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class="label">Followers</p><p class="data">670</p></div></a><a><div class="stat-container js-profile-followees" data-broccoli-component="user-info.followees-count" data-click-track="profile-expand-user-info-following"><p class="label">Following</p><p class="data">57</p></div></a><a><div class="stat-container js-profile-coauthors" data-broccoli-component="user-info.coauthors-count" data-click-track="profile-expand-user-info-coauthors"><p class="label">Co-authors</p><p class="data">3</p></div></a><div class="js-mentions-count-container" style="display: none;"><a href="/AdrianPabst/mentions"><div class="stat-container"><p class="label">Mentions</p><p class="data"></p></div></a></div><span><div class="stat-container"><p class="label"><span class="js-profile-total-view-text">Public Views</span></p><p class="data"><span class="js-profile-view-count"></span></p></div></span></div><div class="user-bio-container"><div class="profile-bio fake-truncate js-profile-about" style="margin: 0px;">working on alternatives to socio-cultural and economic-political liberalism; co-author of The Politics of Virtue: Post-liberalism and the Human Future (London: Rowman & Littlefield International, 2016), just published<br /><b>Address: </b>London, UK<br /><div class="js-profile-less-about u-linkUnstyled u-tcGrayDarker u-textDecorationUnderline u-displayNone">less</div></div></div><div class="suggested-academics-container"><div class="suggested-academics--header"><p class="ds2-5-body-md-bold">Related Authors</p></div><ul class="suggested-user-card-list"><div class="suggested-user-card"><div class="suggested-user-card__avatar social-profile-avatar-container"><a href="https://unav.academia.edu/AnaMartaGonz%C3%A1lez"><img class="profile-avatar u-positionAbsolute" alt="Ana Marta González" border="0" onerror="if (this.src != '//a.academia-assets.com/images/s200_no_pic.png') this.src = '//a.academia-assets.com/images/s200_no_pic.png';" width="200" height="200" 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data-toggle="tab" href="#papers" role="tab" title="Papers"><span>84</span> <span class="ds2-5-body-sm-bold">Papers</span></a></li><li class="nav-chip" role="presentation"><a class="js-profile-docs-nav-section u-textTruncate" data-click-track="profile-works-tab" data-section-name="Drafts" data-toggle="tab" href="#drafts" role="tab" title="Drafts"><span>4</span> <span class="ds2-5-body-sm-bold">Drafts</span></a></li><li class="nav-chip" role="presentation"><a class="js-profile-docs-nav-section u-textTruncate" data-click-track="profile-works-tab" data-section-name="Books" data-toggle="tab" href="#books" role="tab" title="Books"><span>1</span> <span class="ds2-5-body-sm-bold">Books</span></a></li></ul></div><div class="divider ds-divider-16" style="margin: 0px;"></div><div class="documents-container backbone-social-profile-documents" style="width: 100%;"><div class="u-taCenter"></div><div class="profile--tab_content_container js-tab-pane tab-pane active" id="all"><div class="profile--tab_heading_container js-section-heading" data-section="Papers" id="Papers"><h3 class="profile--tab_heading_container">Papers by Adrian Pabst</h3></div><div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="68393381"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/68393381/Prosperity_and_Justice_for_All_Why_solidarity_and_fraternity_are_key_to_an_efficient_ethical_economy"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Prosperity and Justice for All: Why solidarity and fraternity are key to an efficient, ethical economy" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/78883553/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/68393381/Prosperity_and_Justice_for_All_Why_solidarity_and_fraternity_are_key_to_an_efficient_ethical_economy">Prosperity and Justice for All: Why solidarity and fraternity are key to an efficient, ethical economy</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">Faced with the ‘economy of exclusion’ that brackets fraternity out of the picture, the only genui...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">Faced with the ‘economy of exclusion’ that brackets fraternity out of the picture, the only genuine alternative is to bind higher purposes such as individual virtue and public honour to institutions and practices that can provide prosperity and flourishing for the many. In this essay, I argue that solidarity is key to an economy that is both more ethical and more productive. Both solidarity and fraternity rest on the idea of social reciprocity: for example, balancing individual rights with mutual obligations; brokering collaboration out of conflicts of interest by appealing to the common good that serves both personal interest and social benefit. In this manner, fraternity and solidarity can foster the interpersonal trust and cooperation on which a vibrant economy and flourishing society depend. The prevailing system is based upon a double impersonalism of commercial contract between strangers, and individual entitlement in relation to the bureaucratic machine. 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More than any other force within the wider Labour movement and British politics, Blue Labour has led the way in showing that the economic crash reflects a wider social and ethical crisis which has to do with a culture of incentives and rewards for viceespecially vanity and greed. (Dante had it right when he described the former as 'love of self perverted to hatred and contempt for one's neighbour' and the latter as 'excessive love of power and money'.) Accordingly the only genuine alternative is a renewed 'moral economy' that offers incentives and rewards for virtue, above all sympathy, forbearance and courage. 1 Linking these and other virtues is the principle of reciprocity. For Blue Labour reciprocity key because it outflanks in advance all the binary terms such as left vs. right, state vs. market or individual vs. collective that are but diverse expressions of the same underlying logic: the disembedding of the economy from society and the re-embedding of social relations in a culture that is rationalist, utilitarian and transactional-as Karl Polanyi first diagnosed. 