flux and separation factors. In this study, the ZIF-7 crystal particles were successfully incorporated into chitosan (CS) membranes to form ZIF-7/CS mixed-matrix membranes. The as-prepared ZIF-7/CS mixed-matrix membranes were used to separate mixtures of water/ethanol at 25℃ in the pervaporation process. The mixed-matrix membranes with different ZIF-7 wt% incorporation showed better separation efficiency than the pristine CS membranes because of the smaller pore size of the mixed-matrix membranes. The separation factor and the flux of the ZIF-7/CS membranes clearly exceed the upper limit of the previously reported CS-based and mixed-matrix membranes. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=pervaporation" title="pervaporation">pervaporation</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=chitosan" title=" chitosan"> chitosan</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=ZIF-7" title=" ZIF-7"> ZIF-7</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=memberane%20separation" title=" memberane separation"> memberane separation</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/21520/hydrothermal-synthesis-of-zif-7-crystals-and-their-composite-zif-7cs-membranes-for-waterethanol-separation" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/21520.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">430</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10065</span> Study of Cahn-Hilliard Equation to Simulate Phase Separation</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Nara%20Guimar%C3%A3es">Nara Guimarães</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Marcelo%20Aquino%20Martorano"> Marcelo Aquino Martorano</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Douglas%20Gouv%C3%AAa"> Douglas Gouvêa</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> An investigation into Cahn-Hilliard equation was carried out through numerical simulation to identify a possible phase separation for one and two dimensional domains. It was observed that this equation can reproduce important mass fluxes necessary for phase separation within the miscibility gap and for coalescence of particles. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Cahn-Hilliard%20equation" title="Cahn-Hilliard equation">Cahn-Hilliard equation</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=miscibility%20gap" title=" miscibility gap"> miscibility gap</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=phase%20separation" title=" phase separation"> phase separation</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=dimensional%20domains" title=" dimensional domains"> dimensional domains</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/17579/study-of-cahn-hilliard-equation-to-simulate-phase-separation" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/17579.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">517</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10064</span> Great Powers’ Proxy Wars in Middle East and Difficulty in Transition from Cold War to Cold Peace</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Arash%20Sharghi">Arash Sharghi</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Irina%20Dotu"> Irina Dotu</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The developments in the Middle East region have activated the involvement of a numerous diverse state and non-state actors in the regional affairs. The goals, positions, ideologies, different, and even contrast policy behaviors had procured the spreading and continuity of crisis. Non-state actors varying from Islamic organizations to <em>takfiri</em>-terrorist movements on one hand and regional and trans- regional actors, from another side, seek to reach their interests in the power struggle. Here, a research worthy question comes on the agenda: taking into consideration actors’ contradictory interests and constraints what are the regional peace and stability perspectives? Therein, different actors’ aims definition, their actions and behaviors, which affect instability, can be regarded as independent variables; whereas, on the contrary, Middle East peace and stability perspective analysis is a dependent variable. Though, this regional peace and war theory based research admits the significant influence of trans-regional actors, it asserts the roots of violence to derive from region itself. Consequently, hot war and conflict prevention and hot peace assurance in the Middle East region cannot be attained only by demands and approaches of trans-regional actors. Moreover, capacity of trans-regional actors is sufficient only for a cold war or cold peace to be reached in the region. Furthermore, within the framework of current conflict (struggle) between regional actors it seems to be difficult and even impossible to turn the cold war into a cold peace in the region. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=cold%20peace" title="cold peace">cold peace</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=cold%20war" title=" cold war"> cold war</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=hot%20war" title=" hot war"> hot war</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Middle%20East" title=" Middle East"> Middle East</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=non-state%20actors" title=" non-state actors"> non-state actors</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=regional%20and%20Great%20powers" title=" regional and Great powers"> regional and Great powers</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=war%20theory" title=" war theory"> war theory</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/73287/great-powers-proxy-wars-in-middle-east-and-difficulty-in-transition-from-cold-war-to-cold-peace" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/73287.