2 This primacy of politics and the economy over society is the mark of contemporary liberalism, notably the fusion of social with economic liberalism that has defined Britain's political consensus since 1997. While increasing individual freedoms and opportunities, liberal modernisation has also led to an economy that is dominated by debt and despair and a society that is characterised by ever-greater interdependence and atomisation. By contrast, the principle of reciprocity underpins the social nexus that is more primary than the cash nexus or the power nexus. The focus on mutual recognition more than wealth and power chimes with popular English and British cultural traditions that never embraced the self-serving creed so characteristic of the new elites who consider themselves beyond the rules applying to everyone else. Contra false opposites such as selfishness and selflessness, recognising reciprocal</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="175d8479e3830d54116e1fedd302944f" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":70987838,"asset_id":54798753,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/70987838/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="54798753"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="54798753"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 54798753; 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In this essay, I argue that solidarity is key to an economy that is both more ethical and more productive. Both solidarity and fraternity rest on the idea of social reciprocity: for example, balancing individual rights with mutual obligations; brokering collaboration out of conflicts of interest by appealing to the common good that serves both personal interest and social benefit. In this manner, fraternity and solidarity can foster the interpersonal trust and cooperation on which a vibrant economy and flourishing society depend. The prevailing system is based upon a double impersonalism of commercial contract between strangers, and individual entitlement in relation to the bureaucratic machine. By making social reci...</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="5963255c31437216743939130fbf766e" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":78883553,"asset_id":68393381,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/78883553/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="68393381"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="68393381"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 68393381; 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More than any other force within the wider Labour movement and British politics, Blue Labour has led the way in showing that the economic crash reflects a wider social and ethical crisis which has to do with a culture of incentives and rewards for viceespecially vanity and greed. (Dante had it right when he described the former as 'love of self perverted to hatred and contempt for one's neighbour' and the latter as 'excessive love of power and money'.) Accordingly the only genuine alternative is a renewed 'moral economy' that offers incentives and rewards for virtue, above all sympathy, forbearance and courage. 1 Linking these and other virtues is the principle of reciprocity. For Blue Labour reciprocity key because it outflanks in advance all the binary terms such as left vs. right, state vs. market or individual vs. collective that are but diverse expressions of the same underlying logic: the disembedding of the economy from society and the re-embedding of social relations in a culture that is rationalist, utilitarian and transactional-as Karl Polanyi first diagnosed. 2 This primacy of politics and the economy over society is the mark of contemporary liberalism, notably the fusion of social with economic liberalism that has defined Britain's political consensus since 1997. While increasing individual freedoms and opportunities, liberal modernisation has also led to an economy that is dominated by debt and despair and a society that is characterised by ever-greater interdependence and atomisation. By contrast, the principle of reciprocity underpins the social nexus that is more primary than the cash nexus or the power nexus. The focus on mutual recognition more than wealth and power chimes with popular English and British cultural traditions that never embraced the self-serving creed so characteristic of the new elites who consider themselves beyond the rules applying to everyone else. Contra false opposites such as selfishness and selflessness, recognising reciprocal</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="175d8479e3830d54116e1fedd302944f" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":70987838,"asset_id":54798753,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/70987838/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="54798753"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="54798753"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 54798753; 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The post-war settlement...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">1968 marked a turning point in the history of America and the wider West. The post-war settlement showed signs of strain as economic reconstruction ground to a halt and the Cold War confrontation began to take its toll. Youth protests and the Vietnam War polarized society and fueled the flames of the culture wars pitting progressive liberals against conservatives. Millions of citizens lost trust in their system of government and politicians, which was exemplified by President Lyndon B. Johnson’s fall from grace. With the assassination of the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Robert Kennedy, the civil rights movement and the Democrats lost their most visionary voices that could transcend some of the deepest divisions along ideological and cultural lines, which continue to beset the left and the labor tradition.<br />An alliance of old moneyed classes and new secular educated elites took the Democratic Party away from the very people it had been set up to protect and represent – working-class communities that were proud, patriotic, and often religious.  Progressively, the Democrats became dominated by new minority groups, including students, middle-class feminists, public sector workers, and the fast-growing metropolitan professionals working in finance, real estate, and later the nascent tech sector. Over time, this engendered a new politics of economic and social liberalization that drove a wedge between these two sections of society with their diverging economic interests and cultural identity: one fearing the redundancy of its more ‘communitarian’ way of life, the other benefitting from globalization and cosmopolitan diversity. Caught between them is a fast-growing minority ethnic population whose members are either integrated and flourishing, or else segregated and struggling. King and Kennedy were cruelly taken just when their country turned its back on the New Deal and abandoned the spirit of sacrifice so characteristic of the Second World War and its aftermath.<br />The era ushered in by the events of 1968 changed the entire political spectrum as left and right took a liberal turn.  First the Democrats embraced cultural liberalism in the late 1960s and then the Republicans adopted economic liberalism in the 1980s. Later the Democratic Party under Bill Clinton fused the two liberalisms and (to a lesser extent) so too did the GOP when George W. Bush championed ‘compassionate conservatism.’ Both parties privileged the banks on Wall St. over the people on ‘main street’ and both were seduced by the siren calls of globalization. The domination of the global over the national and the local reflects the triumph of disembedded liberalism over all its ideological rivals. In turn, the convergence of the two liberalisms is reflected in the oscillation between the Republicans as the party of greed and the Democrats as the party of lust, as Rod Dreher has argued. <br />This is most of all shown by the ‘New Left,’ which ever since the late 1960s has rarely pursued a politics of inter-personal solidarity but rather predominantly one of impersonal emancipation. That means always at base the freeing of economy from political guidance and responsibility, and therefore a new mode of enslavement of people by economic avarice, however culturally disguised as a form of ‘liberation.’ Such a politics endlessly seeks to show that an overlooked ‘exception’ – of gender, sexuality, race, disability, religion or culture or inclination – does not and cannot conform to a shared norm or pre-given social role. For this reason, the New Left prefers progress to tradition, identity to class, and free choice to inheritance or common purpose.<br />Cultural liberalism and liberal market economics are mutually reinforcing in ways that undermine both national identity and the wealth of nations as both liberalisms privilege minority politics and favor vested interests. In the early 1990s, Robert Reich, Clinton’s secretary of Labor, spelled out some of the implications of this new liberal consensus: “There will be no national products or technologies, no national corporations, no national industries. There will no longer be national economies. At least as we have come to understand that concept.”  Three decades earlier, Bobby Kennedy had already argued that such economistic thinking would reinforce a system of government out of touch with people and their everyday existence. In a speech at the University of Kansas in March 1968, he said that the state of the nation is wrongly judged by gross domestic product:<br />It counts air pollution and cigarette advertising; ambulances to clear our highways of carnage; special locks for doors and the jails for those who break them. It does not allow for the health of our children, the quality of their education, or the joy of their play. It does not include the beauty of our poetry or the strength of our marriages […]. It measures neither our wit nor our courage; neither our wisdom nor our learning; neither our compassion nor our devotion to our country; it measures everything, in short, except that which makes life worthwhile. And it can tell us everything about America except why we are proud that we are Americans. <br /><br />What Kennedy anticipated and Reich articulated was the Democrats’ betrayal of the national labor interest in favor of an open-border progressivism. It finds perhaps its clearest cultural expression in John Lennon’s song Imagine: <br />Imagine there’s no countries<br />It isn’t hard to do<br />Nothing to kill or die for<br />And no religion, too<br />Imagine all the people<br />Living life in peace… You…<br /><br />You may say I’m a dreamer<br />But I’m not the only one<br />I hope someday you’ll join us<br />And the world will be as one.<br /><br />The contrast with Martin Luther King, Jr.’s address ‘I Have a Dream’ could scarcely be greater. As in his other speeches and writings, King invokes some of America’s best traditions to articulate a vision of national renewal that has universal significance precisely because it emerges from a particular place with people bound together by a shared purpose:<br />Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy […] now is the time to make justice a reality for all God’s children […] We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline […] Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force […] many of our white brothers […] have come to realize that their destiny is tied with our destiny and they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. <br /><br />King’s dream is not the abstract utopia imagined by Lennon but instead a reality that is already actualized (albeit partially and imperfectly) in history – the particular history of the United States and the universal history of humankind’s fall and redemption:<br />You [King’s black brothers] have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive […] even though we must face the difficulties of today and tomorrow I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed – we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal […] I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! […] With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. <br /><br />At a time of deepening division within and across nations, King’s prophetic words and his leadership are a rich reservoir for rethinking and renewing politics. His clarion call that ‘[i]n these days of worldwide confusion, there is a dire need for men and women who will courageously do battle for truth’  has even greater resonance today when truth is either determined by absolute technocratic diktat or denied by post-truth relativism.