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">274</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10063</span> Judicial Activism and the Supreme Court of India</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Shreeya%20Umashankar">Shreeya Umashankar</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The Supreme Court of India has emerged as the most powerful organ of State and amongst the foremost constitutional courts in the world through the instrument of Public Interest Litigation (PIL), the exercise of writ jurisdiction and the expansive interpretation of fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution of India. Judicial activism impinging on every facet of governance has become the norm in recent times. This paper traces the evolution of judicial activism since Independence through pronouncements of the Supreme Court. It brings out distinct phases in this evolution– the initial phase of judicial restraint, the first phase of an activist judiciary where the Supreme Court primarily was concerned with protection of fundamental rights and humane treatment of citizens; the second phase where the Supreme Court took keen interest in preservation and protection of the environment; the third phase where the Supreme Court extended its reach into the socio-economic arena and the fourth phase when issues of transparency and probity in governance led to interventions by the Supreme Court. The paper illustrates through judgements of the Supreme Court that the instrument of the PIL and the exercise of writ jurisdiction by the Supreme Court go beyond the traditional postulates of judicial processes and political theory on separation of powers between the organs of State. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=fundamental%20rights" title="fundamental rights">fundamental rights</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=judicial%20activism" title=" judicial activism"> judicial activism</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=public%20interest%20litigation" title=" public interest litigation"> public interest litigation</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Supreme%20Court%20of%20India" title=" Supreme Court of India"> Supreme Court of India</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/2899/judicial-activism-and-the-supreme-court-of-india" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/2899.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right rounded"> Downloads <span class="badge badge-light">625</span> </span> </div> </div> <div class="card paper-listing mb-3 mt-3"> <h5 class="card-header" style="font-size:.9rem"><span class="badge badge-info">10062</span> The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Dynamics of Resistance to Sovereignty Violation: The Case of East Timor (1975-1999)</h5> <div class="card-body"> <p class="card-text"><strong>Authors:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=Laura%20Southgate">Laura Southgate</a> </p> <p class="card-text"><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), as well as much of the scholarship on the organisation, celebrates its ability to uphold the principle of regional autonomy, understood as upholding the norm of non-intervention by external powers in regional affairs. Yet, in practice, this has been repeatedly violated. This dichotomy between rhetoric and practice suggests an interesting avenue for further study. The East Timor crisis (1975-1999) has been selected as a case-study to test the dynamics of ASEAN state resistance to sovereignty violation in two distinct timeframes: Indonesia’s initial invasion of the territory in 1975, and the ensuing humanitarian crisis in 1999 which resulted in a UN-mandated, Australian-led peacekeeping intervention force. These time-periods demonstrate variation on the dependent variable. It is necessary to observe covariation in order to derive observations in support of a causal theory. To establish covariation, my independent variable is therefore a continuous variable characterised by variation in convergence of interest. Change of this variable should change the value of the dependent variable, thus establishing causal direction. This paper investigates the history of ASEAN’s relationship to the norm of non-intervention. It offers an alternative understanding of ASEAN’s history, written in terms of the relationship between a key ASEAN state, which I call a ‘vanguard state’, and selected external powers. This paper will consider when ASEAN resistance to sovereignty violation has succeeded, and when it has failed. It will contend that variation in outcomes associated with vanguard state resistance to sovereignty violation can be best explained by levels of interest convergence between the ASEAN vanguard state and designated external actors. Evidence will be provided to support the hypothesis that in 1999, ASEAN’s failure to resist violations to the sovereignty of Indonesia was a consequence of low interest convergence between Indonesia and the external powers. Conversely, in 1975, ASEAN’s ability to resist violations to the sovereignty of Indonesia was a consequence of high interest convergence between Indonesia and the external powers. As the vanguard state, Indonesia was able to apply pressure on the ASEAN states and obtain unanimous support for Indonesia’s East Timor policy in 1975 and 1999. However, the key factor explaining the variance in outcomes in both time periods resides in the critical role played by external actors. This view represents a serious challenge to much of the existing scholarship that emphasises ASEAN’s ability to defend regional autonomy. As these cases attempt to show, ASEAN autonomy is much more contingent than portrayed in the existing literature. <p class="card-text"><strong>Keywords:</strong> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=ASEAN" title="ASEAN">ASEAN</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=east%20timor" title=" east timor"> east timor</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=intervention" title=" intervention"> intervention</a>, <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/search?q=sovereignty" title=" sovereignty"> sovereignty</a> </p> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/25387/the-association-of-southeast-asian-nations-asean-and-the-dynamics-of-resistance-to-sovereignty-violation-the-case-of-east-timor-1975-1999" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">Procedia</a> <a href="https://publications.waset.org/abstracts/25387.pdf" target="_blank" class="btn btn-primary btn-sm">PDF</a> <span class="bg-info text-light px-1 py-1 float-right 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