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="9e8e2e0ede578614bfad583108aa1bd0" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":54699172,"asset_id":34841226,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/54699172/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="34841226"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="34841226"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 34841226; 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$(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") }); </script> <div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="34841192"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/34841192/The_Greater_West_The_limits_of_liberal_civilization_and_the_renewal_of_Western_statecraft"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of The Greater West: The limits of liberal civilization and the renewal of Western statecraft" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/54699138/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/34841192/The_Greater_West_The_limits_of_liberal_civilization_and_the_renewal_of_Western_statecraft">The Greater West: The limits of liberal civilization and the renewal of Western statecraft</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">There is a paradox at the very heart of the West. Compared with civilizational states such as con...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">There is a paradox at the very heart of the West. Compared with civilizational states such as contemporary China, India, or Russia, the West is the only civilizational community of nations and peoples founded upon political values of national self-determination, democracy, and free trade – as enshrined in the 1941 Atlantic Charter and embodied in the post-1945 international system. But at the same time, the West as a ‘political civilization’ and the liberal world order it underwrites erode the cultural foundations of Western civilization and thereby weaken the West’s ability to confront internal as well as external threats – economic injustice, ecological devastation, social dislocation, resurgent nationalism, and Islamic terrorism.<br /><br />Davos-driven cartel capitalism, identity politics, secularization, and liberal/neo-conservative interventionism are hollowing out both Western ‘common culture’ and ‘high culture’ in favor of a globally exported ‘popular culture.’  As a liberal civilization, the Western political community – especially since 1989 – undermines both the common cultural customs, beliefs, and practices of its nations and peoples, and the intellectual, literary, and artistic achievements, which make the West a distinct, unique civilization. In this sense the West is its own first enemy.<br /><br />Before returning to the liberal erosion of Western civilization, I will discuss recent critics and defenders of the West as they draw on liberalism to make their case. Underpinning their accounts is a conception of civilization that rests on three presuppositions. First, that civilizational identity is either fragmented and in constant flux, or else fixed and immutable. Second, that civilizations are either the product of other civilizations to which they owe most of their supposed achievement, or else self-contained and untouched by others. Third, that civilizations are either arbitrary arrangements of fact and fiction that mask a lack of coherence or purpose except the pursuit of power and wealth, or else that at their heart there is a single cultural code, which connects its essential identity to social norms.<br /><br />These seemingly opposed assumptions are but two sides of the same coin that separates the modern era from what preceded it.  In reality, surviving civilizations combine historical continuity with discontinuity. They are resilient insofar as they develop. They go through multiple transmutations, changing shape precisely because they have a certain shape to begin with. Therefore civilizational identities evolve over time, and civilizations tend to flourish when they interact with one other and when each has a unifying language, which can translate principles into practices that mobilize the cultural resources of its members.<br /><br />To speak of a distinct, unique Western civilization is thus not to imply any exceptionalism. Rather, recent discoveries in archaeology and anthropology – coupled with insights from global history – indicate that the West is something like an organic entity born of the interactions between the ancient civilizations of Rome, Greece, Babylon, Persia, and India, as well as the emergence of Christianity with its roots in Hellenic Judaism. The West grew out of the Roman encounter with Greco-Babylonian culture and its Persian and Indian influences and then the fusion of Greco-Roman culture with the biblical legacy. That in turn gave rise to the Europe of Christendom from late Antiquity all the way to the nineteenth century before morphing into the Concert of Europe following the 1815 Vienna Congress and then the Euro-Atlantic community after 1945. Far from being a linear history of progress or a series of absolute breaks, Western civilization is more like a collection of ‘family resemblances’ – all kinds of similarities without a single essence.<br /><br />The liberal civilization that became hegemonic in the wake of 1989 and is now in crisis contained from the outset the seeds of its own destruction precisely because it posits liberalism as the West’s defining character. The liberal idea of a single civilization based on universal values not only inspired the ‘end of history’ thesis but also led to hubris, notably the ‘Washington consensus’ of global capitalism and identity liberalism that are weakening Western cultures. At the same time, the Western-dominated liberal world order shows signs of unraveling due to divergent interests and values within the Euro-Atlantic community on questions of free trade, immigration, and democracy promotion. Whereas the EU is primarily worried by a resurgent and revanchist Russia, the USA under Trump fears most of all China and Islamic fundamentalism. Unlike 1945 and 1989, contemporary liberalism is dividing the West and undermining the civilizational community on which the Western alliance rests.<br /><br />To avoid a further slide into disintegration, Europe and North America need to recover exiled traditions of diplomacy and statecraft that can renew strategic thinking and political action, beginning with a shared sense of purpose based on a common identity rooted in an inherited history and culture. Rather than going their separate ways or merely reforming an increasingly divided transatlantic partnership, the task is to forge a Greater West that reconnects the Euro-Atlantic community to old and new partners in the wider European orbit, Asia and Oceania – notably Russia, Japan, India, and Australia. If the West wants to recover its global leadership position, it needs to renew the cultural association of Western nations and peoples and to build a partnership from Vancouver via Vilnius to Vladivostok.</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="694ad600f8e0f634b662ddc1283ce2ae" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":54699138,"asset_id":34841192,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/54699138/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="34841192"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="34841192"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 34841192; 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$(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") }); </script> <div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="27679581"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/27679581/Coalitions_for_Change_in_an_Age_of_Global_Threats"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of Coalitions for Change in an Age of Global Threats" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/47945367/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/27679581/Coalitions_for_Change_in_an_Age_of_Global_Threats">Coalitions for Change in an Age of Global Threats</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">In the face of global threats, the task is how to organise people of all faiths and none around a...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">In the face of global threats, the task is how to organise people of all faiths and none around a shared programme for more moral and environmentally viable forms of growth and development. Arguably, some of the most effective ways of organisation tend to come from locally-based citizens initiatives that are able to link up all the different dimensions – ecological, economic and political – in a movement that seeks to resist the drift towards turning everything and everyone into a commodity. <br /><br />Not accidentally these movements – as supremely in the case of ‘community-organising’ – tend to have a pan-religious dimension and in this respect to transcend the modern instrumentalisation of faith as a vehicle for power or wealth (or both at once). ‘Community-organising’ was pioneered in the USA, and it involves educating and training members to become leaders. The leaders become the co-creators of powerful, broad-based and culturally, economically as well as religiously diverse organisations in the community and in the workplace. These organisations are autonomous and democratically self-governing. <br /><br />By contrast with single-issue movements (such as numerous new social movements that emerged in the 1990s), community- and workplace-based organisations are multi-issue, action-oriented and run by a broad leadership team. 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$(this).data('initialized', true); } }); $a.trackClickSource(".js-work-strip-work-link", "profile_work_strip") }); </script> <div class="js-work-strip profile--work_container" data-work-id="21933093"><div class="profile--work_thumbnail hidden-xs"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-thumbnail" href="https://www.academia.edu/21933093/International_Relations_and_the_Modern_Middle_Ages_Rival_Theological_Theorisations_of_International_Order"><img alt="Research paper thumbnail of International Relations and the 'Modern' Middle Ages: Rival Theological Theorisations of International Order" class="work-thumbnail" src="https://attachments.academia-assets.com/42657929/thumbnails/1.jpg" /></a></div><div class="wp-workCard wp-workCard_itemContainer"><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--title"><a class="js-work-strip-work-link text-gray-darker" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-title" href="https://www.academia.edu/21933093/International_Relations_and_the_Modern_Middle_Ages_Rival_Theological_Theorisations_of_International_Order">International Relations and the 'Modern' Middle Ages: Rival Theological Theorisations of International Order</a></div><div class="wp-workCard_item"><span class="js-work-more-abstract-truncated">The thesis that the secular system of modern international relations has medieval, religious root...</span><a class="js-work-more-abstract" data-broccoli-component="work_strip.more_abstract" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-more-abstract" href="javascript:;"><span> more </span><span><i class="fa fa-caret-down"></i></span></a><span class="js-work-more-abstract-untruncated hidden">The thesis that the secular system of modern international relations has medieval, religious roots is not new. Various accounts have documented how the Protestant Reformation and its late medieval antecedents represented a ‘revolution in ideas’ that broke away from the hierarchical arrangement of fragmented feudal polities, which was apparently characteristic of the Middle Ages, to the egalitarian society of sovereign states, which is seemingly synonymous with modernity. Linked to this is the standard story in International Relations that views the Renaissance, the Reformation and the Discovery of the New World as a radical rupture, which replaced the ‘Dark Ages’ with a new era of enlightenment progress. Such a supercessionist structuring of historical narrative reinforces the secularist bias that has dominated the discipline since the late 1950s and 1960s. As a result of the secularisation of international relations, the role of religion in international affairs has not so much been neglected and overlooked, as misrepresented and under-theorised.<br /><br />Most contemporary international relations scholarship lacks an account of both the historical influence and the contemporary relevance of rival theological approaches in relation to the modern international order. Recent scholarship in political thought and in the history of ideas has highlighted some of the profound continuities between the medieval and the modern period. Building on these and other accounts, this essay explores the role of theological concepts in the genesis of modern international relations. The focus is on the contrast between the Franciscan legacy and the Dominican heritage. My argument is that the modern states system and transnational markets rest on late medieval ideas, notably Franciscan conceptions of inalienable individual rights, centrally vested sovereign power, and a natural state of anarchy that requires an artificial social contract. Against secular hegemony, which, paradoxically, can be traced to late medieval Franciscan theology, I contend that the Dominican tradition offers conceptual resources to chart an alternative modernity.<br /><br />To suggest that we live in the (late) modern age assumes a particular meaning to modernity. But the modern project was never monolithic in the West, or elsewhere. On the contrary, from a global historical perspective, there was no single modernity but rather multiple and even rival modernities that were variously more secular or more religious. Moreover, ‘we have never been modern’, as the French philosopher Bruno Latour has argued. For modernity rests on an irresolvable aporia between the notion of human artifice (the social contract) and unalterable nature (the violent ‘state of nature’). Crucially, there are no absolute breaks in history that inaugurate new eras which supersede preceding traditions and ideas, including the notion that Westphalia ushered in modern international affairs. If this is so, then perhaps it is also true that (late or post-)modernity is best described as the ‘modern’ Middle Ages — the intensification and extension of certain late medieval ideas rather than a wholly new phase of history. In turn, this helps explain why the shape of contemporary international relations really is neo-medieval but in ways that have not been conceptualised by theorists of international relations.<br /><br />The first section examines the historicist narrative of International Relations and traces it back to both Protestant and Catholic theology. The second section shows how the modern notion of secular imperium as an autonomous, neutral space on which the idea of the sovereign state rests, was invented and instituted by late medieval Franciscan theology, in particular the work of John Duns Scotus and William of Ockham. The third section argues that the conception of subjective, individual rights guaranteed by the sovereign state, independently of the Church, is similarly rooted in the nominalist theology of the Franciscans. This conception of rights can be contrasted with the notion of objective right (ius), and thus reciprocal rights and associative links between national states as contemplated by the (metaphysical) realist theology of Dominicans such as Thomas Aquinas. The fourth section focuses on the Franciscan invention of modern markets, based on sundering the immanent order of nature from the transcendent order of the supernatural Good in God, and on separating gift from contract. The conclusion suggests that the conceptual resources of the Dominican tradition can transform Franciscan modernity in the direction of a neomedieval international order wherein human beings are seen as naturally ‘social animals’ (not self-proprietors of subjective rights) and both states and markets help to promote the pursuit of the common good</span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--actions"><span class="work-strip-bookmark-button-container"></span><a id="bf997ff997fec575ba1505be86787cb6" class="wp-workCard--action" rel="nofollow" data-click-track="profile-work-strip-download" data-download="{"attachment_id":42657929,"asset_id":21933093,"asset_type":"Work","button_location":"profile"}" href="https://www.academia.edu/attachments/42657929/download_file?s=profile"><span><i class="fa fa-arrow-down"></i></span><span>Download</span></a><span class="wp-workCard--action visible-if-viewed-by-owner inline-block" style="display: none;"><span class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper profile-work-strip-edit-button-wrapper" data-work-id="21933093"><a class="js-profile-work-strip-edit-button" tabindex="0"><span><i class="fa fa-pencil"></i></span><span>Edit</span></a></span></span></div><div class="wp-workCard_item wp-workCard--stats"><span><span><span class="js-view-count view-count u-mr2x" data-work-id="21933093"><i class="fa fa-spinner fa-spin"></i></span><script>$(function () { var workId = 21933093; 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